13 Oct 2017

Temporary shutdown of GM Detroit-Hamtramck plant signals new threat to auto jobs

Shannon Jones

Faced with declining sales of passenger cars General Motors said this week that it will close its Detroit-Hamtramck assembly plant for six weeks starting in mid- November. Starting October 20, the plant will be on a reduced work schedule, according to a report in the Wall Street Journal.
When the plant reopens in January the auto company said it plans a 20 percent production cut at the facility, a move that may result in some 200 layoffs. The report did not say if the job cuts would be permanent.
In March, GM eliminated the second shift at the Detroit-Hamtramck plant, resulting in the elimination of over 1,000 jobs. The United Auto Workers did not oppose the job cuts, justifying them on the grounds that they were the result of “market conditions.”
A statement released by GM declared, “As a result of declining overall industry volumes, the Detroit-Hamtramck plant will be making schedule adjustments to keep supply and demand in balance. Effective October 20, the plant will operate under a reduced production schedule. This action will help maintain more stable production.”
The new layoff announcement follows a spate of temporary production cuts by Ford and several thousand permanent layoffs by General Motors, most recently the elimination of the third shift at its Spring Hill, Tennessee plant. Earlier this year GM cut shifts at its Lordstown, Ohio plant and factories in Delta Township and Lansing Grand River, both in Michigan, as well as its Fairfax, Kansas plant.
The continuing layoffs are an indication that the long sales boom in the US auto industry is coming to an end. While light truck and SUV sales have held fairly steady, bolstered by low gas prices, passenger car sales are down significantly. All told GM sold 82,179 fewer cars in the first half of 2017 than in the same period last year. The company is reportedly considering the elimination of six car models.
The Detroit-Hamtramck facility builds the Chevrolet Volt electric vehicle, the Cadillac CT6, Chevrolet Impala and the Buick LaCrosse, all considered to be slow selling passenger cars. GM currently has a 10-month supply of the LaCrosse on hand, where a two-month supply is considered normal.
There are about 1,800 workers, including 1,580 hourly production workers, currently employed at the Detroit-Hamtramck plant. The factory employed some 3,000 workers at the beginning of the year, before the layoffs began. Many of the workers who were laid off had given up other jobs and travelled long distances to work at GM after being encouraged by GM and the UAW to believe their jobs would lead to permanent employment.
GM and all the auto companies are under enormous pressure from Wall Street to cut costs in order to maintain their stock prices. Despite earning billions of dollars in profits sweated off the back of autoworkers, GM is continuing its cost cutting offensive. It is currently engaged in a battle against Canadian autoworkers employed at the CAMI plant in Ingersoll, Ontario. The facility builds the popular Equinox sports utility vehicle. The company is maintaining a hard line against workers who are determined to win pay and benefit increases after years of concessions, and has threatened to “wind down” production at the plant if the strike is not ended.
Instead of investing in new production or improving pay and benefits, GM has squandered billions in stock buybacks aimed at boosting the company’s share values, including $9 billion in 2016-17. Partly as a result of these efforts, as well as ruthless cost cutting, GM stock has enjoyed a recent surge.
The continuing job cuts amid soaring auto company profits highlights the irrationality of the capitalist profit system, which subordinates the job security and incomes of workers to the vagaries of the market. The UAW completely accepts job cuts as necessary for the financial health of the auto companies. Insofar as the unions have anything to say about jobs, it is to rant at the overseas competitors of the US-based car companies, as though Mexican, Canadian, Asian and European autoworkers were the enemies of American workers, not the US auto bosses.
The 2015 UAW-GM contract paved the way for the car companies to carry out mass layoffs. It increased the number of temporary and part time workers who do not have minimal protections, such as Supplemental Unemployment Benefits (SUB). It also maintained the hated two-tier wage system, in reality a multi-tier system that saddles new hires with lower wages and SUB pay. Indeed, temporary workers have taken the brunt of the job cuts and the Detroit-Hamtramck plant.
The World Socialist Web Site Autoworker Newsletter waged a struggle against the layoffs in the winter and spring of 2017 at the Detroit-Hamtramck plant, rejecting the position of the UAW that market conditions dictate all. The Autoworker Newsletter sought to build a rank-and-file opposition to the job cuts, published articles and held regular interventions at the plant, including a picket.
At the time, the Autoworker Newsletter warned if the cuts were not stopped, the fate of all the jobs at the plant were in question. Now, these warnings are being confirmed.
The WSWS spoke to a veteran worker at the GM Fairfax assembly plant. She said workers there had just returned from a four-week layoff. “We have a 200-day supply of the Malibu. My personal thought is there will be more layoffs. It always seems to be the workers who are the ones that suffer.
“I have about 20 years and I’m making little more than when I first hired in. The cost of living has gone up and our pay has not.
“I blame the UAW for everything we have lost. The minute they had a hand in GM stock, that was the end for us. We were bullied into agreeing to the last contract. We had given up so much, holidays, more medical co-pays, cost of living, all told 10 percent of our income. The company only gave us back 3 percent of what we lost.”
Meanwhile, Fiat Chrysler is in the midst of a retooling and restructuring drive in the United States that could result in the long-term loss of jobs. The company ended US passenger car production last year to focus on more profitable light trucks and SUVs.
Most immediately threatened are workers at the Warren Truck assembly plant just outside Detroit. The plant will reportedly be closed in January as production of the Dodge Ram truck is shifted to the nearby Sterling Heights Assembly Plant (SHAP) that is currently closed for retooling. Some Warren Truck workers will be shifted to SHAP and others laid off while the Warren Truck facility retools, reports are for the production of the Jeep Wagoneer and Grand Wagoneer, slower selling vehicles that likely will not require nearly as large a work force.

12 Oct 2017

Stanford University Draper Hills Summer Fellowship Program (Funded to Attend) 2018

Application Timeline:
  • Deadline: Wednesday, 15th November, 2017.
  • Program Date: Sunday, July 15- Friday, August 3, 2018.
  • Applicants will be informed of their selection to the program by April 2018.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Transitioning countries
To be taken at (country): Stanford University, California, USA
About the Award: Launched in 2005, the Draper Hills Summer Fellowship on Democracy and Development Program (DHSFDD) is a three-week academic training program that is hosted annually at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.  This training program provides a unique forum for emerging leaders to connect, exchange experiences, and receive academic training to enrich their knowledge and advance their work.
For three weeks during the summer, fellows participate in academic seminars that expose them to the theory and practice of democracy, development, and the rule of law. Delivered by leading Stanford faculty from the Stanford Law School, the Graduate School of Business, and the departments of economics and political science, these seminars allow emerging leaders to explore new institutional models and frameworks to enhance their ability to promote democratic change in their home countries.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: 
  • This program is aimed at mid-career practitioners working actively in the fields of democracy, development, and the rule of law. Applicants can be working as policy-makers, academics, legal professionals, social entrepreneurs, business entrepreneurs, and leaders of civil society organizations (such as representatives of trade unions, nongovernmental organizations, the media, business and professional associations).
  • In their present capacity, applicants should play important and influential roles in their country’s political, economic, and social development. Participants should have demonstrated professional and personal achievements in a relevant sector of democracy, development, and the rule of law.
  • Successful applicants will have academic credentials necessary to participate and contribute to the six-hour seminars each day, and tackle advanced academic readings to complement the classroom-based curriculum.
  • A working knowledge of English is an important prerequisite for participation in the program. It is expected that each fellow have a solid command of written and spoken English to fully benefit and participate in the program.
  • The ideal participant will have extraordinary motivation and a keen interest in learning as well as sharing knowledge and experiences to help build and enrich the alumni community.
Selection Criteria: Due to the large volume of applications for the Draper Hills fellowship received each year to the fellowship program, we take our selection criteria very seriously. Please review the criteria below very carefully before submitting your application to the program. If you do not meet these criteria your application will not be reviewed.
  • This is not an academic fellowship but meant for practitioners only. We value practical experience over academic credentials, and we admit scholars only to the extent that they are active in government, public policy, civil society, economic development and rule of law. They should hold leadership roles in their respective sector.
  • Applicants must be mid-career practitioners and have at least ten to 12 years of experience to qualify for the fellowship. Those with more experience are much more competitive in the selection process.
  • Candidates must be from and currently reside in a country where democracy is not well entrenched. Candidates residing outside their home country due to war or conflict may be granted exceptions. Applicants will not be accepted from countries such as: the U.S., Canada, Australia, Japan, and member states of the European Union.
  • Candidates must be at least 28 years of age at the start of the fellowship in July 2018. The average age of our fellows at the time of the program is 38.
  • Candidates must be actively working in the field of democracy, development, and the rule of law. We do not accept candidates who are in the midst of full-time university degree programs.
  • Candidates must have a solid command of written and spoken English. All program materials and sessions are in English. Participants will also be required to give 9-minute TED-style talks throughout the three-week program regarding their work and motivation. English language proficiency is very important in order to benefit and contribute to the program dialogue.
Number of Awardees: 25 to 30
Value of Fellowship: Stanford asks all applicants to be prepared to contribute towards the cost of their participation in the fellowship, if they are selected. Typically this comes in the form of a fellow covering round-trip airfare to the Program. Stanford will pay for accommodations, meals, and transportation costs during the duration of the Program. In the past, some fellows have asked their employers to subsidize their travel to Stanford based on the benefits that the training will contribute towards their professional and organizational advancement. They may also choose to fundraise for these costs after selection decisions are issued in April 2017. A small travel fund is available for fellows who under no circumstances can support their travel or need to apply for a partial subsidy. Priority for accessing the travel fund will be given based on need, and destinations where airline fares to California are exorbitant.
How to Apply: In order to apply to the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program please create an account through the online portal. The application form is available once you login and will be available through the deadline, Wednesday, November 16, 2016. Due to the volume of applications, we strongly suggest that you submit the application form as soon as possible. You will be asked to contact two references to furnish letters of recommendation to support your candidacy to the program. A complete application package will be due no later than Wednesday, November 16, 2016.
Please ensure you go through the Application Guidelines and Scholarship Webpage before applying.
Award Provider: Stanford University
Important Notes: Applicants are required to participate the entire duration of the Draper Hills fellowship program at Stanford University. They must be sure that they can be absent from their professional obligations during that time and must make a commitment to attend the full program upon acceptance.

Leeds University Business School Scholarships for Kenya, Nigeria, India and Vietnam 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 6th April 2018
Offered annually? Yes
To be taken at: UK
About the Award: The award this year will be offered to all nationals of Kenya, Nigeria, India and Vietnam and will be used to aid select students in the payment of tuition. The University of Leeds Business School offers a range of funding and scholarship opportunities to support and reward undergraduates who have the potential to be outstanding students.
Type: Undergraduate
Eligibility: All self-funding candidates who are nationals of India, Kenya, Nigeria and Vietnam who apply for an undergraduate course at Leeds University Business School are eligible for this award
Number of Awardees: Up to eight(8) scholarship slots available. Two (2) slots for each country
Value of Scholarship: Candidate will receive an award of £2,500 per year for each standard year of study towards the cost of fees
Duration of Scholarship: Duration of Undergraduate Course
How to Apply: In order to be considered for a scholarship, you must be currently holding a conditional or unconditional offer for 2018 entry.
You can apply for this scholarship by downloading an application form and following the instructions.
Award Provider: Leeds University Business School, UK

University of Sussex PhD Research Scholarship for International Students (Fully-funded) 2018

Application Deadline: 2nd February 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): UK
Eligible Fields of Study: Arts and Humanities.
About the Award: The Sussex Chancellors Scholarship is a merit-based award recognising, and rewarding, phd students who want to undertake phd research in arts and humanities at the University.
Type: PhD, Research
Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be classified as an international fee paying student and able to commence their PhD in September 2018 or January 2019
  • Applicants must meet the University’s academic entry requirements and the IELTS English Language Requirements contained in the postgraduate prospectus.
Number of Awardees: 10
Value of Scholarship: Fees and stipend plus a Research Training Support Grant (RTSG)
Duration of Scholarship: Scholarships are tenable for one year in the first instance, renewable annually for a maximum of 3 years.
How to Apply: There is no separate application form, to be considered for this scholarship applicants should enter the title of the scholarship in the finance section of their PhD application
Award Provider:  The University of Sussex

Leadership and Advocacy for Women in Africa (LAWA) Fellowship Program - USA

Application Deadline: Friday, 12th January, 2018
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Over 80 women’s human rights advocates from Botswana, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe have participated in the LAWA Program, and we hope to include Fellows from additional countries in the future.
To be Taken at (Country): Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, D.C., USA
About the Award: The Leadership and Advocacy for Women in Africa (LAWA) Fellowship Program was founded in 1993 at the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, D.C., in order to train women’s human rights lawyers from Africa who are committed to returning home to their countries in order to advance the status of women and girls in their own countries throughout their careers.
Type: Fellowship, Masters
Value of Fellowship: The LAWA Fellowship provides the tuition for the Foundations of American Law and Legal Education Course (a U.S. $2,200 benefit) and for the LL.M. degree (a U.S. $46,865 benefit) at the Georgetown University Law Center, as well as professional development training. Candidates who are admitted to the LAWA Program must be prepared to cover the costs of all additional expenses (such as their visas, travel, housing, utilities, food, clothing, health insurance, books, etc.), and must be able to demonstrate to the U.S. Embassy for visa purposes that they have the funds available to cover those expenses (approximately $28,000).
Duration of Fellowship: The entire LAWA Fellowship Program is approximately 14 months long (from July of the first year through August of the following year), after which the LAWA Fellows return home to continue advocating for women’s rights in their own countries. The LAWA Program starts in July, when the Fellows attend the Georgetown Law Center’s Foundations of American Law and Legal Education course. From August through May, the LAWA Fellows earn a Master of Laws (LL.M.) degree at Georgetown with an emphasis on international women’s human rights and complete a major graduate paper on a significant women’s rights issue in their home countries. After graduation, the LAWA Fellows then have an opportunity to engage in challenging work assignments for several months at various public interest organizations to learn about different advocacy strategies to advance women’s human rights, before returning home to continue advancing women’s human rights in their own countries.
Upon completion of their Program, LAWA Alumnae have returned home to assume prominent leadership positions enabling them to focus on women’s rights issues in non-governmental organizations, government agencies, law schools, courts, legislatures, and private firms.
More Fellowship Guideline: LAWA Alumnae have formed their own non-governmental organizations, such as the Women’s Legal Assistance Center in Tanzania and Legal Advocacy for Women in Uganda (LAW-Uganda) to promote women’s human rights in their countries (e.g., by bringing impact litigation under their countries’ statutes, constitutions, and the human rights treaties that their countries have ratified).
How to Apply: The 2018/2019 LAWA Fellowship application is available here.
Award Provider: Georgetown University Law Center, Washington, D.C., USA

University of Oxford Dulverton Scholarships for Europe and sub-Saharan African Students 2018

Application Deadline: 8th or 19th January, 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Countries in sub-Saharan Africa and the EEA
To be taken at (country): University of Oxford, UK
Eligible Fields of Study: Master’s or DPhil courses
Type: Postgraduate
Eligibility: 
  • Eligible candidates ordinarily resident in South Africa may also be considered.
  • If you are resident in an eligible country outside of the EEA, you should be intending to return to your country of ordinary residence on completion of your studies.
  • Priority will be given to applicants who have not previously studied in the US or UK.
Number of Awardees: 2
Value of Scholarship: The scholarship covers course fees, college fees and a grant for living costs of at least £14,553.
Duration of Scholarship: Awards are made for the full duration of your fee liability for the agreed course.
Eligible Countries: You must be ordinarily resident in one of the following countries:
Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cabo Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Europe: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Georgia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Hungary, Kosovo, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Turkey, Serbia, Slovakia and Ukraine.
How to Apply: There is no separate application process for this scholarship: to be considered, submit your application for graduate study by the relevant January deadline (8 or 19 January 2018, depending on your course). Selection is expected to take place by the end of May 2018.
Award Provider: The scholarships are funded by the Dulverton Trust

Sciences Po Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program for Undergraduate and Graduate Africans to Study in France 2018/2019

Application Deadlines:
  • Undergraduate: 15th February 2018 (midnight)
  • Graduate: 1st February 2018 (midnight)
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Africans
To Be Taken At (Country): France
About the Award: Scholarships for the 2018/2019 academic year are awarded in collaboration with a network of partner institutions authorised to nominate candidates.
Sciences Po is the first university in continental Europe to join the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program. Within this international network, 27 prestigious institutions in Africa, America and Europe are committed to ensuring that all young people, whatever their background, have the same opportunities to get a quality education and fulfil their potential.
Over six years (2017 – 2022), the Scholars Program will fund:
  • 20 scholarships to complete the Sciences Po Bachelor of Arts programme, Africa specialisation
  • 40 scholarships to complete a Master’s programme at one of our seven graduate schools
  • 60 scholarships reserved for Mastercard Foundation Scholars studying at other partner universities and who would like to attend Sciences Po Summer School.
Type: Bachelors, Masters
Eligibility: The scholarships are awarded to students from sub-Saharan African countries with an outstanding academic record and strong leadership potential, but who face financial and other barriers to higher education.
Number of Awards: 120 for a period of 5 years.
  • Undergraduate: 5
  • Graduate: 5
  • Summer School: 12
Value of Award: Thee scholarships cover the full cost of tuition fees at Sciences Po and living costs in France during the study .
As well as funding their studies, Sciences Po will offer scholars a specific suite of resources to ensure they have appropriate academic support and to facilitate their transition from education to employment:
  • An orientation programme and individualised academic advising throughout their studies at Sciences Po
  • A mentor programme offered in collaboration with the Africa Division of Sciences Po Alumni
  • Career guidance and support: an online job platform dedicated to professional opportunities in Africa (internships and first jobs), access to our business incubator and the network of employers and alumni working in Africa, and specific career workshops.
Duration of Program: The scholarships are awarded for a period of three years for the Bachelor’s degree, two years for the Master’s degree and one month for the Summer School.
Award Providers: Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program

Kamal Adham Fellowship for Television and Digital Journalism 2018/2019 – Egypt

Application Deadlines:
  • 1st November 2017
  • 15th April 2018
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
To Be Taken At (Country): Egypt
Type: Masters
Eligibility: 
  • Open to all nationalities
  • Graduates with a bachelor’s degree from an accredited university
  • Preference is given to graduates of Egyptian public universities and professionals in the broadcasting industry
  • Minimum grade point average of 3.0 or a rating of gayed giddan. Applicants with slightly lower GPA must have sufficient relevant work experience
  • Meet AUC graduate admissions requirements, including submission of AUC graduate application and needed documents
  • Submit an International TOEFL iBT exam score or academic IELTS exam score as per the cut-off scores for AUC graduate admissions
  • Proven interest and achievement in television and digital journalism
  • An interview with the program director is required to assess candidates’ commitment, potential and communication skills
  • To retain the fellowship, the recipient must carry a full course load (nine graduate credits) and maintain a GPA of 3.0 or above
  • Financial need
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: The fellowship covers:
  • Full or partial tuition coverage for the MA program
  • May cover prerequisite courses and one semester of intensive English language courses as needed
  • Book allowance per semester
  • Student services and activities fees (bus fees)
  • In support of their professional training, fellows are assigned up to 20 hours per week of related academic or technical work
Duration of Program: The fellowship is awarded for two academic years and may cover the intervening summer session when registered for courses.
How to Apply: 
Award Providers: American University of Cairo

Johnson & Johnson WiSTEM2D Scholars Program for Female Leaders in STEM Fields 2018

Application Deadline: 31st October 2017
Eligible Countries: All
About the Award: As a part of Johnson & Johnson‘s commitment to building a diverse WiSTEM2D Community, we are pleased to launch the Johnson & Johnson WiSTEM2D Scholars Program, an award to support women pursuing research in STEM2D.
The J&J WiSTEM2D Scholars Award Program will help develop female leaders and support innovation in the STEM2D disciplines (Science, Technology, Engineering, Math, Manufacturing, Design)  by funding six women at critical points in their research careers through a Scholar’s Award.
The six inaugural awards will be available in 2018 and aim to fund one woman per area of STEM2D concentration in the early career stage where they have concluded their advanced degree training but are not at the level of tenure in their accredited university or design school institution. The early-career support is aimed to be a catalyst for women to become leaders in their organizations and fields. The program will help build a larger pool of highly-trained researchers to meet the growing needs of academia and industry.
The J&J WiSTEM2D Scholars Award Program will play an influential role in achievements made in the areas of STEM2D and the future.
Fields of Study: The eligible STEM²D disciplines are: Science, Technology, Engineering, Math, Manufacturing and Design.
Type: Award
Eligibility: 
  • You must be a woman working in the field(s) of Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics, Manufacturing and Design (STEM2D).
  • You must be an assistant female professor or global equivalent faculty position at the time of application at an accredited academic university, institution or design school.
  • The female scholar should have a minimum degree for the appropriate field:
    • Science; MD, PhD
    • Technology; PhD
    • Engineering; PhD
    • Math; MS, PhD
    • Manufacturing; PhD
    • Design; MA, MS, MDes, MArch, MFA, MLA, PhD
Number of Awards: 6
Value and Duration of Award: The Scholars Award is a 3-year award in the gross amount of $150,000, which will be paid to the University (the “Recipient”) for the benefit of the J&J Scholar and her research, with the understanding that the Recipient will administer the funds. The Scholars Award will be paid in three (3) installments of US $50,000 per year over the 3-year award period, subject to compliance with the terms and conditions of the program’s Agreement.
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Providers: Johnson & Johnson

Green Initiative Fellowship for Innovative Eco-Conscious Solutions 2018

Application Deadline: There is no deadline announcement but as awards are announced in mid-January applications should be submitted no later than November 2017
Eligible Countries: African countries
To be Taken at (country): Nigeria
About the Award: We believe in sharing our experiences and resources with willing hearts that are wired with the sense of achieving social stability and sustainability. The fellowship program will feature funded trainings that will empower applicants towards the procurement of achieving their social intentions for the purpose of sustainability. Stipends will be given to successful applicants.
To be interested in your solution, Green Initiative must first understand why the issue your project will tackle is imperative. Explain to us the problem you want to solve and why it matters.  On a global scale, why is this issue important?
Type: Contests, Fellowship
Eligibility: In order to be eligible for the Green Initiative Fellowship, the applicant must be:
  • Over 18 years old and must be a recent graduate or postgraduate student.
  • Fluent in English and their indigenous language
  • Able to commit a full 35 hour work week to their organization.
  • Open to all countries
Selection Criteria: Qualities sought in the selection of fellows include:
  • Leadership & Resourcefulness
  • Academic record
  • Curiosity
  • Communication skills
  • Integrity and self-discipline
  • Initiative and follow through
  • Ambition
  • Openness to new professional fields
  • Ability to work in groups
  • Interest in environmental sustainability and social change
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: Successful applicants will receive stipends and funded trainings.
Duration of Program:  12 months
How to Apply: Complete the application including:
  • Your Personal Statement – What has convinced you to apply for the Green Fellowship? What do you hope to benefit from the 12-months fellowship?
  • Your Project Statement – What is your plan for the 6-month period in regards to environmental sustainability. What opportunities and challenges are unique to your project?
  • 2-3 Recommendations – Must be from your teacher, professor or lecturer and can be supplemented with letters from mentors, organisations, faith community and employers
  • Deadline – The national selection process begins in September. Awards are announced in mid-January.
Award Providers: The Green Campus Initiative

The Politics of Mass Incarceration

Valerie Reynoso

The US is currently home to the largest prison population in the world at a staggering 2.3 million incarcerated Americans.  Many believe that mass incarceration will ensure our safety through harsher methods; however, mass incarceration is especially detrimental to communities of color.
Mass Incarceration refers to the growth of the prison population that has increased by 500% within the past thirty years.  The Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) is a term that describes the overlapping interests found in the government and industry through which mechanisms such as surveillance, policing and imprisonment are seen as solutions to economic, social and political issues. The PIC greatly assists in the maintenance of authority of people who get their power through racial and economic privileges.  This prison complex is notorious for being heavily influenced by institutional racism.  These private prisons are substantially beneficial for the prisons, private prison lobbyists and affiliated corporations.
Institutional racism plays a significant role in the perception of nonwhite people.  Stereotypes make people of color more susceptible to mass incarceration. These stigmas distort the way police officers and other officials affiliated with the law perceive and misinterpret Black and brown people and mistreat them, including racial profiling. The dissimilar perceptions of Blacks and whites by police authorities perpetuate differences that advances  institutionalized racism in the US.
The impact that mass incarceration of Blacks in the US includes social, political and economic factors.  Exploitation of nonwhites by the Prison Industrial Complex in the late 20th century and early 21st century (1990s and 2000s-2010s) resulted increased profit of private prisons, a reinforcement of systemic oppression and institutional racism, the racialization of crime and social death.
Private prisons are a billion-dollar industry which exploit prisoners who are predominately Black and non-white Latinx for profit.. These prisons are run by private companies and have been on the rise since the mid-1980s, especially following the crack epidemic during the Reagan administration.  Over half of US states today depend on for-profit prisons im which approximately 90,000 inmates are held each year.
Racial profiling perpetuates white supremacy and the subordination of nonwhite people. For instance, oppressed nationalities living in marginalized communities have unfortunately been receptors of police misconduct and a heavy police presence in their neighborhoods.
Black men are arrested and imprisoned for non-violent offenses at a much higher rate than white men are; meanwhile, violent crimes are generally at an all-time low. Police officers wander about and arrest people in neighborhoods of color more so than white neighborhoods. Black people are disproportionately imprisoned for committing the same crimes that whites .
Policies and legal actions put into place as a result of the war on drugs included mandatory minimum prison sentences and an increase in the number of police in predominately Black communities. Blacks were being arrested and imprisoned for extended periods of time for crimes they may or may not have committed due to the increased presence of police in their neighborhoods. Stigmas of Blacks doing drugs more than whites also played a role in increased arrests of nonwhites. albeit the fact that studies have proven that Blacks and whites commit drug offenses at roughly equal levels.
Human Rights Watch’s “Targeting Blacks: Drug Law Enforcement and Race in the US states that in seven states, 90% of drug offenders sent to prison consist of solely African-Americans.  Sentences for Black and brown are frequently much harsher than sentences for white people for committing the same crime.
The racialization of crime and mass incarceration plays a key role in the systemic oppression of Black people.  The criminal justice system preserves legally enforced racism and segregation, seeing that African-Americans are policed, prosecuted, convicted and marginalized at a much higher rate than white people are.  The PIC backed by systems of institutional racism also consistently ensure that profits continue to be made from the forced labor of incarcerated people and using their convicted crimes to justify this neo-slavery as punishment. Dependence on the criminal justice system and neoliberal colorblindness has also resulted in coded language to describe racialized statistics of accused crime and punishment without needing to explicitly mention race; an instance of this would be the racialized term “welfare queens” coined by Reagan in reference to African-American women and anti-Black stereotypes about them.
Social death—when a certain group of people is out-casted from society—ensures a life filled with detriment for convicts—especially nonwhite convicts.  Although many formerly incarcerated people are able to integrate back into society, the burden they carry of having been a convict has material consequences and is virtually permanent for the rest of their lives.
An end to the war on drugs would significantly reduce the impact of mass incarceration.  Nonviolent drug offenders would be released from prisons, minimizing the prison population, and other measures could be taken to deal with  them and other nonviolent offenders.
More rehab centers can be built and strengthened for addicts that need them, as well as reform programs that assist addicts in overcoming their addictions and/or safely consuming their substances with medical supervision.  A process such as this is used in Portugal, where all drugs are decriminalized and the drug mortality rate is currently among the lowest in the world. Drug abusers must be seen as patients worthy of rehab and assistance as opposed to criminals that should be locked up.
Another potential solution to the devastating effects of mass incarceration is to allow former convicts to be able to vote, receive housing and jobs without being discriminated against because of their criminal record.. These solutions would also assist in removing the stigma of being a convict and would influence our society to be more empathetic of those that were previously incarcerated.

Russian Bots, Corporate Sovereigns, Facebook and the Fall of the Republic

Jonathan Schmitt

So we’re told Russia spent a hundred grand on Facebook ads. Some money into Instagram’s pocket from the Muscovite Bear, too. Leaving aside for the moment the relative paucity of alleged Kremlin social-media-based influence peddling (considered against the billions in Super PAC and dark money spent in the last election cycle), and the fact that to my knowledge nobody has even attempted to concretely demonstrate the Russian state’s role in the purchase of these ads, this newest “foreign meddling” flap does raise some genuine questions about the security of American democratic institutions. But not necessarily those that the pundits and the policymakers want our eyes on.
To combat the “Russian ads,” Senators Amy Klobuchar (Minn.) and Mark R. Warner (Va.) have introduced a bill (which is often what American legislators do when there’s a national security issue, unless, of course, that issue is recurrent, gun-related massacres of U.S. citizens by other, white, U.S. citizens). This bill would essentially demand that social media companies disclose the identity of those who spend more than $10,000 in aggregate for political ads on their respective sites. So far, so good, as this type of oversight already exists for broadcast media, and it seems like extending it to the internet is a no-brainer for a marginally functioning democracy. There’s also a provision in the bill that requires social media outlets make a “reasonable effort” to determine if their political ad buyers are foreign nationals or governments. Again, this seems a matter of course for legislation like this, as it’s already illegal for foreign entities to spend money on U.S. elections. But a problem arises if you stop to consider what actually defines foreignness (and, for that matter, domesticity) in our neoliberal age’s hyper-integrated, transnational political economy.
You’d think this would be pretty straightforward: nations are nations, and it should be easy to map what’s home and what’s away.  But in globalization’s ever-heaving wake, there’s been lots of talk that the mighty nation-state model is capsizing, and that that post-45 global system looks like it’s being replaced by something else—something that makes the old security of the us/them binary a little harder to depend on, something that privileges market relations and aggregates of capital interest over national sovereignty.
(Now, there’s a strong countervailing current here too, one that maintains that globalization has in fact strengthened (if not rigidified, at least from a market perspective) national cohesion; and the current pox of reactionary nativism we’re seeing across the Euro-American world bears ugly testament to this.)
I’m not interested in offering any thoughts on which side of this argument has the goods, as the contemporary global political order is especially volatile—maybe unprecedentedly so—and much of what pretends to be evaluation of the present moment is really horse-blinded guesswork (think polling for the U.S. last presidential election). What I will suggest, however, is that ever accelerating global circulation of capital has created multi-national corporate entities that exhibit some of the attributes of sovereignty, and that this fact is one that should be considered in any conversation about “outside” influence in American electoral politics.
I’m far from the first person to suggest the sovereign-likeness of multi-nationals. Joshua Barkan, to name just one writer who’s taken up this topic, keenly argues that corporations and nation-states are related ontologically, mutually reinforcing each other through a shared trait that amounts to the most fundamental characteristic of sovereignty: legally sanctioned immunity from the law (my post “initial thoughts  part 2” goes into the “sovereign immunity” thing a little deeper). This line of thinking is supported by a host of international trade agreements (NAFTA and the erstwhile TPP, just to name two) that seek to strip national governments of jurisdiction in trade disputes; and even arrogate to corporations the right to bring suit against a national government in third party Tribunals (organized under the World Bank of the UN) if that government enacts legislation disruptive to investment returns! Add to this the growing trend of corporations trying to enforce “arbitration” in what would traditionally be class action disputes, and you begin to see the a picture corporate sovereignty drawn in starker lines.
While I think arguments like Barkan’s are good and necessary, I’d like to approach the corporate sovereignty idea from a different angle, and question what implications it might have for campaign finance. We all know by now the Supreme Court thinks corporate political spending is a form of speech, so, on those (utterly cynical) grounds, corporations have the right to pump abhorrent amounts of money into Super PACs, etc. The Supreme Court has not been asked to consider, however, whether or not multinational corporations are in fact properly domestic entities.
Case in point: the Orange Monkey in Chief is presently shilling regressive tax “reform” in order to entice “American” multi-nationals to repatriate some of the TWO AND A HALF TRILLION DOLLARS they’ve sheltered in tax havens. It’s an inconceivable sum (staggeringly equivalent, in fact, to the GDP of Great Britain in 2016), and it leads me to wonder at what point we should stop considering U.S. corporations who hold the majority of their assets abroad to be domestic entities at all? Furthermore, if we except the argument that multi-nationals have the attributes of political sovereignty, do they maybe verge on “foreign” status that might bar them from any kind of campaign spending? In this connection, let’s take a moment to briefly examine some of the offshore antics of Super PAC superstars, the Koch Brothers.
Turns out a liberal (whatever that’s supposed to mean these days) Super PAC called American Bridge 21st Century has done some digging into Koch Industries, and they uncovered 610 Koch subsidiaries spread across 17 known tax shelter nations. As reported  by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, one deviously baroque shell game saw Koch Industries’ own internal bank (!), Arteva Europe S.À.R.L, mediating hundreds of millions of dollars in “loans” from Koch businesses in higher tax regions to subsidiaries centralized in Luxembourg, which taxes such cash flows at a whopping 1%. ICIJ also details a whiplash-inducing bit a chicanery where a “$736 million loan gets passed from company to company until a U.S.-based subsidiary becomes ‘both the debtor and creditor of the same debt,’… and the debt is canceled.” Is it just me, or does Koch Industries sound spookily like the Federal Reserve?
Moving on, let’s take a look at just one of the right-wing political advocacy groups the Koch Industries has bankrolled: Generation Opportunity. This group’s M.O. is to spread the conservative agenda to young people in the U.S. (in their words, to promote a “free society”…and, hey, who could argue with that, right?). What’s interesting about this group (for this post, anyway) is that the Kochs’ have dumped about $5 million into their coffers over the last half-decade, a significant portion of which went to Facebook-drivencampaigns vilifying the Affordable Care Act. Debates about the ACA aside, isn’t it at least worth considering that the vast amount of money spent to influence American political opinion on an up-to-this-point unregulated social media platform may have come from a multi-national corporate entity that (if we take a “global” view of it’s subsidiary network) is at best nominally American? And if we can permit that question to be posed, shouldn’t we also ask what kinds of conflicts of interest deliberately elusive domiciling create when corporations like Koch Industries choke the electoral process with their untaxed cash?
And in the interest of fairness, this multi-national corporate influence problem isn’t just about conservative propaganda. Walmart has tens of billions of dollars coursing through Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Ireland, the Caymans, the list goes on; and it also makes internal loans between its subsidiaries that shift profits to low tax regions. Walmart is also a major donor to the Center for American Progress, a “liberal” think thank that, in addition to tacitly endorsing Israeli apartheid in order to gorge on AIPAC dollars, parents Generation Progress, Generation Opportunity’s center-left counterpart. And while I may personally be more sympathetic to some of GP’s agenda, the fact remains that they’re funded in part by an entity with tenuous claims to American national status.
So what’s the point here? Well, returning to allegations of Russian influence on the the last presidential election and the pandemonium they’ve created, I just want to suggest that it’s maybe worth acknowledging the creeping rot in our democratic institutions that existed before Fancy and Cozy Bears snuck in the back door. Corporate spending is a titanic (sinking pun intended) influence on our electoral process, and it’s incumbent on us as citizens to seriously consider the sovereign relationship (the actual loyalty and best-interest mindedness) corporations have with the American body politic they seek to control. With this in mind, it seems to me that Sens. Klobuchar and Warner might want to consider fumigating their own house before marching the exterminator to dacha Putin.