21 Oct 2017

Wiki Aquitectura Student (WAS) Awards for Architectural Students Worldwide 2018

Application Deadline: 8th January 2018
Winners will be announced 26th February 2018
Eligible Countries: All
About the Award: The WAS awards are a place to share, win, learn and keep growing as architects.
If you are or have been enrolled as an architecture student during 2017 this is your chance to win valuable prizes for work you’ve already done.
The WAS awards are free to join and will not only give you the opportunity to win some really cool prizes but they’ll also allow you to see where your work stands against other students from other schools in different countries and get feedback from industry professionals outside of your school.
The call is now open for the three categories:
  • Housing,
  • Residential buildings and
  • Facilities.
Unlike other architecture awards and competitions for students the selection process for the WAS awards will take as long as it’s needed, there will be no shortlists and every single project will be reviewed equally.
Type: Contest
Eligibility: Each student is allowed to submit their best work to each of the three categories but can only submit one project per category
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award:
  • A check for 600€ for you to spend as you like. We recommend traveling!
  • Project featured on WikiArquitectura’s home page for 30 days (over 2M impressions)
  • A 3Doodler Create 3D Printing Pen to help you take your models to the next level
  • A free Membership Pro at Build Academy. Get your AIA certified diploma for free
  • Subscription to L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui magazine
  • Subscription to The Site magazine. Because built matters
  • Subscription to OPENHOUSE – The life we share magazine
  • 3 SCALAE paperback issues of your choice
  • Subscription to ARCHITECKTÚRA & URBANIZMUS magazine
How to Apply: JOIN NOW!
Award Providers: Wiki Aquitectura Student (WAS) Awards

University Duisburg-Essen Research Fellowship Program for Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 19th November 2017.
Eligible Countries: Developing Countries
To Be Taken At (Country): Germany
About the Award: The Centre for Global Cooperation Research at the University of Duisburg-Essen is one of ten Käte Hamburger Kollegs sponsored by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. Established in 2012, the Centre is an interdisciplinary and international learning community that seeks to enhance understanding of the possibilities and limits of global cooperation and to explore new options for global public policy. The working language at the Centre is English.
In the period March 2018-February 2019 the Centre invites fellowship applications from across the humanities and social sciences (including psychology, law and economics) in relation to the first two main themes, as detailed below. Preference is for fellowships of twelve months, but shorter periods will also be considered. We particularly encourage female researchers and scholars from the Global South to apply. Applications from scholars at risk are welcome.
Fellows are expected to have:
  • Personal research and publication in the Centre’s thematic areas
  • A contribution to the Centre’s own publications (e.g. Global Cooperation Research Papers or Routledge Global Cooperation Series)
  • Active participation in seminars and other Centre events
  • Collaboration with other fellows in interdisciplinary exchange
  • Work in residence at the Centre in Duisburg, Germany
  • A completed PhD (for postdoctoral fellows)
Fields of Research: The Centre’s work in the first year of its second funding period will focus on the themes ‘Pathways and Mechanisms of Global Cooperation’ and ‘Global Cooperation and Polycentric Governance’. We especially invite fellowship applications that address these themes, as described below. In addition, empirical focus on climate change, digital spaces, migration, or peacebuilding is particularly welcome.
Type: Research, Fellowship
Eligibility:  The following criteria must be met in order for applicants to be eligible for the scholarship:
  • In the period March 2018-February 2019, we invite fellowship applications from across the humanities and social sciences (including psychology, law, and economics) in relation to the first two main themes, as detailed below. Preference is for fellowships of twelve months, but shorter periods will also be considered. We particularly encourage female researchers and scholars from the Global South to apply. Applications from scholars at risk are welcome.
Nationality: Applicants from global south (i.e., Africa, Latin America and the developing countries in Asia) are eligible to apply for this fellowship programme.
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: 
  • An intellectually stimulating and vibrant interdisciplinary learning community
  • Excellent infrastructure with fully equipped offices, library facilities, and administrative support (also with finding accommodation)
  • Travel expenses and funds to organize workshops (subject to approval)
  • Either a monthly stipend commensurate with experience or salary reimbursement to the home institution
Duration of Program: 12 months between March 2018 – February 2019. Please indicate in the cover letter your preferred start and end date of the fellowship.
How to Apply: Applications (in English only) should include:
  • cover letter
  • concise research proposal (3-5 pages)
  • CV
  • list of publications
  • text of one relevant publication
Please submit applications here
Award Providers: University Duisburg-Essen

Torturing the Poor, German-Style

THOMAS KLIKAUER

Ever since the social-democratic and green coalition government of 1998-2005, Germany’s once mighty social welfare state has been moved towards neoliberal deregulation and its planned destruction. Historically, the rudimentary origins of Germany’s welfare state date back to Bismarck (1815-1898). It really took off in the years after World War I when the “betrayed revolution” of 1918/19 ended with a class compromise between capital and labour. Engineered by Germany’s main reformist social-democratic party (SPD), this compromise allowed not only capitalism to continue unabated, it also paved the way for the integration of labour into capitalism’s institutional apparatus. Relying on the ideology of “Blair’s Third Way” (Great Britain), however, Germany’s chancellor Schröder (SPD) –known as the “Comrade of the Bosses”– no longer sought to integrate labour into capitalism, at least not the Lumpenproletariat or precariate. These sections of society are now deliberately driven into mass poverty, joining the growing number of working poor on a scale not seen in Germany perhaps since the 1930s.
The neoliberal programme means mass poverty and tormenting the poor. It allows, for example, for $3.80 (3.20 Euro) as an hourly wage for a hairdresser.  Starvation wages can be supported through hand-outs. A state-run job centre told an unemployed teacher, for example, to apply for a job as a sales assistant in a sex shop. Failure to take up the position results in the government’s harsh sanctioning regime. This means deduction of already minuscule payments. The teacher said that she had been forced to put up with a lot but “This is too much”. It is how neoliberalism is tormenting the poor. Beyond that, Germany’s version of neoliberalism also creates the poor and particularly the working poor as Germans increasingly need two jobs to get by. In the year 2003, roughly 150.000 people in Germany had two jobs. In March this year it was well over 3 million.
Yet people are fighting back against Schröder’s neoliberal slashing of the welfare state that Merkel seamlessly continued. Berlin’s “Centre for Unemployed”, for example, offers brochures on “how to defend your rights against the Job Center” – an initiative launched by Germany’s protestant church. It is one possible response to Germany’s neoliberalism. The initiative sees that people are distressed feeling powerless against the neoliberal bureaucratic behemoth. Today, many of Germany’s poor, working poor, underemployed and unemployed are viewing the state as a clear and present danger to their livelihood as it operates with humiliation, threats and torment.
Being poor, however, is not confined to the working poor and unemployed. Increasingly, cuts in the welfare state create large scale poverty among Germany’s pensioners. Many are ashamed to even recognise their (deliberately engineered) “plight”(!) let alone discuss their financial misery. Some of Germany’s retirees are forced to exist on less than $600 (€500) a month at a time when renting an apartment often means spending $300 (€300) a month. Together with the rising cost of living, many feel the pain of the deliberately shrunk welfare state on a daily basis: less food and less heating during the long and often harsh winter months.
Typically for Germany’s neoliberal punishment regime is precarious part-time work. A cleaner earning $400 (€340) a month is not uncommon. The cleaner explained, ‘I’ve had a letter from the Job Centre saying I haven’t declared my income and have to pay back $300 (€250). They made a mistake”. But it is hard to fight these so-called “mistakes” as they are part of a structure designed to torment the poor way beyond simple stigmatisation. It is a first class “blame the victim” policy – blame the poor for being poor.
Much of Germany’s farewell to the welfare state is called Hartz. It is textbook style neoliberalism following the ideological rulebook written by Hungarian aristocrat Hayek. It features labour market de- or better pro-business re-regulation in favour of capital, the annihilation of trade unions, and the elimination of the welfare state. Its German manifestation is inextricably linked to its main engineer, the former Volkswagen manager Peter Hartz. As a failed HRM director – his illegal doings included bribing with cash, tropical holidays and prostitutes – Hartz received a two-year “suspended” sentence and was fined €500,000. If you are a highly paid manager and government advisor, a slap on the wrist is all you get. Just do not steal bread when you are poor because the full force of the law will rain down on you. In capitalism, rich and poor alike are forbidden to sleep under the bridge.
Hartz’s main hit on the welfare state was merging social and unemployment benefits. This marked the downward trend to poverty creating welfare payments of $485 per month (2017) for a single person. According to textbook style neoliberal ideology, this encourages the unemployed (Orwell’s Oldspeak), now called “customers” (Newspeak) to seek underpaid and inappropriate jobs quickly. Tormenting the poor also means that such payments are strictly linked to an utmost coercive monitoring and surveillance regime.
Today, almost six million Germans depend on such payments. This includes the officially as well as the unofficially unemployed and those statistically cleansed by being placed in training and coaching schemes and mini-jobs. They make up the core of Hartz’s victims. Beyond that, these statistics also include 1.6 million children meaning that one in five children is exposed to poverty. This what 21st century social-democracy can achieve. Meanwhile, Germany’s tabloid press accuses the poor of being “Hartz parasites”.
It is not at all surprising that “anti-Hartz” protesters hold up signs saying “slaveholder state” and are fighting against social-democratic neoliberalism’s plan that started in the late 1990s when Schröder adopted Tony Blair’s “The Third Way” ideology from Great Britain. After two decades of social-democratic neoliberalism, Schröder’s poverty creation policies show that Hartz’s full-frontal attack on the welfare state marked the most important break in the history of the German welfare state since Bismarck. The landmark deal for moving Germany’s welfare state onto a tormenting state occurred in August 2002 when Schröder announced his plan. He called it “a great day for the unemployed’. This also marked the merger of hypocrisy and cynicism.
The Schröder/Hartz plan was a marvel of managerial double talk peppered with the ever popular “Denglish”, a twisted mix of German and English. Using Managerialism’s key buzzwords such as controlling, change management, bridge system for older workers, voluntary work and job centres with improved customer service, etc. it ideologically camouflages what is in store for German workers and the poor.
Hartz in fact meant lower wage costs for employers with so-called mini-jobs paying between $480 and $530 a month, the use of temporary labour, etc. With this clear signal from Germany’s social-democratic party’s “comrade of the bosses” (Schröder) employers became insatiable. They foresaw a supply of cheap labour through Schröder’s new job centres. Soon German capital started to convert regular full-time jobs with regular wages into precarious jobs. Combined with Germany’s high productivity, declining wages engineered economic success. Schröder’s neoliberalism assisted German bosses – not the workers. Soon the number of people in temporary employment began to rise. Their jobs rose from 300,000 (2000) to nearly a million in 2016. This is the success of social-democratic neoliberalism for the bosses – just not for the working class.
Rather quickly, the number of working poor also rose from 18% to 22%. In many ways, the excesses of Schröder’s neoliberalism were so severe in driving down wages, that Schröder’s successor Merkel was forced to introduce a minimum wage. This was the first time that Germany needed a minimum wage. Traditionally, German trade unions had set what might be called a minimum wage at the lower end of collective bargaining agreements. But since the weakening of trade unions showed effect, German firms increasinlyg left employer federations while workers are increasingly non-organised. As a consequence, the introduction of a minimum wage at about $10 per hour in 2015 (now increased to $10.50) was needed. This, however has not affected neoliberalism’s march towards mass poverty. Today almost 5 million workers survive on so-called mini-job that pay them $530 per month. In short, Germany’s neoliberalism has converted unemployed workers into paupers while others became the working poor. Mass poverty is spiced up by the fact that anyone non-compliant with the state’s harsh new rules will be tormented.
In actual fact, Hartz is a precarious employment service where unemployed workers –now called customers– are in perpetual danger of falling into neoliberalism’s punishment trap. It is not unusual for highly skilled workers in their 50s to be told by Schröder’s job centre to turn up at 4am in the morning for a construction job with a pair of safety boots or face the punishing torment of the job centre. In some cases, these orders are deliberately issued so that there is no time to appeal. Non-compliance leads to immediate punishment, the cutting of financial support by the state which means the loss of money anywhere between 10% and 100% of income support.
In Schröder’s world of social-democratic neoliberalism, nobody is safe from the tormenting powers of the state and this also includes children. Job centres can cut monthly allowances even for children that are still at school. It can “advise” (Orwellian Newspeak) a child to look for work in any industrial sector deemed to have a labour shortage. The state can even stop allowances if children miss work or centre appointments. This became legitimate as corporate media engineered an ideological offensive against the poor.
To avoid the infamous “Blind Spot of Western Marxism”, the ideological groundwork for demonising the working class and tormenting the poor has been laid by corporate media. As in many countries, Germany too has its Berlusconis, its Rupert Murdochs, Hearsts, Turners, Sabans, Carlos Slims, etc. Capitalism’s extremely right-wing, racist, pro-business, and xenophobic media mogul in Germany was Axel Springer, once owner of Germany’s largest tabloid, The Bild Zeitung. What such tabloid newspapers often do when writing against workers, trade unions, and the poor is “framing”. Framing establishes a mental framework in which new information is interpreted.
To achieve its anti-workers and pro-capital goals, several frames are established by the media. These frames can be divided into “wealth and the wealthy”, “workers and the poor” and “trade unions”. Today, we basically see what Karl Marx has described in the “Germany Ideology”: The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it.
The ruling elite is well aware of media’s ideological powers and it knows there is class war. As one of the world’s richest men, Warren E. Buffett, explains, “There’s class warfare, all right,” Mr. Buffett said, “but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.” To win the class war, eliminating trade unions, eroding workers solidarity and tormenting the poor may well be part of the old “divide and conquer” politics pitching workers against workers. This is where media framing comes in to establish a positive frame for the wealthy and negative frames for the workers, the poor, and trade unions.
Media framing for the wealthy means, for example, establishing a consensus frame (the wealthy are like everyone else), an admiration frame (the wealthy are generous and caring people; it glorifies wealth), an emulation frame (the wealthy personify something to emulate), a price-tag frame (like the wealthy, you too should believe in the gospel of materialism), a sour-grapes frame (some of the wealthy are unhappy and dysfunctional), a success frame (individual hard work leads to success) and the infamous and often applied bad-apple frame (some wealthy people are scoundrels and some are bad but the majority is good).
Meanwhile workers and the poor receive a very different media framing. The thematic frame is used to present the poor as statistics (not real people); the negative frame presents the poor as deviant, welfare dependent, shamed and suspicious while the exceptionalism frame pretends that if this person can escape poverty, you can do likewise. The episode frame tells us that poverty is a short episode in life disconnected from capitalism. Some of these frames are linked to the charitable frame that provides media audiences with a way to feel good about themselves. At times, the poor are placed in a historical frame to pretend that the working class is an out-dated concept. We are all middle class now. In other cases, corporate media uses the caricatures frame portraying workers as white-trash and trailer park trash often presented as buffoons, bigots, and slobs.
Finally, trade unions also receive negative framing as they can represent a direct attack on capital. As a consequence, trade unions’ actions are framed, for example, as senseless (trade unions’ and workers’ struggles are pointless, selfish, avoidable). This is can be linked to the goal frame (union goals are unachievable and detrimental to society). There is also corporate media’s greedy frame (unions are made to appear greedy) and the wage-bonus frame where corporate media focuses on workers’ wages, not on management’s bonus. Perhaps more dangerous is the impact frame (it focuses on the impact of a strike – not on the reasons for it). Once there is a strike, corporate media switches to the neutrality frame presenting the corporate state, police, courts, army, etc. as neutral and independent. Strikes can also be linked to the harm frame (under-reporting of the harm done to workers) as well as the anti-solidarity frame (media’s general unwillingness to cover workers and union solidarity).
Perhaps the final frame is one of the keys to understand the destruction of the welfare state in Germany and elsewhere. Once de-solidarisation has taken hold through a daily barrage of negative images portraying workers and the poor as a menace while favouring hyper-individualism, the step towards eradicating the welfare state can be made. Indeed, in many countries this step has already been made or is well on the way.

Chinese Dreams and American Deaths in Africa

Brian Cloughley

On October 18, when President Xi of China was getting his nation together to look to the future and declaring that “The Chinese dream is a dream about history, the present and the future,” his opposite number in the United States was sending malevolent tweets about the insensitive comment he had made to the widow of a dead soldier, Sergeant La David Johnson.  The contrast between dignity and vulgarity could hardly be more marked.
The Washington Post reported on October 18 that “the day four US Special Forces soldiers were gunned down at the border of Niger and Mali in the deadliest combat incident since President Trump took office, the commander in chief was lighting up Twitter with attacks on the ‘fake news’ media.”
What had happened was that on October 4 in Niger in north-west Africa four American special forces soldiers were killed in an ambush by “fifty fighters, thought to be associated with ISIS [Islamic State], a US official said.”  In the course of the attack, one US soldier — Sergeant Johnson — was left behind when the others withdrew, and was subsequently found dead.  Nigerien soldiers were also killed, and it is interesting to examine how US media outlets recorded this aspect of what was obviously a disaster for US Africa Command, AFRICOM, the organization headquartered, bizarrely, in Germany, that has 46 military bases (that we know of) in that continent. (Niger, incidentally, is twice the size of Texas and about the same size as Peru.)
ABC News reported that “a soldier from Niger also died from the attack” while CBS thought that “four Nigerien soldiers died,” and Stars and Stripes went with “several.”  CNN’s tally was five but the New York Times didn’t mention Nigerien soldiers at all. Fox News, surprisingly, said that four were killed, as did the Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times, which even expanded to record that there had been eight Nigerien soldiers wounded.
It isn’t to be expected that the US media would ever concern themselves with deep research into how many foreign soldiers are killed in any of the countries in which the US is involved in armed conflict, but the sloppy reporting is a good indicator of the shrug factor.
And the western media continues to shrug about the deep involvement of the US military and the CIA in countries all round our globe.
President Donald Trump claims he would win an IQ contest against his Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson (how bizarre and nationally demeaning that a President of the United States of America can stoop to such childish yah boo behavior), but it’s a fair bet he would not be able to identify on a blank map of Africa the countries in which his armed forces are at present engaged in various degrees of conflict.  As recorded by Alexis Okeowo in the New Yorker, “Publicly, Africa may not be on the radar of the Trump Administration, but it is a priority for the US military.  At the moment, seventeen hundred members of the Special Forces and other military personnel are undertaking ninety-six missions in twenty-one countries, and the details of most are unknown to Americans.”
It is intriguing that the US military — the Pentagon — so rarely informs the public of their global operations, yet much of the world knows about them down to the last detail.  For example, it’s obvious that the Taliban in Afghanistan are well aware of all the crash-and-bash US special forces assaults in villages, because they have become more expert in avoiding them and then concentrating on defeating the weak, corrupt, and increasingly ineffectual Afghan armed forces (as they did on October 18, completely destroying an Afghan army base and killing at least forty soldiers). Not only that, but they reap massive propaganda benefit from publicizing the fact that the wham-bam kick-the-doors-down infidels have once again struck a blow for Islamic State recruiting efforts.  In Africa, it’s much the same game, with no publicity until that becomes unavoidable because there has been a major disaster involving the deaths of US soldiers. (Injuries are never mentioned, no matter how terrible, but some observers keep an eye on casevac [casualty evacuation] flights arriving for attention of the caring saints at the US military hospital in Landstuhl in Germany. The numbers are interesting.)
The United States military and the CIA have a large presence in Africa and, as recorded by Nick Turse in April, “A set of previously secret documents, obtained by TomDispatch via the Freedom of Information Act, offers clear evidence of a remarkable, far-ranging, and expanding network of outposts strung across the continent . . .  AFRICOM lists 36 US outposts scattered across 24 African countries.”
According to the Pentagon “US forces are in Niger to provide training and security assistance to the Nigerien Armed Forces, including support for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance efforts, in their efforts to target violent extremist organizations in the region.” In fact, as CNN reports, “There are about 800 US troops in Niger and the US military has maintained a presence in the northwest African country for five years, with small groups of US Special Operations Forces advising local troops as they battle terrorist groups, including, Islamic State in Greater Sahara, the ISIS-affiliated Boko Haram and al Qaeda’s North African branch, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.”  The place is a war zone, and citizens of the US and Europe have little idea about what’s going on in their names — and at their expense in cash, international credibility and growing distrust and hatred of the West.
Mind you, it’s unlikely that very many Chinese citizens are aware of the deep involvement of their country in the African continent, either.  But the difference between ephemeral US policy and long-term Chinese strategy is that Washington seeks domination, while China seeks trade, gradual influence and trust.
While attending the UN General Assembly in September President Trump addressed the leaders of several African nations at lunch.  He didn’t mention drone strikes or Special Forces or CIA interrogation cells but made clear his enthusiasm for their countries by declaring that “Africa has tremendous business potential, I have so many friends going to your countries trying to get rich. I congratulate you, they’re spending a lot of money. It has tremendous business potential, representing huge amounts of different markets. It’s really become a place they have to go, that they want to go.”
It’s a pity he hadn’t read the Financial Times in June, when it sagely pointed out that in Africa “In the past 15 years the level of engagement by Chinese state-owned enterprises, political leaders, diplomats and entrepreneurs has put centuries of previous contact in the shade . . .  While Europeans and Americans view Africa as a troubling source of instability, migration and terrorism — and, of course, precious minerals — China sees opportunity. Africa has oil, copper, cobalt and iron ore. It has markets for Chinese manufacturers and construction companies. And, perhaps least understood, it is a promising vehicle for Chinese geopolitical influence.”
Trump doesn’t read the FT or any other source of balanced information, but gets his news and forms his opinions from US television channels and his daily intelligence brief, which suits the military-industrial complex very well, as it can count on being unhindered by the White House as it expands its counter-productive military operations across the world.
Not that China has avoided Africa militarily.  Far from it. The United Nations records that China has some 2,600 troops in Africa — all of them firmly under command of UN peacekeeping missions in Congo, Liberia, Mali, Sudan and South Sudan. (The US contributes a total of 48 military personnel and 19 police to worldwide peacekeeping.)  The duties of Trump’s soldiers in Africa are, in the words of their chief, General Thomas Waldhauser, to conduct “joint operations, protection of US personnel and facilities, crisis response, and security cooperation.”
General Waldhauser postulates  that “Just as the US pursues strategic interests in Africa, international competitors, including China and Russia, are doing the same.  Whether with trade, natural resource exploitation, or weapons sales, we continue to see international competitors engage with African partners in a manner contrary to the international norms of transparency and good governance.  These competitors weaken our African partners’ ability to govern and will ultimately hinder Africa’s long-term stability and economic growth, and they will also undermine and diminish US influence — a message we must continue to share with our partners.”
But the US doesn’t have any real partners in Africa.  On the other hand, China has created many.  As noted by Forbes, “In December 2015, President Xi Jinping ushered in a new era of ‘real win-win cooperation’ between China and Africa. This strategy aims to create mutual prosperity, allowing investors to ‘do good while doing right.’ China has backed this proposal up with a commitment of $60 billion of new investment in major capital projects, which are tied to developing local economic capacity. This level of commitment contrasts starkly with the action, or lack thereof from the West.”
The message is clear.  The US military-industrial complex has overtaken and indeed supplanted State Department diplomacy in Africa, as elsewhere in the world, and is intent on escalating its military presence while China is quietly winning friends and influencing people by engaging in massive, well-planned economic projects.  No prizes for deducing who is winning in Africa.

Tomorrow Belongs to the Corporatocracy

C. J. Hopkins

Back in October of 2016, I wrote a somewhat divisive essay in which I suggested that political dissent is being systematically pathologized. In fact, this process has been ongoing for decades, but it has been significantly accelerated since the Brexit referendum and the Rise of Trump (or, rather, the Fall of Hillary Clinton, as it was Americans’ lack of enthusiasm for eight more years of corporatocracy with a sugar coating of identity politics, and not their enthusiasm for Trump, that mostly put the clown in office.)
In the twelve months since I wrote that piece, we have been subjected to a concerted campaign of corporate media propaganda for which there is no historical precedent. Virtually every major organ of the Western media apparatus (the most powerful propaganda machine in the annals of powerful propaganda machines) has been relentlessly churning out variations on a new official ideological narrative designed to generate and enforce conformity. The gist of this propaganda campaign is that “Western democracy” is under attack by a confederacy of Russians and white supremacists, as well as “the terrorists” and other “extremists” it’s been under attack by for the last sixteen years.
I’ve been writing about this campaign for a year now, so I’m not going to rehash all the details. Suffice to say we’ve gone from Russian operatives hacking the American elections to “Russia-linked” persons “apparently” setting up “illegitimate” Facebook accounts, “likely operated out of Russia,” and publishing ads that are “indistinguishable from legitimate political speech” on the Internet. This is what the corporate media is presenting as evidence of “an unprecedented foreign invasion of American democracy,” a handful of political ads on Facebook. In addition to the Russian hacker propaganda, since August, we have also been treated to relentless white supremacist hysteria and daily reminders from the corporate media that “white nationalism is destroying the West.” The negligible American neo-Nazi subculture has been blown up into a biblical Behemoth inexorably slouching its way towards the White House to officially launch the Trumpian Reich.
At the same time, government and corporate entities have been aggressively restricting (and in many cases eliminating) fundamental civil liberties such as freedom of expression, freedom of the press, the right of assembly, the right to privacy, and the right to due process under the law. The justification for this curtailment of rights (which started in earnest in 2001, following the September 11 attacks) is protecting the public from the threat of “terrorism,” which apparently shows no signs of abating. As of now, the United States has been in a State of Emergency for over sixteen years. The UK is in a virtual State of Emergency. France is now in the process of enshrining its permanent State of Emergency into law. Draconian counter-terrorism measures have been implemented throughout the EU. Not just the notorious American police but police throughout the West have been militarized. Every other day we learn of some new emergency security measure designed to keep us safe from “the terrorists,” the “lone wolf shooters,” and other “extremists.”
Conveniently, since the Brexit referendum and unexpected election of Trump (which is when the capitalist ruling classes first recognized that they had a widespread nationalist backlash on their hands), the definition of “terrorism” (or, more broadly, “extremism”) has been expanded to include not just Al Qaeda, or ISIS, or whoever we’re calling “the terrorists” these days, but anyone else the ruling classes decide they need to label “extremists.” The FBI has designated Black Lives Matter “Black Identity Extremists.” The FBI and the DHS have designated Antifa “domestic terrorists.” Hosting corporations have shut down several white supremacist and neo-Nazi websites, along with their access to online fundraising. Google is algorithmically burying leftist news and opinion sources such as Alternet, Counterpunch, Global Research, Consortium News, and Truthout, among others. Twitter, Facebook, and Google have teamed up to cleanse the Internet of “extremist content,” “hate speech,” and whatever else they arbitrarily decide is inappropriate. YouTube, with assistance from the ADL (which deems pro-Palestinian activists and other critics of Israel “extremists”) is censoring “extremist” and “controversial” videos, in an effort to “fight terrorist content online.” Facebook is also collaborating with Israel to thwart “extremism,” “incitement of violence,” and whatever else Israel decides is “inflammatory.” In the UK, simply reading “terrorist content” is punishable by fifteen years in prison. Over three thousand people were arrested last year for publishing “offensive” and “menacing” material.
Whatever your opinion of these organizations and “extremist” persons is beside the point. I’m not a big fan of neo-Nazis, personally, but neither am I a fan of Antifa. I don’t have much use for conspiracy theories, or a lot of the nonsense one finds on the Internet, but I consume a fair amount of alternative media, and I publish in CounterPunch, The Unz Review, ColdType, and other non-corporate journals. I consider myself a leftist, basically, but my political essays are often reposted by right-wing and, yes, even pro-Russia blogs. I get mail from former Sanders supporters, Trump supporters, anarchists, socialists, former 1960s radicals, anti-Semites, and other human beings, some of whom I passionately agree with, others of whom I passionately disagree with. As far as I can tell from the emails, none of these readers voted for Clinton, or Macron, or supported the TPP, or the debt-enslavement and looting of Greece, or the ongoing restructuring of the Greater Middle East (and all the lovely knock-on effects that has brought us), or believe that Trump is a Russian operative, or that Obama is Martin Luther Jesus-on-a-stick. What they share, despite their opposing views, is a general awareness that the locus of power in our post-Cold War age is primarily corporate, or global capitalist, and neoliberal in nature. They also recognize that they are being subjected to a massive propaganda campaign designed to lump them all together (again, despite their opposing views) into an intentionally vague and undefinable category comprising anyone and everyone, everywhere, opposing the hegemony of global capitalism, and its non-ideological ideology (the nature of which I’ll get into in a moment).
As I wrote in that essay a year ago, “a line is being drawn in the ideological sand.” This line cuts across both Left and Right, dividing what the capitalist ruling classes designate “normal” from what they label “extremist.” The traditional ideological paradigm, Left versus Right, is disappearing (except as a kind of minstrel show), and is being replaced, or overwritten, by a pathological paradigm based upon the concept of “extremism.”
* * *
Although the term has been around since the Fifth Century BC, the concept of “extremism” as we know it today developed in the late Twentieth Century and has come into vogue in the last three decades. During the Cold War, the preferred exonymics were “subversive,” “radical,” or just plain old “communist,” all of which terms referred to an actual ideological adversary. In the early 1990s, as the U.S.S.R. disintegrated, and globalized Western capitalism became the unrivaled global-hegemonic ideological system that it is today, a new concept was needed to represent the official enemy and its ideology. The concept of “extremism” does that perfectly, as it connotes, not an external enemy with a definable ideological goal, but rather, a deviation from the norm. The nature of the deviation (e.g., right-wing, left-wing, faith-based, and so on) is secondary, almost incidental. The deviation itself is the point. The “terrorist,” the “extremist,” the “white supremacist,” the “religious fanatic,” the “violent anarchist” … these figures are not rational actors whose ideas we need to intellectually engage with in order to debate or debunk. They are pathological deviations, mutant cells within the body of “normality,” which we need to identify and eliminate, not for ideological reasons, but purely in order to maintain “security.”
A truly global-hegemonic system like contemporary global capitalism (the first of this kind in human history), technically, has no ideology. “Normality” is its ideology … an ideology which erases itself and substitutes the concept of what’s “normal,” or, in other words, “just the way it is.” The specific characteristics of “normality,” although not quite arbitrary, are ever-changing. In the West, for example, thirty years ago, smoking was normal. Now, it’s abnormal. Being gay was abnormal. Now, it’s normal. Being transgender is becoming normal, although we’re still in the early stages of the process. Racism has become abnormal. Body hair is currently abnormal. Walking down the street in a semi-fugue state robotically thumbing the screen of a smartphone that you just finished thumbing a minute ago is “normal.” Capitalism has no qualms with these constant revisions to what is considered normal, because none of them are threats to capitalism. On the contrary, as far as values are concerned, the more flexible and commodifiable the better.
See, despite what intersectionalists will tell you, capitalism has no interest in racism, misogyny, homophobia, xenophobia, or any other despotic values (though it has no problem working with these values when they serve its broader strategic purposes). Capitalism is an economic system, which we have elevated to a social system. It only has one fundamental value, exchange value, which isn’t much of a value, at least not in terms of organizing society or maintaining any sort of human culture or reverence for the natural world it exists in. In capitalist society, everything, everyone, every object and sentient being, every concept and human emotion, is worth exactly what the market will bear … no more, no less, than its market price. There is no other measure of value.
Yes, we all want there to be other values, and we pretend there are, but there aren’t, not really. Although we’re free to enjoy parochial subcultures based on alternative values (i.e., religious bodies, the arts, and so on), these subcultures operate within capitalist society, and ultimately conform to its rules. In the arts, for example, works are either commercial products, like any other commodity, or they are subsidized by what could be called “the simulated aristocracy,” the ivy league-educated leisure classes (and lower class artists aspiring thereto) who need to pretend that they still have “culture” in order to feel superior to the masses. In the latter case, this feeling of superiority is the upscale product being sold. In the former, it is entertainment, distraction from the depressing realities of living, not in a society at all, but in a marketplace with no real human values. (In the absence of any real cultural values, there is no qualitative difference between Gerhard Richter and Adam Sandler, for example. They’re both successful capitalist artists. They’re just selling their products in different markets.)
The fact that it has no human values is the evil genius of global capitalist society. Unlike the despotic societies it replaced, it has no allegiance to any cultural identities, or traditions, or anything other than money. It can accommodate any form of government, as long as it plays ball with global capitalism. Thus, the window dressing of “normality” is markedly different from country to country, but the essence of “normality” remains the same. Even in countries with state religions (like Iran) or state ideologies (like China), the governments play by the rules of global capitalism like everyone else. If they don’t, they can expect to receive a visit from global capitalism’s Regime Change Department (i.e., the US military and its assorted partners).
Which is why, despite the “Russiagate” hysteria the media have been barraging us with, the West is not going to war with Russia. Nor are we going to war with China. Russia and China are developed countries, whose economies are entirely dependent on global capitalism, as are Western economies. The economies of every developed nation on the planet are inextricably linked. This is the nature of the global hegemony I’ve been referring to throughout this essay. Not American hegemony, but global capitalist hegemony. Systemic, supranational hegemony (which I like to prefer “the Corporatocracy,” as it sounds more poetic and less post-structural).
* * *
We haven’t really got our minds around it yet, because we’re still in the early stages of it, but we have entered an epoch in which historical events are primarily being driven, and societies reshaped, not by sovereign nation states acting in their national interests but by supranational corporations acting in their corporate interests. Paramount among these corporate interests is the maintenance and expansion of global capitalism, and the elimination of any impediments thereto. Forget about the United States (i.e., the actual nation state) for a moment, and look at what’s been happening since the early 1990s. The US military’s “disastrous misadventures” in Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, Syria, and the former Yugoslavia, among other exotic places (which have obviously had nothing to do with the welfare or security of any actual Americans), begin to make a lot more sense. Global capitalism, since the end of the Cold War (i.e, immediately after the end of the Cold War), has been conducting a global clean-up operation, eliminating actual and potential insurgencies, mostly in the Middle East, but also in its Western markets. Having won the last ideological war, like any other victorious force, it has been “clear-and-holding” the conquered territory, which in this case happens to be the whole planet. Just for fun, get out a map, and look at the history of invasions, bombings, and other “interventions” conducted by the West and its assorted client states since 1990. Also, once you’re done with that, consider how, over the last fifteen years, most Western societies have been militarized, their citizens placed under constant surveillance, and an overall atmosphere of “emergency” fostered, and paranoia about “the threat of extremism” propagated by the corporate media.
I’m not suggesting there’s a bunch of capitalists sitting around in a room somewhere in their shiny black top hats planning all of this. I’m talking about systemic development, which is a little more complex than that, and much more difficult to intelligently discuss because we’re used to perceiving historico-political events in the context of competing nation states, rather than competing ideological systems … or non-competing ideological systems, for capitalism has no competition. What it has, instead, is a variety of insurgencies, the faith-based Islamic fundamentalist insurgency and the neo-nationalist insurgency chief among them. There will certainly be others throughout the near future as global capitalism consolidates control and restructures societies according to its values. None of these insurgencies will be successful.
Short some sort of cataclysm, like an asteroid strike or the zombie apocalypse, or, you know, violent revolution, global capitalism will continue to restructure the planet to conform to its ruthless interests. The world will become increasingly “normal.” The scourge of “extremism” and “terrorism” will persist, as will the general atmosphere of “emergency.” There will be no more Trumps, Brexit referendums, revolts against the banks, and so on. Identity politics will continue to flourish, providing a forum for leftist activist types (and others with an unhealthy interest in politics), who otherwise might become a nuisance, but any and all forms of actual dissent from global capitalist ideology will be systematically marginalized and pathologized.
This won’t happen right away, of course. Things are liable to get ugly first (as if they weren’t ugly enough already), but probably not in the way we’re expecting, or being trained to expect by the corporate media. Look, I’ll give you a dollar if it turns out I’m wrong, and the Russians, terrorists, white supremacists, and other “extremists” do bring down “democracy” and launch their Islamic, white supremacist, Russo-Nazi Reich, or whatever, but from where I sit it looks pretty clear … tomorrow belongs to the Corporatocracy.

Fatah, Hamas, Israel and the United States

Robert Fantina

It has been said more than once that the only ‘peace’ Israeli Prime Murderer Benjamin Netanyahu wants with the Palestinian people is a greater ‘piece’ of Palestine. We will look at a few facts:
+ After Hamas was democratically-elected by the people of the Gaza Strip, Israel imposed a brutal, crushing, illegal blockade that has now lasted more than ten years.
+ While demanding that Palestine recognize Israel, the Zionist entity continues to steal Palestinian land, decreasing the chances for an independent Palestinian nation.
+ Netanyahu demands that Hamas disarm, despite the fact that Israel has demonstrated nothing but armed brutality against the Palestinians for decades.
+ Israel steals more and more land in the West Bank; the only thing preventing such constant land theft in the Gaza Strip is Hamas.
Now, after a decade of separation, Hamas and Fatah, the puppet government that ostensibly rules the West Bank, although its leader, the traitor Mahmoud Abbas, dances to Netanyahu’s tune, have reached a unity agreement. Both Israel and the United States are in high dudgeon, both making demands on Palestine. A Fatah government spokesman responded to these dictates by saying the following:  “The deal that we signed with Hamas talks about building a Palestinian state on the June 4, 1967 borders.” He also stated that any agreement between Hamas and Fatah is an internal Palestinian affair, and not susceptible to outside demands.
The agreement differs from previous attempts in that Hamas recognizes the pre-1967 borders. Although it stops short of official recognition of Israel, this is a major concession, and one that, if it were dealing with a reasonable international partner, would be seen as such. But Israeli officials take no responsibility for their own constant violations of international law. They decry any ineffective rocket fire from Gaza, ignoring the fact that an occupied people are allowed by international law to resist the occupation in any way possible, as they allow IDF (Israel Defense Forces; the official terrorist arm of the Israeli government), to kill, kidnap and imprison Palestinians for no reason except that they are Palestinian, with complete impunity. The also permit illegal Israeli settlers (the unofficial terrorist arm of Israel), to do the same.
Israel’s leaders appear to be ambidextrous; with one hand, they control the traitor Abbas, and with the other, they pull the strings of the U.S. government. After initially welcoming any move to unite Hamas and Fatah, a U.S government spokesman has now weighed in, echoing Israel’s demands on the Palestinians.
Surely, no one doubts that Israel and Palestine are archenemies. Israel’s very existence was established on the ethnic cleansing of over 750,000 Palestinians, innocent people driven from their homes and lands to languish in refugee camps, as Israelis took over, bulldozed their cities and villages, including homes, schools, mosques and everything else, and built new cities. At least 10,000 Palestinians, including men, women and children, were slaughtered at this time. Since then, Israel has continued its unspeakably cruel actions without a break. Palestine, with no army, navy or air force, is in no position to threaten Israel; the Zionist entity, however, backed by the United States, routinely pulverizes the Gaza Strip, as it wreaks terror on the West Bank on a daily basis. Yet both Israel and the U.S. demand that Hamas disarms.
We will look at a hypothetical, but parallel situation. Israel, with no dearth of archenemies, is now encouraging the U.S. to invade Iran. Why does the U.S. not demand that Israel disarm, and recognize Iran? Why does the U.S. not instruct Israel to cease all talk of violence against Iran? Why does the U.S. not seek to dictate how the Israeli government operates (especially since it is quite obvious that the Israeli government dictates a significant area of U.S. foreign policy)?
Obviously, these suggestions are ludicrous; the U.S. would not insist such things of an ally, disreputable as that ally might be. Why, then, does it expect Palestine to do the exact same things it would never realistically expect any other country to do?
Previous presidents have proposed sending a peacekeeping force to ‘protect’ Israel’s constantly-expanding borders from the big, bad Palestinians. But no, Israeli officials have proclaimed that no one is capable of protecting their sacred, stolen land as well as Israelis themselves. The real reason Israel refuses the offer is clear: any international peacekeeping force to ‘protect’ Israel’s borders would need to know what those borders are. Israel can ‘defend’ them as it continues to expand them, by stealing Palestinian land. These are not the actions of a government seeking peace with its neighbors.
Still to be heard from on the U.S. side is the clown-like U.S. Embarraser to the United Nations, Nikki Haley. In April, the illustrious Madam Embarraser suggested that the United Nations Security Council decree that Hamas is a terrorist organization, and declare that there will be ‘consequences’ for any nation that supports it. Sadly, one does not expect anything better from any U.S. political hack.
Also silent, thus far, is the embattled Secretary of State, Exxon oil company executive Rex Tillerson. He may be too busy trying to bail the quickly-entering waters of the ship of state he steers, as his captain seems more and more prepared to make him walk the plank. One must give him some credit; he did refer to U.S. President Donald Trump as a ‘moron’. And, he is pursuing diplomacy with North Korea (efforts constantly undermined by the Great Orange One), and supported certifying that Iran is in compliance with the terms of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran, which his boss threw out the window. Perhaps he is too engaged elsewhere to deal with the Israel-Palestine situation. And it must be remembered that even Trump himself has said that Netanyahu is more of an obstruction to peace than the Palestinians. It isn’t often that the U.S. president states the obvious.
What comes next for Palestine? There are still many ‘unknowns’:
+ How sincere is Mahmoud Abbas in reunifying the government?
+ Will Abbas insist, as his Israeli masters order, on the disarming of Hamas, which would spell the death of Palestine?
+ If Fatah and Hamas do reconcile, will Israel find some excuse to carpet-bomb the Gaza Strip again?
+ How might the U.S. interfere, to crush the human-rights aspirations of the Palestinians, to please its Israeli masters?
+ Will the international community, which has long betrayed Palestine, continue its neglect, or finally take some positive action?
The success of the reconciliation of the Palestinian government would not stop Israeli violence against the Palestinians overnight; it is too deeply ingrained in the government and large swaths of the racist population to allow that to happen. But a unified Palestinian government on the world stage would send an important message to the international community, which might, in turn, turn up the pressure on apartheid Israel.
The agreement between Fatah and Hamas, coupled with Egypt’s surprising new willingness to assist, however minimally, ever-growing boycotts further ostracizing Israel, and Iran’s growing influence in the Middle East, all bode well for Palestine. One does not wish to be too optimistic, but some positive signs are in view.