27 Jan 2018

Julian Assange challenges warrant for his arrest as doctors confirm worsening of his health

Margot Miller 

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has asked a UK court to relinquish the arrest warrant that is keeping him confined to the Ecuadorian Embassy in Knightsbridge, London. If granted, he would be free to leave without fear of arrest, according to a spokesman for the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).
“Hypothetically, yes. That would be our interpretation,” he said. Assange would then be able to seek the medical treatment he urgently needs.
First arrested in London in December 2010 under anti-democratic provisions of a European Arrest Warrant (EAW) issued by the Swedish authorities, Assange was never charged with any crime and was only required to return to Sweden in order to answer questions regarding trumped up allegations of sexual misconduct. He skipped bail to avoid extradition to Sweden—after being denied elementary democratic rights by the British legal system—seeking asylum in the Embassy in 2012.
Assange feared the Swedish authorities would immediately extradite him to the United States, which has conducted a cruel vendetta against him since WikiLeaks exposed criminal actions taken by the US during the wars of aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan. This included a video WikiLeaks posted on the Internet showing the 2007 “collateral murder” of 12 Iraqi civilians from the viewpoint of an Apache helicopter’s gun-sight.
The US administration has kept live a grand jury empowered in 2010 to bring secret, unspecified charges against Assange that could carry the death penalty.
On Friday, Westminster Magistrates’ Court were told by Mark Summers QC that because the Swedish case had been dropped, the European Arrest Warrant had “lost its purpose and its function.” Assange should be able to leave the embassy without fear of arrest or extradition.
Swedish authorities closed the case against Assange last year, only demonstrating it was a frame-up in the first place. The statute of limitations on some of the allegations, however, does not expire until 2020.
For more than five and a half years, Assange has been confined to a small, windowless room, 15 feet by 13, without access to sunlight, fresh air or exercise.
As Assange said in 2014, “The United Nations minimum standard for prisoners is one hour a day of outside exercise. Even when I was in Wandsworth prison in solitary confinement [in 2010], that was respected.”
Even though Assange has been given an Ecuadorian passport and ID, the British authorities have vindictively refused to grant him safe passage out of the country. The UK have acted in violation of international law according to a United Nations panel, which in 2016 declared Assange to be a victim of “arbitrary detention.”
Assange’s physical and psychological health has been severely compromised due to his confinement. By as early as 2014, Assange was suffering health problems. In an article for the Daily Mail, journalist Sarah Oliver described Assange’s appearance: “His usually pale skin is now almost translucent and on his face it is so puffy it looks as if it is lifting off his naturally sharp cheekbones. He has a chronic cough, which the installation of a humidifier to moisten the dry, air-conditioned atmosphere has done little to ease. His eyes have navy pools of shadow beneath them, suggesting that he’s shifted from nocturnal to sleep-deprived.”
She continued, “Assange is, according to a WikiLeaks source, suffering from the potentially life-threatening heart condition arrhythmia and has a chronic lung complaint and dangerously high blood pressure.”
Of the conditions in his living quarters, Assange told her, “I can’t even keep a pot plant alive for long in here.”
The UK government refused an earlier demand in 2015 for Assange to access hospital treatment without the threat of arrest.
Last October, Dr. Sondra Crosby, an associate professor at the Boston University’s school of medicine and public health, and Dr. Brock Chisholm, a London-based consultant clinical psychologist, entered the Embassy to examine Assange. In a letter they co-authored with Dr. Sean Love to the Guardian January 24 they write, “As clinicians with a combined experience of four decades caring for and about refugees and other traumatised populations, we recently spent 20 hours, over three days, performing a comprehensive physical and psychological evaluation of Mr. Assange ... it is our professional opinion that his continued confinement is dangerous physically and mentally to him and a clear infringement of his human right to healthcare.”
Though unable to go into specific details for reasons of confidentiality, the letter explains, “Experience tells us that the prolonged uncertainty of indefinite detention inflicts profound psychological and physical trauma above and beyond the expected stressors of incarceration. These can include severe anxiety, pathological levels of stress, dissociation, depression, suicidal thoughts, post-traumatic stress disorder and chronic pain, among others.”
Assange is thought to be suffering from a serious shoulder issue requiring an MRI scan, impossible to organise inside the embassy. He is also said to have a lung problem. Clinicians who are prepared to visit Assange are severely handicapped in the care they can provide, because “At the embassy, there are none of the diagnostic tests, treatments and procedures that ... he needs urgently.”
The letter continues, “It is unconscionable that Mr. Assange is in the position of having to decide between avoiding arrest and potentially suffering the health consequences, including death, if a life-threatening crisis such as a heart attack were to occur.”
The letter concludes by calling on the British Medical Association and UK clinicians to demand that Assange is granted safe access to medical care and that they oppose the “ongoing violations of his human right to healthcare.”
The demand to end the state persecution of Assange must be adopted by the international working class. His vilification and victimisation is part and parcel of government attacks on basic democratic rights, exemplified by Google and social media censorship of left-wing, anti-war and progressive websites and the attempt to portray opposition to government austerity and war policies as foreign interference.

26 Jan 2018

University of St Andrews Undergraduate Scholarships for International Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 16th March 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): UK
Field of Study: All subjects (Please note that this scholarship is not available to students applying for BA International Honours)
Type: Undergraduate
Selection Criteria: Selection is on the basis of financial need.
Number of Awardees:  Variable
Value of Scholarship: Between £1,000 and £4,000. Contribution towards tuition fee.
Duration of Scholarship: Annually for the duration of the student’s undergraduate programme.
How to Apply: You can access the application form through Scholarships and Funding within My Application (applicant portal).
It is important to go through the application instructions on the Scholarship Webpage before applying.
Award Provider: University of St Andrews, Scotland, UK

University of Queensland Science Scholarship for International Students 2018/2019

Application Deadlines: 1st June 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): Australia
About the Award: Two different scholarships are available:
* The Full Degree Scholarship is awarded to students enrolling in year one of a UQ Faculty of Science full degree program and is a single payment of AU$10,000
* The Advanced Standing Scholarship is awarded to students enrolling in a UQ Faculty of Science program with advanced standing (credit articulation), for example on the basis of previous study at a Polytechnic, and is a single payment of AU$3,000.
Type: Undergraduate & Postgraduate
Eligibility: To be eligible for a UQ Science International Scholarship, you must:
  • Be classified as an international student in Australia
  • Have an unconditional or a conditional offer (with all conditions met by the scholarship closing date) from UQ
  • For undergraduate programs, have completed senior high school and obtained an entry score that equates to a Queensland Tertiary Education rank of 96 or higher
  • For postgraduate programs, have completed an undergraduate degree and obtained a GPA (Grade Point Average) of 6 or higher on a 7-point scale
  • Not have already commenced your studies at UQ, even if you seek a change of program
  • Not simultaneously hold another scholarship
Selection Criteria: Following the closing date, UQ will select winners based on a competitive, merit-based process, based on:
  • Candidates’ academic performance as demonstrated by their Grade Point Averages (GPA)
  • Candidates’ potential to contribute to science, assessed on the basis of their personal statements
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: AU$3,000 or AU$10,000 depending on the award
How to Apply: For either the Full Degree Scholarship or the Advanced Standing Scholarship:
  1. Lodge an official UQ undergraduate or postgraduate application form for international students for entry into one of the eligible Science programs either directly to UQ or through your agent.
  2. Receive a UQ Student ID Number and an unconditional offer (or a conditional offer providing that all conditions are to be met by the scholarship closing date).
  3. Complete and submit the Science International Scholarship online application form.
Award Provider: UQ

Thought for Food Challenge for Ideas in Food and Agriculture (up to $10,000 USD in Prizes) 2018

Application Deadline: 4th May 2018
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
About the Award: Join the 2018 TFF Challenge to form teams and develop breakthrough solutions that address the global challenge of feeding 9+ billion people by the year 2050. By participating in the TFF Challenge, you are joining a movement of young innovators from 130 different countries who are reshaping our global food system. We believe that openness, collaboration, and an entrepreneurial mindset are key to feeding our growing world.
Enter into the TFF Challenge and you will take part in proven training programs and will work with world-class mentors who will help turn your idea into a reality.
Type: Contest, Entrepreneurship
Eligibility: University students (undergraduate, graduate, masters or PhD) from any country and any age group who are enrolled in a degree-seeking program at an accredited university are eligible to participate in the TFF Challenge.
Selection Criteria:
  • Innovation: How innovative is the solution, really?!
Thought For Food commits to being at the cusp of new idea generation. You and your teammates will look to consolidate technologies and the latest resources to create a project that is fresh and exciting, in a way that has never been seen before.
  • Implementation: Can the idea be implemented and scaled?
Food security solutions require short, medium, and long-term goals that shouldn’t end when the competition is over. Your project should be implementable, with serious scalability potential on a global level.
  • Uniqueness: Does the solution stand out from everything else out there?
Your project should stand out among the wide array of proposals, providing game-changing solutions for a better future. It should embody a “wow” factor so that it gets noticed in a noisy world of innovation and startups.
  • Team Spirit: Does your team demonstrate passion, curiosity and commitment to get it done?
Being an innovator is one of the most exciting and rewarding things someone can do. However, it is also a long and demanding job. Your team needs to demonstrate that it is able to withstand these challenges and truly deliver a solution that will improve lives.
Number of Awards: 10
Value of Award: 
  • Finalists: 10 Finalist teams will be chosen at the end of Round 1 to move on to Round 2. These 10 teams will receive 10 weeks of Pre-Accelerator business training, and travel and accommodation to attend the TFF Bootcamp and TFF Global Summit in Spring, 2017.
  • Winners: At the TFF Summit, one Grand Prize winning team will be chosen to receive $10,000 USD, and one Runner Up team will be chosen to receive $7,500 USD. The team most qualified for an investment will be awarded the Kirchner Food Fellows Prize worth $5,000 USD, and the Borlaug Institute for International Agriculture will award $2,500 to the team that has a strong impact directly on farmers.
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Providers: Thought For Food

Canon Collins Trust Scholarships for Masters Study for Africans 2018/2019 – UK

Application Deadline: 18th March 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible African Countries: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe.
To be taken at: the following UK Universities;
  • School of Oriental and African Studies
  • University of Sussex
  • University of Edinburgh
Accepted Subject Areas: All Subjects
About the Award: Canon Collins Trust Scholarships Programme aim to help build the human resources necessary for economic, social and cultural development in the southern African region and to develop an educated and skilled workforce that can benefit the wider community. Canon Collins Trust scholarship holders are thus expected to use the knowledge, training and skills acquired through their studies to contribute positively to the development of their home country.
Scholarships fall under several different schemes, with some administered in partnership with the British Foreign & Commonwealth Office and UK universities.
Over the past 30 years the Trust has supported over 3,000 inspirational individuals who are now making their contributions through governments, NGOs, business and universities.
By what Criteria is Selection Made? Applicants for all schemes within the 2018/2019 UK Scholarship Programme will be assessed on the basis of the information that they supply on their application form in addition to the criteria outlined below:
  • Demonstrable leadership qualities
  • Demonstrated commitment
  • Quality and relevance of work experience, including work reference, and other skills
  • Financial Need and the potential to contribute to Southern Africa’s future prosperity
  • Academic record and academic reference
  • Relevance of proposed course
  • Intended career path
  • Likely future impact
  • Completion of form:
    • Demonstrate a high standard of English with no spelling and language errors
    • Answer all of the questions fully and with attention to detail
    • Provide all the necessary documentation and supporting documents.
Who is qualified to apply? To apply for a scholarship under this programme you must:
  • Be a national of, or have refugee status, in one of the following countries: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe.
  • Be normally resident in southern Africa
  • Be in possession of a good first degree (minimum second class, upper division or equivalent) or about to graduate in the year of application
  • Be applying for a full-time one-year taught masters course at one of the above named universities.
  • Have at least 2 years work experience in a relevant field
Number of Scholarship: Approximately 20-30 awards
What are the benefits? Full tuition fees, a monthly stipend, a return economy flight, a settling-in allowance and other support whilst in the UK.
How long will sponsorship last? All scholarships are for postgraduate masters taught study for one academic year.
How to Apply: Applicants can access the application forms and guidelines on the webpage. Applicants must apply to their chosen universities separately and awards are conditional on the applicant being offered a place at the relevant university.
Sponsors: Canon Collins Trust
Important Notes: These scholarships are for Masters Study in any subject field.  Applicants must apply to their chosen universities separately and awards are conditional on the applicant being offered a place at one of the above universities. At the time of applying for a scholarship applicants are expected to apply independently to the universities of their choice.

Pope Franscis’s Chilean Betrayal

ARIEL DORFMAN

Santiago, Chile.
There were certain words that Chileans were hoping that Pope Francis would say during his three-day visit to our country last week. They were hoping he would denounce the sexual abuse committed by members of the Catholic clergy, and particularly the offenses perpetrated by a corrupt and malevolent priest named Fernando Karadima. They were also waiting for Francis to condemn the hierarchs in the Catholic Church who had silenced and humiliated the victims and helped to cover up Karadima’s crimes.
Above all, my compatriots wanted the pope to publicly chide Bishop Juan Barros, who had been Karadima’s protégé and, according to reports (denied by Barros), had witnessed his mentor’s pedophilia. The issue of Barros mattered symbolically because the pope himself, in 2015,had appointed this collaborator of Karadima’s as the bishop of Osorno, a city in southern Chile, in spite of angry complaints from the congregation.
In an op-ed I wrote for The New York Times that appeared just before the papal visit, I argued that, for Chileans, the way in which Francis handled this case would be a critical test of whether he could restore the prestige of the disgraced local Church, so wounded by these scandals, to the noble place it had held in public sympathy for decades because of its brave opposition to the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet (1973–1990). Pope Francis failed that test.
He did express “shame and pain” at the abuse of minors by members of the clergy, and he did hold a brief meeting with some of the victims—though not with any of those who had been mistreated by Karadima, or with anyone who has blamed Barros for his connivance. But Barros was flagrantly present at three ceremonies over which the pope officiated in Chile during the visit, and on one occasion, the pontiff embraced the bishop and kissed him on the cheek in a display of affection and support.
This was not entirely surprising. The Catholic Church is known for circling the wagons when there is a crisis, defending the institution at all costs, and this pope, after all, pointedly attended the funeral of the notorious Cardinal Law, whose cover-up of the depredations of the Catholic clergy in Boston was the subject of the Oscar-winning film Spotlight. What nobody could have predicted was one word that Francis did indeed utter on the last day of his trip, just as he was leaving the country. Asked about Barros, Francis lost his temper and, with uncharacteristic vehemence, stated that there was not a shred of evidence against the bishop of Osorno and that all the accusations against him were nothing more than “calumnia,” slander.
It is difficult to exaggerate the outrage that greeted this attack upon the integrity of the victims and their testimony. One, Juan Carlos Cruz, who had been abused many times by Karadima, tweeted that perhaps as proof the pope needed him, Cruz, to have taken a selfie while Karadima raped him as Barros looked on. Other Chileans mocked Francis, calling him a hypocrite and worse.
For me, personally, it felt like a betrayal. When I was sixteen years old, Karadima tried unsuccessfully, on several occasions, to convert me to Catholicism. I have no “evidence” that he would not let go of my hand while he promised the fires of Hell if I did not yield to his guidance. Having escaped unscathed from his clutches, I can well imagine how his victims feel when it is demanded that they provide proof of what happened to them. No wonder they are indignant.
But the chief rebuke came from an American clergyman, Cardinal Sean O’Malley, who heads the Vatican Committee for the Protection of Minors. This prelate—from Boston, perhaps notably—wrote that the pope’s words were “a source of great pain for survivors of sexual abuse by clergy,” and added: “Words that convey the message ‘if you cannot prove your claim then you will not be believed’ abandon those who have suffered reprehensible criminal violations of their human dignity and relegate survivors to discredited exile.” The cardinal did not doubt, however, that the pope felt the pain of those survivors. O’Malley had seen Francis weep and pray with other victims of abuse in multiple occasions.
What nobody has been able to explain is how the pope could have committed such a colossal blunder when, at worst, he could have easily sidestepped the issue. You do not get to be the first Latin American and the first Jesuit to be elected as the successor of Peter if you are not a savvy operator. Why sabotage his own message in Chile, and elsewhere, with that one word, “slander”? Why erase the memory of all the other wonderful words he’d said during his sojourn: words in defense of indigenous rights, refugees, and the environment; his call to young people to set aside despair and commit themselves to a world without greed and exploitation; his challenge to the priests and nuns to dedicate their lives to the sick, the elderly, the homeless; the words with which he comforted incarcerated women, reminding them that they were loved and should not be despised for having spent time in jail?
Why go out of his way to attack those who were demanding he face the uncomfortable truth about Bishop Barros and his complicity in the sins of Karadima? Why, when he half-apologized this week, on the plane back to Rome, did Francis still adamantly insist on the innocence of Barros?
It seems to me that the answer may lie deep in Pope Francis’s own turbulent past. From 1974 to 1983, the military of his native Argentina waged what has become known as the Dirty War, torturing, killing, and disappearing many thousands of citizens. The Catholic bishops of Argentina, in contrast to the courage shown by their Chilean brothers, were vocally supportive of that repression. Jorge Mario Bergoglio, as Francis was then known, was at the time the provincial superior (or head) of the Jesuit Order in his country.
Although he was opposed to this regime of terror and personally intervened to save the lives of several endangered men and women (even giving one persecuted man his own ID card so that the man could escape the country), Bergoglio maintained a public silence on the horrors of the dictatorship. Later, there were claims that he had collaborated with the military junta, and failed to protect two priests under his jurisdiction who were arrested and tortured. Though the justice system in Argentina investigated Bergoglio and found no evidence against him, and the allegations of complicity were mostly disproven, those charges resurfaced once Francis was anointed as pope. The Vatican insisted that “there has never been a credible, concrete accusation against him,” and the pope has dismissed the accusations as “slander”—the very word that Francis used to defend Bishop Barros.
It seems probable, then, that the pope saw in Barros a reflection of his own experience: someone who believes he has been falsely indicted, but is unable to clear his name, who feels he has been a target of malicious left-wing and anticlerical activists determined to stain the reputation of an innocent man. It would be tragic, but all too human, if this were the explanation for Francis’s offensive and counter-productive defense of Barros.
The pope has often referred to the parable of the Good Samaritan. Jesus tells the story of this stranger who tends to an unknown traveler who had been beaten and stripped of his clothing and left half-dead, and takes care of him as if he were a neighbor. And Jesus condemns the priest who passed by that injured man with utter indifference, without offering any aid.
Francis, tormented perhaps by his own dark and secret history, has misunderstood who are the victims and who are the perpetrators in this Chilean story. Instead of following the example of the Good Samaritan and comforting the wounded bodies and souls of those violated by sexual abuse, he has sided with the priest, Barros, and the other prelates who not only did nothing to alleviate that suffering, but were part of the gang that beat the victims and robbed them of their dignity.
Did the pope not understand that this was a chance to redeem himself for not having been a Good Samaritan in Argentina? Did he not realize that this was a unique opportunity to show the courage he lacked years ago? Instead, he has damaged his moral standing and weakened the impact of his vital messages about the threats to humanity of poverty, war, and ecological disaster.

China’s Dementia Challenge

Cesar Chelala

The government of China is facing the challenge of having to care for increasing numbers of dementia patients. This is due, to a large extent, to a steady increase in ageing patients. While life expectancy was 45 in 1960, it was 76.34 in 2015, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. One person in six is over 60 now, and one in four will be by 2025.  Although China has approximately 10 million people with some form of dementia, the government is not yet prepared to deal effectively with this situation.
Dementia covers a broad category of brain diseases that cause a long term and frequently gradual decrease in the ability to think and remember daily life incidents. The disease affects people from all social and economic conditions. The first signs and symptoms of the disease may be subtle. However, later on, language and emotional problems and a decrease in motivation appear as additional symptoms of this troubling condition.
Dementia has been mentioned in medical texts since antiquity. In the 7th century BC Pythagoras, the Greek philosopher and mathematician, describes the “senium” period of mental and physical decay that occur after the age of 73. Aristotle and Plato also spoke of mental decay in advanced age, and viewed it as an inevitable process that affected old men and women and which couldn’t be prevented.
Old Chinese medical texts also mentioned this deterioration of the intellectual faculties, calling it the age of the “foolish old person”. Byzantine physicians also wrote about dementia, and mentioned at least seven emperors older than 70 who displayed signs of cognitive decline. In Hamlet and King Lear, Shakespeare mentions the loss of mental function in old age.
Before the 20th century, dementia was relatively rare, because a long lifespan was uncommon in preindustrial times. Following WWII, however, there was an increase in life expectancy, and the number of people over 65 in developed countries started to increase rapidly, and so did dementia.
Alzheimer’s disease is the most common type of dementia, which account for 50 to 70 percent of cases. Other kinds of dementia include vascular dementia, Lewy body dementia and frontotemporal dementia. Sometimes more than one type of dementia may exist in the same person. In a small number of cases, dementia may run in families. Today, dementia is one of the most common causes of disability and poor health among older people.
According to Alzheimer’s Disease International, there were approximately 50 million people living with dementia in 2017. The incidence of the disease is three percent among people between the ages of 65-74, nineteen percent on those between 75 and 84 and nearly fifty percent on those over 85 years of age. According to some estimates, the incidence of dementia will increase by 100 percent in the coming 20 years. Before a person with dementia dies, it may experience several years of discapacity.
In the U.S., public awareness of Alzheimer’s disease increased greatly when former US President Ronald Reagan announced in 1994 that he was suffering from the condition. Today, although many more people know about dementia, those in China are lagging behind. Even more seriously, family members frequently do not understand the condition, so that more than 90 percent of dementia cases go undetected.
In China, there are few facilities for diagnosing and treating senile dementia, and they are located at a few top hospitals. To make matters even more complex, there are only a few hundred doctors experienced enough to make an early diagnosis. Most nursing care facilities in China can’t offer appropriate care for patients with dementia. In Shanghai, for example, where an estimated 120,000 residents have some form of dementia, there are only a handful of nursing homes trained to care for these patients.
Dementia exacts a heavy burden on families and society. Because of its effect on families, dementia has been called a “family disease”, particularly because patients need long-term care. Dementia places a heavy economic burden both in families and in society. It is estimated that the total cost of dementia in China will be US$ 110 billion by 2030.
Many countries have national plans or strategies and consider caring for dementia patients a national priority, and invest considerable resources in the different areas of care. The Chinese government should have an improved strategy of mass communication and education about the disease, intensive training of physicians and health care workers on diagnosis and treatment, and develop a national plan of action that addresses the main needs for caring for all kinds of patients with dementia.

The Upsurge of Bitcoin and the Rise of New Civic Power

Nozomi Hayase

Bitcoin’s price explosion made news headlines this last year. Topics of digital assets entered onto dinner tables and friendly chats at work places. Fever of the digital gold rush that has swept mainstream finance became contagious. Institutional funds are now entering into cryptos, seemingly hedging their bets with their “sugar high” bubble economy. Jamie Dimon, the JPMorgan CEO who previously slammed Bitcoin as a fraud is said to be regretting his claim. He now praises the blockchain, the underlying technology of Bitcoin. Goldman Sachs recently acknowledged Bitcoin as money, comparable to gold. The firm is already setting up a trading desk for digital currencies.
While Bitcoin is gaining traction in financial circles, Naval Ravikant, the CEO and co-founder of Angel List saw this technology’s profound socio-political impact. He noted, “Bitcoin is a tool for freeing humanity from oligarchs and tyrants, dressed up as a get-rich-quick scheme.” WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange also recognized the revolutionary power of this money based on math. At the end of 2017, from the Ecuadorian embassy in London where he has been confined more than five years, Assange tweeted, “Bitcoin is a real Occupy Wall Street”.
What is this disruptive force of Bitcoin? The Occupy movement that had spread over dozens of US cities and across many countries created a wave of uprising. It inspired a new vision of politics outside of the electoral arena. Now, years after Occupy’s demise, this new innovation of decentralized digital currency could offer a way to reinvent activism, helping all around the world to organize and create radical social change.
The era of creditocracy
First, let’s look back at the rise of OccupyWallStreet protest. The movement kicked off in New York’s financial district in 2011, uniting people from all walks of life under the banner of the 99% against economic inequality and corporate greed. Occupy emerged within a cultural milieu of transparency, spearheaded by WikiLeaks’ disclosure of documents pertaining to government secrecy and corruption.
The insurgency in lower Manhattan marked a peak of disillusionment about the current state of democracy. People began to wake up to an invisible hand of the market – 1% global oligarchy, that was controlling resources through money based on debt. In the article “Student Debt Slavery: Bankrolling Financiers on the Backs of the Young”, attorney and author Ellen Brown described the advantage of “slavery by debt” over owned slavery, which was an idea argued in a document reportedly circulated during the American Civil War among British and American banking sectors. Brown showed that while slaves need to be housed and fed, “free men could be kept enslaved by debt, by paying wages insufficient to meet their costs of living”.
This debt-based financial system has become what professor and veteran of the Occupy movement Andrew Ross calls a “creditocracy”. In this, ordinary people with student loans, medical and credit card bills have become indentured servants. Ross explains how it is the Western version of a “debt trap”, where debts are piled up with monthly credit card balances or underwater mortgages that cannot be ever paid to ensure continuing revenue for the banks. He notes how this is similar to the developing countries that fell under IMF dependency in the course of the 1970s and 1980s.
In the era of creditocracy, ubiquitous anonymous corporations keep the force of control invisible, making people obey their rules. MasterCard tells their customers who the master is with exuberant chargeback fees and penalties. VISA maintains US hegemony of the world, denying access to finance for refugees and immigrants and assisting US government sanctions on countries like Russia and Iran that challenge dollar supremacy. This is a two-tiered financial patronage network that exempts fees and extends credit lines to the rich and privileged, while it exploits the poor by seizing their funds and engaging in predatory lending.
Creditocracy now expands around the globe and threatens civil liberties. Recently, PayPal came under scrutiny, with their failure to provide services in the West Bank and Gaza, while making its service available in Israel. This payment processing company was accused by pro-Palestinian activists as enacting “online apartheid” against Palestinians.
Vision of new democracy
It is people’s indignation against this systemic economic oppression that sparked revolt at the center of world finance seven years ago. Occupy was unprecedented in its scale and its unique style of no central coordination or formal leadership. It was a move away from electoral politics and top-down decision making to the principle of consensus and direct action, which activist scholar David Graeber described as “the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free”.
During the early days of this movement, the mainstream media criticized demonstrators for not having a clear mandate. Yet this lack of demand was a strength and refusal to recognize the legitimacy of power structures that protesters were challenging. What unfolded then was a new form of activism that truly channels uncompromising power of ordinary people. It was an activism that doesn’t acknowledge external power or seek for permission. Instead it encourages people to change society by simply building new alternatives.
This was a seed for a real democracy that is horizontal and participatory. It was manifested through activists’ effort of creating people’s libraries, media hubs and kitchens and forming a new way of governance through mic check and General Assemblies. This vision of organizing society through mutual aid and voluntary association went viral, spreading with internet memes and Twitter hashtags, creating solidarity across borders.
Cypherpunks write code
Occupy’s permissionlessness, without a need to refer to central authority, is embodied at the core of Bitcoin. The idea of Bitcoin was introduced in a whitepaper published in the midst of the 2008 financial crisis. It is clear that the anonymous creator of Bitcoin was concerned about deep corruption of government and their mishandling of monetary policies. This was shown in the message embedded in the genesis block of the blockchain. It contained a headline of a newspaper that read “The Times 03/Jan/2009 Chancellor on brink of second bailout for banks”.
Richard Gendal Brown, chief technology officer at software firm R3, provides a summary of the invention of this open source software:
“Bitcoin is the world’s first system of digital cash, which allows peer-to-peer value transfer over the internet with no reliance on third parties. It is built on a new invention, the decentralized global asset register. This global asset register is the world’s first decentralized consensus system.”
What is behind the protocol of a truly peer-to-peer currency is a revolutionary mind that refuses to obey the command from above and declares independence from all that claim authority. This fierce autonomy is the moral value of cypherpunks, a group that emerged in the late 1980s, who saw a potential of cryptography as a tool to shift balance of power between the individual and the state.
Cryptographer and one of the notable cypherpunks Adam Back, who was cited in Bitcoin’s whitepaper for his invention of Hashcash described the ethos of cypherpunks as that of writing code. This is an idea of making changes by creating alternatives. Back noted how pressuring politicians and promoting issues through the press tends to be slow and create an uphill battle. He pointed out how instead of engaging in the political process through campaigns and appealing to authority for changes, people can simply “deploy technology and help people do what they consider to be their legal right”. Then society would later adjust itself to reflect these values.
Network of resistance
While the mainstream media is obsessed with Bitcoin’s price and investors speculating gains in their portfolios, this technology’s defining feature lies in censorship resistance. The integrity of Bitcoin relies on decentralization, which is a method to attain security by flattening the network and removing levers of control, rather than performing checks and balances of power that tends to concentrate through control points inherent within the system, seen in the existing model of governance. This unprecedented security creates a network of resistance resilient to any forces of control.
When governments that are meant to defend civil rights act against their own people, Bitcoin preserves the network value of public right to free association and speech and distributes this to all users. This right was claimed and exercised in real time. In facing the illegal financial blockades imposed by Bank of America, VISA, MasterCard, PayPal and Western Union, WikiLeaks showed ordinary people how they can circumvent and combat economic censorship with Bitcoin.
As the whistleblowing site continues to publish CIA Vault publications, political persecution intensifies. Now the Freedom of the Press Foundation, an organization that was founded to tackle attacks on free press, decided to terminate processing of donations for WikiLeaks. In response to this new political pressure, Assange urged supporters to continue making contributions with cryptocurrencies and unleash the power of free speech that belongs to all.
As trusted institutions and governments are failing, people around the world are finding their own path of self-determination. In Argentina, as the Peso has been steadily falling since the country’s 2002 economic collapse, Bitcoin adoption has been accelerating. Bitcoin historian and former tech banker who goes by Tweeter handle @_Kevin_Pham noted, “Bitcoin’s killer app can be found in Venezuela, it’s called: ‘not dying.’” As hyperinflation is rendering their national currency worthless, Venezuelans are flocking to Bitcoin as a safe haven to store their savings.
In Iran, the government came on full force, engaging in internet censorship and cracking down on protesters who revolted in response to the country’s long economic stagnation. It was reported that leading up to the civil unrest, the Bitcoin community has grown with more people entering into cryptocurrencies. In Afghanistan, a company that advocates Afghan women’s computer literacy empowered women with bitcoin, helping them gain financial sovereignty.
Permissionless activism
The Occupy movement ignited aspirations for the rule of the common people, verified and upheld by a network consensus created through people’s trust in one another. Yet the enthusiasm for real democracy that was mobilized through social media could not withstand state coordinated police crackdowns. With the eviction of encampments and squares, people’s power that had arisen then dissipated.
Now, with Bitcoin surging, a new stream of disruption is emerging. These old financial engineers aim to protect their dying fraudulent world of central banks by upending their speculative casino with this hyped crypto market. As incumbent banks geared with regulatory arms try to control the bubbling civic power, perhaps this technology calls people to rise once again to halt financial aristocracy by innovating the ‘activism without permission’ – this time with better security and robustness.
Knowledge of computer science empowered by the ethics of cypherpunks now provides a viable platform for people to occupy society with their heart’s imagining. Sovereign individuals can now defy the rule of creditors and create their own rules, ending financial apartheid and discrimination. They can coalesce to fund independent media they support with their money and defund wars that they oppose. Permissionless activism can bring a jubilee, making rapacious debt obsolete through each individual simply walking away from this erroneous system, uniting with those who share goals to create a new economy.
The imagination of this invention opened the potential for a radically different future. From Rosa Parks’ refusal to give up her seat on the bus in Montgomery Alabama to occupiers’ adamant refusal to make demands, Bitcoin’s networked consensus creates an autonomous currency that allows all to move struggles of the past forward.
The rise of Bitcoin is poised to disrupt the world of creditocracy, as we know it. As the price rally continues, many now proclaim the rise and rise of Bitcoin! The question that remains is: Can our imagination rise with the revolutionary force this technology brings? Bitcoin already unleashed a potent power within. The future is now in our hands. It is up to each person to claim this power and show the world what democracy really looks like.

Terror in the Name of God

Michael Welton

I would like to argue in these brief thoughts that the on-going persecution of Baha’is in Iran illustrates what must be faced in our quest for a conversible, multi-religious world. Our globally imbricated world will not achieve a peaceful unity if the world religions declare that their  faith is final, the last revelation to a suffering and embittered humankind. World unity, the fundamental perquisite of world peace, requires a new perception of how, and in what sense, all religions could inhabit common ground without conflict with each other.
Michael Karlberg (2010) has written an insightful article (“Constructive resilience: the Baha’i response to oppression”) that argues that the Baha’i community in Iran has been subjected to recurrent “waves of hostile propaganda and censorship social ostracism and exclusivism, denial of education, denial of employment, denial of due process before the law, property looting and destruction, government seizure of individual and collective assets, arson, incitements to mob violence, arbitrary arrests and imprisonments, physical and psychological torture, death threats, execution, and disappearances—all calculated to extinguish the community” (pp. 222-223).
The forerunner to the revelation of Baha’u’llah, the Bab (the gate) was murdered by a firing squad of 750 riflemen in 1850. 20,000 of his early followers were put to death in the most evil and hideous ways (such as cutting the flesh and inserting candles in the incisions). One of the most significant accounts of the persecution of Baha’is in Iran was published by the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, A faith denied: the persecution of the Baha’is of Iran [December 2006]). A shocking document, it details Baha’i persecution from the Faith’s early history in the mid-nineteenth century, the Ramada Riots of 1955, the 1977 general unrest and mob attacks to the post-revolutionary, on-going persecution of Baha’is.
For an Islamic fundamentalist such as Ayotollah Khomeini (who had detested Baha’is since the 1940s), Iran was a sacred land, cradling the true interpretation of Islam and discarding the claims and significance of other forms of Islam (such as Sunnism) and world religions. For Khomeini and the Shi’ite clergy, the Baha’is were dangerous heretics, a kind of fifth column acting on behalf of external enemies like Israel. He even called them the “Baha’i Jews.” They were the despicable, evil other that were cordoned off to reinforce the purity of the Islamic state. The Iranian authorities in the post-1979 period used the “full range of state coercive force” against the Baha’is. This full-blown hatred resulted in the execution of over two hundred democratically elected leaders of the Baha’i community, the imprisonment of thousands of others, many thousands lost their jobs, were denied pensions, even forced to repay past pensions and salaries, expelled from schools and universities, denied healthcare and had their personal property ransacked and their grave and holy sites defiled.
The depth of the depravity of the treatment of Baha’is and radical breach of human rights (Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression) is revealed in many cases where the family members of executed victims were forced to repay the Iranian government the cost of the bullets used in executions. The Khomeini regime even hanged a young girl of 16, called Mona, for educating children in her home (her story is an integral part of Baha’i legend). The Shi’ite clerics cannot accept the possibility of a post-Islamic religion. The revelation of Mohammed is sealed and final. The world has raised its voice through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries at this specific manifestation of terror in the name of God. Still, the persecutions persist to our day.
This bitter reality reveals the depths of resistance of a powerful state religion to permit the minority religion the right to even exist. Since 2005, 860 Baha’is have been arrested, 275 have spent time in prison, 1000s have been denied access to higher education, 950 suffered from economic suppression of their businesses, and 20,000 anti-Baha’i propaganda articles and reports have been published. (Baha’i International Community: Situation of Baha’is in Iran. Current situation: September 19, 2017).  The movement of history towards a justly ordered word cannot occur if some world religions barricade themselves behind a fabricated eternal dogma and engage in holy war against perceived enemies, political and religious.
A great Christian theologian like Hans Kung (Christianity and World Religions, Paths pf Dialogue with Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism(1985) wonders: “If religion is so complicating, so difficult, why deal with it? Why not be content with casual recourse or wilful reversion to non-or anti-religious arguments derived from Enlightenment era understandings of secular reasoning? (p. 443). Our argument is that a “culture of human rights and dialogue” requires transformative action within religious communities, where necessary, so that those with deeply held beliefs can enable all faiths to stand on common ground and, thus, are not excluded from reasonable public discourse.
Baha’i theologian Michael Souris (The station and claims of Baha’u’llah (1997) in a thoughtful chapter on “Religious claims and inter-faith relations” sets out the three major sources of conflict in inter-faith relations: prejudice, misunderstandings of scripture and miscommunications. These factors trigger “conflicts originating with superiority claims” (p. 15). The first, prejudice tends to find reasons to “exalt one’s self over others because of ignorance, fear, ambition, arrogance, and other spiritual inadequacies” (ibid.). Souris perceives religious prejudice (like sexism and racism) as a “spiritual illness that needs to be healed through education, prayer, and the cultivation of spiritual qualities” (ibid.).
Unlike prejudice, misunderstanding of Scriptures are more of an “intellectual problem that can be overcome with the help of study and education” (ibid.). But he also thinks that prejudice can shut down our capacity for compassion, thus blocking reaching out to diverse peoples. However, “purity of thought” can “cause a person to search the Scriptures for an understanding that best reflects God’s love and compassion” (ibid.). The final source of conflict, miscommunications, has two possible sources: poorly expressed beliefs and insensitivity to “other people’s feelings and beliefs” (p. 16).
Payam Akhavan (In search of a better world: a human rights odyssey[2017]) argues that living in a multicultural world requires a sophisticated understanding of the many layers of our identity. Akhavan says that we must be willing to “genuinely listen to the stories of those who are foreign to us.” But we must not be sentimental in our reflections. Some people slide into sloppy comfortability with celebrating diversity by claiming that human rights are “conditioned by cultural context.” But Payam comments pointedly that if we reject universality of judgment, should we then “respect torture, intolerance, and misogyny as expressions of diversity?”
To be sure, there may well be “genuine differences of opinion among and within cultures,” but when “claims of religious exceptionalism are invoked by authoritarian rulers, they must be treated with great suspicion.” In 1983, as “tens of thousands were executed to consolidate Khomeini’s totalitarian theocracy, an Iranian diplomat rebuked those who didn’t seem to understand that the Islamic Republic recognized only “God” as supreme authority and only “Islamic law” as authoritative legal tradition. Payam names this move as a “cynical slight of hand”—now the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, based on the Judeo-Christian tradition, the diplomat alleged, could be rejected because it didn’t “accord with the system of values recognized by the Islamic Republic of Iran.”  Almighty God had become the Almighty State.