13 Mar 2018

Mo Ibrahim Foundation Fully-funded Masters Scholarship for African Students at University of Birmingham 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 20th May 2018

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible African Countries: African countries

To be taken at (country): UK

About the Award: The Governance and Statebuilding programme is one of the specialised streams within international development, and takes an interdisciplinary standpoint, combining the theoretical rigour of political
economy and the practical experience of development. The good governance agenda occurs now increasingly alongside debate on state-building, which encompasses issues such as accountability and transparency, corruption, conflict, political settlement, human rights, participation, access to justice and democratisation.

Governance and state-building are of particular interest to governments, nongovernmental organisations and development agencies, as well as to a growing and vibrant academic community.

Type: Masters

Eligibility
  • Applicants must have a first class Honours degree, or equivalent, and be African nationals domiciled (or permanent residents) in an African country.
  • Preference will be given to scholarship candidates living in Sub-Saharan Africa.
The entry requirements consist of:
  • A first class Honours degree or equivalent from an approved university.
  • Good written and spoken English. For those whose first language is not English, evidence of this capacity is required. Applicants should reach at least level 6.5 in the IELTS or 580 /93 for TOEFL. Please check the University website for more information on English language requirements.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The scholarship includes:
1. Full tuition fee
2. Air fare to and from the United Kingdom and visa
3. Monthly stipend of £950 for 18 months
4. Arrival allowance of £950
The remaining six months for the internship will be funded directly to the successful candidate by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.


Duration of Award: The scholarship is for two years to enable the applicant to complete the MSc and undertake a one year internship, including six-months with the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.

How to Apply
  • Applications must be received through the University online application system, accessed via www.birmingham.ac.uk by the 20th May 2018.
  • In addition to the usual documents to be submitted, applicants should also upload a 500 word statement and CV. This statement should set out why the applicant is the best candidate for the scholarship.
  • Applicants must then send an email to Mrs Debra Beard (d.l.beard@bham.ac.uk) informing her of their wish to be considered for the Mo Ibrahim Scholarship
Visit the Scholarship Webpage for Details

Award Sponsor: Mo Ibrahim Foundation

JCI Global Youth Empowerment Fund for Youth-Led Projects 2018

Application Deadline: 31st May 2018

About the Award: The Global Youth Empowerment Fund is an initiative to empower young people around the world to impact their communities by investing in grassroots, community projects. A partnership of JCI and the SDG Action Campaign (formerly the UN Millennium Campaign), the Fund will offer grants, financing and training to youth-led projects and social enterprises that advance the Global Goals for Sustainable Development in local communities around the world.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: All Projects Must:
  • Be run by one of the following:
    • Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and nonprofit private bodies whose activities contribute to the promotion of sustainable development and youth leadership;
      • Examples include: JCI Local Organization, SDG Action Campaign partners, youth-run registered nonprofit
    • Public bodies with specific responsibility for the promotion of youth engagement in advancing the Global Goals for Sustainable Development;
  • Be created and led by youth between the ages of 18 to 40.
  • Demonstrate community impact and project planning criteria in line with the JCI Active Citizen Framework. The JCI Active Citizen Framework is a planning mechanism for community-based organizations to identify their community’s greatest needs and align their projects to the global development agenda creating global impact.
  • Adhere to the goals of JCI and SDG Action Campaign in developing grassroots projects that advance at least one of the Global Goals for Sustainable Development through the JCI Active Citizen Framework.
  • Include like-minded community partners who agree to support the applicant’s project. Types of partnership can include financial support, in-kind support or marketing and communications support.
  • Include plans for organization’s own support of the project, including both financial (e.g. fundraising or sponsorship acquisition) and non-financial (e.g. volunteer hours or in-kind sponsorship) support. The applicant organization is expected to supply at least 50% of the value of the requested funding in their own support.
  • Have mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation and follow-up after funding has been dispersed. All funded projects must submit the required project updates and final reports.
Selection Criteria: Preference will be given to projects that demonstrate the following qualities:
  • Innovation: The project should represent innovative methods to the problem it seeks to address. Innovation may result from the use of new methods, new models, new technologies, or application of old methods, models or technologies in a new, innovative way.
  • Potential for scaling up and/or replication: The program should ideally be feasible on a broad-scale basis and/or be replicable to other social, cultural or geographical settings on a local level or through policy advocacy on the global, regional, or local level.
  • Financial Viability: The project must be built on a sound and viable plan either using the JCI Active Citizen Framework and ideally should have the potential to continue beyond the Global Youth Empowerment Fund funding.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: award grant funding up to US $5,000.

Duration of Program: 12-month period.

How to Apply: Applicant organizations must submit project proposals using the Fund’s grant management system, including plans for partnership, financial support, project management, monitoring and evaluation, and demonstrating alignment to the Global Goals for Sustainable Development and the JCI Active Citizen Framework.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: JCI and the SDG Action Campaign (formerly the UN Millennium Campaign)

Injini Edtech Incubator for African Education Startups (Fully-funded to South Africa) 2018

Application Deadline: 3rd April 2018

To Be Taken At (Country): South Africa

About the Award: Injini is the first EdTech dedicated incubator programme on the African continent. It is the only opportunity for EdTech entrepreneurs based anywhere in Africa to get industry specialist mentoring, support, scale up and funding introductions, and early stage funding.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: The programme is open to anyone from, based in or focused on any African country.
  • Profit businesses, focused on Africa and on as broad a section of the population as possible (especially low income), that address learning from early years to adults using technology.
  • Innovative but effective approaches that can scale quickly.
  • Tested tech because evidence shows it can improve the quality of or extend access to education, not for the sake of using tech.
Number of Awards: 20

Value of Award: 
  • Everyone in the program will be covered for flights to and from Cape Town, for accommodation , and receive a small allowance for extra living costs incurred while in Cape Town.
  • Each cohort will receive up to R600k (~$50k) of funding.
Duration of Program: July to December 2018

How to Apply: Applicants fill in a short application form that will be live from 1 March to 3 April 2018. Around 20 successful applicants will go through our due diligence process, including providing a short video by 16th April. The top 15 will pitch to our selection panel for the remaining 8 places.

Apply here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details 

Award Providers: Injini

UNESCO World Heritage Young Professionals Forum (Fully-funded to Manama, Bahrain) 2018

Application Deadline: 31st March 2018, at 23:59 CET (Bahrain)

Eligible Countries: All UNESCO member countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Bahrain

About the Award: The Forum aims to transmit the values of World Heritage, highlighting the potential that World Heritage education may have for facilitating sustainable development. It is addressed to young professionals who will be invited to reflect upon the complexity of preserving heritage in a constantly evolving world with the help of international experts.
At the end of the Forum, a Declaration to convey the message of the young professionals to the international community will be produced and presented to the World Heritage Committee.
Participants are expected to be actively engaged and participate in all aspects of the forum. Please note that attendance for the full duration of the event (arrival 16 June 2018, earliest departure 26 June 2018) is mandatory. Each participant is required to give a short presentation on one of the World Heritage Sites in their representative country that is experiencing evolutionary changes happening in the world today.

Type: Conference, Training

Eligibility: 
  • Participants of the Youth Forum will come from different heritage fields and countries and must be specifically interested in World Heritage
  • Applicants should be recent young professionals between the ages of 23 to 30 with at least one year experience in the field of either Cultural or Natural heritage. UNESCO accepts a wide range of backgrounds including but not limited to archaeology, architecture, conservation, urban planning & regeneration, restoration, art history, lawyers, heritage managers.
  • The working language of the Forum is English. A good knowledge of English is essential, for the benefit of the individual participants and the development of the forum.
  • Basic computer skills will be required to collaborate to draft the final declaration and a small exhibition about the Forum itself.
  • Handwork and visits requires a good physical condition due to the climate of the region.
Selection Criteria: The selection will be made based on the requirements above, with a specific
focus on:

  • Balanced geographical representation,
  • Dissemination of gained experience in the country or institution of origin
  • Gender equality,
  • Diversity of professional backgrounds.
Number of Awards: 30

Value of Award:
  • All travel and accommodation costs for the selected participants will be covered by the Kingdom of Bahrain- for the duration of the forum.
  • The organizers will assist in the travel preparations (including visas) and bookings.
  • If any participant wishes to extend their stay until the end of the Committee session, all related costs should be covered by the participant with the consent of the State Party concerned. This information should be communicated to the organizers in advance to make the necessary arrangements.
Duration of Program: 17 to 26 June 2018

How to Apply: Candidates who wish to apply for participation in the World Heritage Young Professionals Forum should fill in and submit the online application form. Please make sure that you include all the required information in the application form and that you attach the requested supporting documents.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: World Heritage Young Professionals Forum 2018 is organized by Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities (www.culture.gov.bh) in collaboration with the World Heritage Centre in the framework of the World Heritage Education Programme. The scientific programme is developed in cooperation with Non-Governmental Organization Diadrasis

Thomson Reuters Correspondent for West and Central Africa 2018

Application Deadline: Ongoing

To Be Taken At (Country): Dakar-Senegal

About the Award: The successful candidate will write groundbreaking, insightful news on a wide range of topics, from political chaos in Congo or Islamist unrest in the Sahel, to the latest cocoa crop in Ivory Coast or mining ventures in Guinea. They will become familiar with 23 often very diverse countries and be just as comfortable covering coup d’états as commodities data.
Reuters is also looking to boost our coverage of business and companies in West & Central Africa, one of the world’s last frontier markets with a young, entrepreneurial population and a treasure trove of minerals, many of them essential for making modern gadgets like electric cars and mobile phones.

Type: Job

Eligibility: A willingness to travel at short notice around the region and the temperance to deal with poor communications and obstructive officials are essential. A good deal of time will be spent working with local reporters, many of them working in French, to generate lively, compelling stories in English. West Africa is one of the world’s most ethnically-diverse, fascinating and dynamic regions. But it is also one of its most turbulent, with a history of coups, rebellions and disputed elections. For the right candidate, this is one of the most exciting jobs in Reuters.

The ideal candidate will have a strong record both on fast breaking news and on producing more in-depth investigations. They will be a strong writer and be able to work closely with TV, pictures and graphics teams to produce original and compelling multimedia content.
Professional Skills & Competencies:
•    Experienced reporter with international outlets
•    Fluent French essential
•    Proven record of nurturing sources and breaking news
•    Multimedia expertise

Desired Skills:
•    Experience of working in hostile environments and/or emerging markets
•    Knowledge of/experience in commodities markets a plus
•    Clean, lively copy that sparkles


Number of Awards: Not specified

Duration of Program: Fulltime

How to Apply: Apply Now   

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Thomson Reuters

International Society for the Performing Arts (ISPA) Fellowship Programme for MENA Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 23rd March, 2018 at 17:00 EST

Eligible Countries: Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestinian Territories, Syria or Yemen

To Be Taken At (Country): The Netherlands

About the Award: The Middle East & Northern Africa (MENA) Fellowship Program, supported by the British Council, provides access to ISPA’s extensive international network of arts professionals to early and mid-career leaders from the MENA performing arts community (Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestinian Territories, Syria or Yemen). Participants join the ISPA membership and attend the ISPA Congress where they engage in the development and exchange of ideas with leaders from some of the world’s most significant arts organizations, increase their industry knowledge and resources through educational opportunities, and share their experience with their communities.

Type: Fellowship (Career/Professional)

Eligibility: The MENA Fellowship Program seeks to engage leaders working in the management of all professional performing arts.
Applicants must:
  • Be performing arts management professionals from one of the following countries: Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestinian Territories, Syria or Yemen
  • Be currently employed/working in the performing arts
  • Have a minimum of five years professional experience in the arts
  • Not currently be a member of ISPA (nor have been one in the past three years) or associated with a current organizational ISPA member
  • Have the ability to attend and fully participate in the Leeuwarden-Friesland ISPA Congress (June 11 – 15, 2018)
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: In 2018, Fellows receive:
  • One-year ISPA membership with access to all member benefits
  • Full Pass registration to the Leeuwarden-Friesland Congress (June 11 – 15, 2018) including the Anthony Field Academy prior to the Congress.
  • Up to $2,300 US to assist with travel and accommodation expenses related to attending the Congress
Duration of Program: June 11 – 15, 2018

How to Apply: To apply to the MENA Fellowship Program, please download and review the application instructions and submit the online application form. Applications are reviewed and selected by the Fellowship Review Committee which consists of members of British Council and ISPA staff.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: ISPA, British Council

Important Notes: The application deadline will not be extended, and late and/or incomplete submissions will not be accepted. ISPA welcomes all eligible applications.

McGraw Business Journalism Fellowship for International Journalists 2019

Application Deadline:
  • Spring Deadline: 30th June 2018
  • Fall Deadline: 15th December 2018
Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): USA

About the Award: The McGraw Fellowship provides editorial and financial support to journalists who need the time and resources to produce a significant story or series that provides fresh insight into an important business or economic topic. We accept applications for in-depth text, video or audio pieces, and we encourage proposals that take advantage of more than one storytelling form to create a multimedia package.
Typically, we’ll award grants up to $5,000 a month for one to three months; in exceptional cases, we’ll consider longer grants based upon specific proposals. We’ll look for applicants with a proven ability to report and execute a complex project in their proposed medium; ideally, candidates will also have a strong background or reporting expertise on the subject of their piece.
The McGraw Center provides editorial supervision during the Fellowship. We work with the Fellows to develop their projects during the reporting phase and frequently edit the completed stories. We also assist with placing the articles. In some cases, we partner with established print, radio or digital outlets; in others we will publish them as e-books or through the CUNY J-School’s book imprint. The stories also run on the McGraw Center website.
The aim of the McGraw Fellowship for Business Journalism is to support in-depth, ambitious coverage of critical issues related to the global economy and business. In an age when many news organizations no longer have the resources to tackle complex, time-consuming stories, the Fellowships enable experienced journalists to do the deep reporting needed to produce a serious piece of investigative or enterprise journalism.

Type: Fellowship (Career)

Eligibility: 
  • The McGraw Fellowship for Business Journalism is open to anyone with at least five years professional experience in journalism.
  • Freelance journalists, as well as reporters and editors currently working at a news organization, may apply.
Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Fellowship: Grants are awarded up to $5,000 a month for up to three months

How to Apply: 
Applicants should submit a well-focused story proposal of no more than three pages through the accompanying online form. Think of it as pitch, much like you would submit to an editor at a newspaper, magazine, digital outlet, or radio station: give us enough preliminary reporting and documentation to demonstrate that the story is solid.
The proposal should highlight what’s new and significant about the story, why it matters and what its potential impact might be. The proposal should also note where significant stories on the subject have run elsewhere and how the proposed piece would differ. Applicants should also briefly outline a proposed reporting plan and a timeline for completing the story, and let us know if a media outlet is lined up to run the story.
In addition, applicants should enclose three journalism samples. The samples should be professionally published work that showcases your ability to tackle an in-depth story in the proposed medium. Please also provide us with a resume and references from two editors or others familiar with your work; if that is a problem, please contact us to discuss alternatives.
No budget is required at the time of application, but finalists may be asked to provide an estimated budget or further information on their project at that time.

Visit Fellowship  Webpage for details

Award Provider: The McGraw Center for Business Journalism.

MIT/MasterCard Foundation Zambezi Prize for Innovation in Financial Inclusion (USD$100,000 grand prize) 2018

Application Deadline: 1st June 2018

Eligible Countries: Sub-Saharan African countries

About the Award: The Zambezi Prize raises awareness of entrepreneurship and financial inclusion, encourages the flow of capital to financial inclusion ventures, and advances entrepreneurship and financial inclusion to fuel broad-based prosperity.
In order to participate in the MIT Zambezi Prize for Innovation in Financial Inclusion, your company needs to address one of the following nine challenges:
    1. Low Financial Literacy
    2. Limited Access to Financial Institutions
    3. Low and Unpredictable Income
    4. Proof of Identity
    5. Distrust of Financial Services
    6. Difficulty in Meeting Unforeseen Shock
    7. Limited Commercial Viability
    8. Complex and Costly Partnership Agreements with Other Stakeholders
    9. Limited Financial Infrastructure
Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: 
Basic Eligibility:
  • African Presence
  • Active Company
  • Early-stage
  • Founder’s intention to work full-time on the venture
  • Availability to travel to the Zambezi Boot Camp in Boston
  • Your company must solve one of the 9 financial inclusion challenges
If selected as finalists, ventures must have a founder or co-founder to attend MIT’s Entrepreneurship Development Program in Boston in 2018.
  • The prize is open to a wide spectrum of financial inclusion ventures demonstrating innovation and potential for impact, financial sustainability, and scalability.
  • The venture must be in its early stages, having progressed beyond concept.
Selection Criteria:
  1. Vision and Purpose: What is your company’s mission? What are the pain points you are addressing?
  2. Scalability: What is your business model? How do you plan to grow over the next 5 years?
  3. Inclusion Challenge: How are you addressing one of the nine financial inclusion challenges of the Zambezi Prize?
  4. Ecosystem Impact: What impact is your company currently making in your community or in your market?
  5. Level of Innovation: What is innovative about your approach to advancing financial inclusion?
  6. Leadership: What are the guiding principles that motivate you? Which specific leadership strategies do you use to contribute to financial inclusion?
Number of Awards: 10

Value of Award: $200,000 USD divided thus:
  • First place winner: $100,000 USD.
  • Second and Third place winners: $30,000 each
  • 7 Finalists – $5,000 Each
How to Apply: Apply Here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: The Zambezi Prize is presented by the Legatum Center for Development and Entrepreneurship at MIT and The MasterCard Foundation.

US Government Alumni Engagement Innovation Fund (AEIF) 2018

Application Deadline: 29th March 2018

Eligible Countries: International

About the Award: The Alumni Engagement Innovation Fund (AEIF) provides small grants to teams of past and current participants of U.S. government-sponsored exchange programs to carry out public service projects using the skills and knowledge they gained during their exchange experiences.
This year, teams must submit a justification explaining all proposed budget expenditures. The budget justification will help you think through your project and budget more carefully by providing greater detail and explanation of budget items.
  • A budget justification helps the reviewers better understand the costs of your project.
  • Not sure what a budget justification is? Check out the AEIF Help Desk for examples.
With this change, a complete application package consists of: a proposal, alumni team information, and a budget with a budget justification.

Themes: AEIF themes for 2018 are:
  1. Fostering Economic Prosperity
  2. Building Civic Participation, Good Governance and Resilient Communities
  3. Advancing Science, Technology, Health and Innovation
  4. Promoting Inclusion and Educational Opportunity
  5. Empowering Women and Girls
Type: Grants

Eligibility: 
  • Alumni must be verified members of the International Exchange Alumni (IEA) global online community and form teams of at least three (3) IEA community members (this number includes the team leader).
  • Alumni who are U.S. citizens may not submit proposals but U.S. alumni may participate as team members in a project.
  • All project activities and initiatives must take place outside of the United States.
  • Proposed projects must address one of the five AEIF themes below.
  • To participate in AEIF, you must log into the International Exchange Alumni site (IEA), then go to alumni.state.gov/aeif, and click on the “Apply for AEIF” button. This will take you to the AEIF application on FluidReview where you may begin the proposal form. Only by signing into IEA and navigating to the Fluid Review platform will you be able to successfully participate in the AEIF competition and submit your proposal and budget. Need an account or don’t remember your password? Get help with your account here.
  • In order to successfully submit your proposal, you must fill out the entire online form and attach the budget form. You may save your edits and complete your proposal in more than one sitting, but once you submit your proposal, you may no longer make changes.
  • Proposals and budgets sent via email will not be accepted.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: $25,000

How to Apply: Apply Here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: US State Department

Eira Davies Under/Postgraduate Scholarship for Women in Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 1st June, 2018

Eligible Countries: Female students from developing Countries. See countries below

To be taken at (country): Swansea University, UK

About the Award: The Eira Francis Davies Scholarship, which shall be awarded from time to time by the Senate of Swansea University on the basis of academic merit and/or financial need and which shall contribute to tuition fees, shall be tenable for such period as determined by the Senate and shall be subject to satisfactory academic progress and to such other terms and conditions as the University shall stipulate. It is a condition of the award of the Eira Francis Davies Scholarship that the student agrees to return to her country for work or study upon completion of degree studies at Swansea University.

Fields of Study: Courses in the Human and Health Sciences

Type: Undergraduate, Masters

Eligibility: Female students ordinarily resident in a developing country who are admitted to pursue an undergraduate or a Taught Master’s postgraduate course at Swansea University’s College of Human & Health Science shall be eligible to apply for the Eira Francis Davies Scholarship.

  • For undergraduate courses, applicants are expected to achieve 3 A and/or B grades at A-Level or equivalent (excluding General Studies) and 5 A and/or B grades at GCSE level or equivalent. For Postgraduate Taught courses, applicants should have a minimum of a 2:1 Bachelors degree (or equivalent). In the case of all applicants, their English language ability must meet any stipulated condition of offer and UKBA requirements.
  • Candidates must be new, full-time, degree seeking, non-EU applicants
  • Candidates must have completed an application to study and accepted the offer of a place at Swansea University with the College of Human and Health Sciences
  • Candidates must show strong academic ability and financial need
  • Candidates should not be eligible for other financial support from Swansea University e.g. tuition fee reductions through collaborative links or bursaries Please note that students progressing from ICWS are not eligible to apply for an International Scholarship
Eligible Countries: Afghanistan, Gambia, The Myanmar, Bangladesh, Guinea, Nepal, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Niger, Burkina Faso, Haiti, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Korea, Dem Rep., Somalia, Central African Republic, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Chad, Liberia, Tanzania, Comoros, Madagascar, Togo, Congo, Dem. Rep, Malawi, Uganda, Eritrea, Mali, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Angola, India, Sao Tome and Principe, Armenia, Iraq, Senegal, Belize, Kiribati, Solomon Islands, Bhutan, Kosovo, Sri Lanka, Bolivia, Lao PDR, Sudan, Cameroon, Lesotho, Swaziland, Cape Verde, Marshall Islands, Syrian Arab Republic, Congo, Rep., Mauritania, Timor-Leste, Ivory Coast, Micronesia, Fed. Sts. Tonga, Djibouti, Moldova, Turkmenistan, Egypt, Arab Rep., Mongolia, Tuvalu, El Salvador, Morocco, Ukraine, Fiji Nicaragua, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Nigeria, Vanuatu, Ghana, Pakistan, Vietnam, Guatemala, Papua New Guinea, West Bank and Gaza, Guyana, Paraguay, Yemen, Rep., Honduras, Philippines, Zambia, Indonesia and Samoa

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Award: The Eira Francis Davies Scholarship is a full tuition fee scholarship.

Duration of Program: Duration of course or degree

How to Apply: Apply here 

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: Swansea University

Important Notes: Candidates should endeavour to read the full Eira Davies Terms and Conditions before applying.

The Great Conspiracy

URI AVNERY

In the Autumn of 1948, after some eight months of continuous fighting, I was promoted to the lofty rank of corporal. After taking part in a crash course for squad leaders, I was allowed to choose my new soldiers – new immigrants from Poland or Morocco.
(Everybody wanted Bulgarians, but the Bulgarians were already taken. They were known to be excellent fighters, disciplined and stoical.)
I chose the Moroccans. I also got two Tunisians and five Turks, altogether 15 men. All of them had just arrived by ship and not one spoke Hebrew. So how does one explain to them that a hand grenade has a high course of flight and a sharp angle of descent?
Fortunately one of them knew some Hebrew, so he translated into French, one of the Turks understood some French, and translated into Turkish, and so we got along.
It was not easy. There were a lot of psychological problems. But I decided to adapt myself as much as possible. For example: one day we got an order to go to the sea shore and fill a truck with sand, in order to enlarge our camp with more tents.
When we arrived on the beach, none of my soldiers moved. “We have come to this country to fight, not to work!” their spokesman explained.
I was nonplussed. What to do? The course had not prepared me for such a situation. Then I had an idea. I said: “You are quite right. So please sit under that tree and enjoy the shade!”
I took a spade and started to dig. I heard them whisper. Then one of them got up and took a spade. Then another. In the end we all worked happily.
Unhappily, we were an exception. Most Ashkenazis (Jews of European descent) who had been born in the country, or immigrated years before, thought that they had done their part and suffered enough, and that now it was up to the new Oriental immigrants to do theirs. Cultural difference were huge, but nobody paid much attention to them.
Soon after that scene, we were allowed leave for a few hours in Tel Aviv. When I got on the truck, I noticed that some of my men did not get on. “Are you crazy?” I cried. “Leave in Tel Aviv is paradise!”
“Not for us,” they replied. “The girls in Tel Aviv won’t go out with us. They call us Morroccan-Knives.” There had indeed been a few cases of hot-headed Moroccans who had felt insulted and attacked people with knives.
My attitude towards “my Moroccans” paid off. When I was severely wounded, four of them brought me out, under heavy enemy fire. They granted me 70 more years of life (so far).
A few years later, when I was already the Chief Editor of a news magazine, I published a series of investigative articles under the title “They Fuck the Blacks”. It contained revelations about the discrimination against the Oriental immigrants (nicknamed “blacks”, though they are brown). It aroused a storm of anger throughout the country. The very suggestion of discrimination was vehemently denied.
At the end of the 1950s, a minor incident in the Wadi Salib quarter of Haifa triggered major disturbances by Oriental Jews. All the press took the side of the police, my magazine was the only one which justified the rebels.
I bring up all this ancient history because it has suddenly become very topical.
A TV series by an Oriental filmmaker is whipping up a storm in Israel. It is called “Salah, This is The Land of Israel”, and claims to describe the experiences of his grandparents when they arrived in Israel in the early 1950s. Salah is an Arab first name.
They wanted to settle in Jerusalem, the only place in the country whose name they knew. Instead they were taken to a remote spot in the desert, thrown from the trucks, and left there to vegetate in tents, without work except for a few days per month of “emergency work”, digging holes for trees.
According to the filmmaker, David Deri, it was a gigantic “conspiracy” (his word) by the Ashkenazis to have the Oriental Jews come here, to throw them into the desert and leave them there, prey to hunger and deprivation.
Deri is not making things up. He quotes extensively from secret official protocols in which the operation was discussed at length and explained as a national necessity in order to fill the empty areas (from which the Arabs had previously been expelled).
All the facts are right. Yet the overall picture is wrong. Deri did not try to describe this chapter in history objectively. He produced a propaganda piece.
Let me cite again my personal experiences.
I was born in Germany to wealthy parents. When the Nazis assumed power, in 1933, my father immediately decided to leave Germany and go to Palestine.
No one received us with flowers. We were left to fend for ourselves. We brought with us a large sum of money. My father was not used to the commercial customs then prevailing in the country, and we lost all our money within a year.
Both my parents, who had never done any physical work in Germany, started to work very hard, 10-12 hours a day. Seeing this, I left elementary school after 7 classes and started to work at the age of 14, as did my brother and sisters. Not one of us complained. The happenings in Germany reminded us every day what we had escaped.
The lot of new immigrants is hard, and has always been so everywhere. We were intent on building “our” country. The immigrants who came from East and West after World War II were expected to do the same.
Much later I became friendly with one of the main organizers of the “absorption” of the immigrants in he 1950s, Lova Eliav. He told me how the immigrants, Eastern and Western, were brought to the empty Lakhish region, and when they refused to get off the trucks, the driver was told to operate the mechanism and literally pour the people onto the ground. He was not ashamed of it – for him it was a part of building the country.
Lova, by the way, was one of the country’s great idealists. At an advanced age he himself went into the desert, near the Egyptian border, to live with the young people for whom he built a new village far from everywhere.
Deri discovered that police spies had infiltrated “Oriental” groups. That made me laugh out loud. Because it was an open secret that for many years the secret service had spied on every move of my editorial staff, especially mine.
Deri is not troubled by the fact that during those years the Communists were treated much worse, not to mention the Arab citizens, who suffered daily oppression under “military rule”.
All in all, Deri did not actually falsify or invent anything. But he takes everything out of context. It is as if somebody took a painting of Michelangelo and removed one color – say red. It’s still basically the same painting, but it’s not the same.
David Deri was born 43 years ago in Yeruham, one of those villages created by Lova Eliav and his colleagues in the middle of nowhere, south of Be’er Sheva.
Today, Yeruham is still one of the poorer townships. But it has advanced a lot. Politically it is, of course, solidly Likud.
Deri makes no attempt to paint a “balanced” picture. On the contrary, he quite openly tries to incite the Oriental Jews against the Ashkenazis.
I don’t know his political outlook. But in today’s reality, the film serves the incitement campaign of Binyamin Netanyahu against the imaginary “leftist Ashkenazi elite”, which includes the media, the universities, the police and the courts (and me as well, of course).
By the way, Deri himself is the best evidence of how in two or three generations those poor Moroccans who were thrown into the desert are forming a new elite.

The Limits of Free Markets, Both Economic and Intellectual

DAVID SCHULTZ

Both in economics and speech, the market is a powerful metaphor.  Free economic markets are efficient, and produce the greatest good for the greatest number of people by the fair interplay of sellers and buyers.  The marketplace of ideas is supposed to produce truth, and maximize free inquiry of ideas through the competition or rival ideas.  Both marketplaces are supposed to support contrasting forms of individual freedom.  Except the truth is that neither work in practice compared to theory, fixing their externalities and preventing one from corrupting the other  is challenge and task of contemporary western politics.
The market is a metaphor of modern western politics.  Belief in the efficiency of economic free markets dates at least to Adam Smith’s 1776 The Wealth of Nations.  For some economists, free markets maximize individual freedom producing both what is called Pareto efficiency (no one can be made better off without someone being made worse off) and Kaldor-Hicks efficiency (overall greatest net wealth for a society).  Government regulation interferes with economic markets, damaging both individual freedom and both forms of efficiency.  Market fundamentalism in the guise of contemporary Republican or neo-liberal politics, ascribes to this belief.
Yet there are limits to this economic market fundamentalism.  The same Adam Smith who wrote The Wealth of Nations also penned The Theory of Moral Sentiments and argued how economic markets are circumscribed by ethical values and virtues.  The Wealth of Nations in book five recognizes an important role for the government investing in infrastructure.  Later on, other economists have described unregulated markets as producing externalities such as pollution or monopolies.  Others see externalities to include the mal-distributions of wealth and income in the world or racial and gender discrimination.  Economic markets are also  plagued by problems such as free riders or collective goods.  These problems necessitate government action.  Even Milton Friedman recognized the need of the government to enforce the rules of the marketplace against force and fraud so that it would work properly.
The point is markets are not architectonic.  Markets are not inherently self-regulating or natural.  Karl Polany’s 1944 The Great Transformation made this point.  It took enormous state power to construct and maintain market capitalism. The logic of both capitalism and human nature is often against free markets, wanting to produce collusion, monopolies, or engage in rent-seeking behavior or political action to favor oneself.  Pure self-interest left on its own, as Nobel Prize economist Kenneth Arrow pointed out, cannot be aggregated to produce collective goods for a society.
The marketplace of ideas is also powerful.  John Milton writing in his 1644 Areopagitica argued against censorship and suppression of religious views in the belief that the competition among religious sects would reveal the truth.  John Stuart Mill’s 1859 On Liberty similarly believed that the free play of ideas would yield the truth if there was a “chance of fair play to all sides of the truth.”  And in American constitutional law, it was Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. who in his 1919 Abrams v. United States dissent first introduced the market metaphor to the First Amendment when he contended that “the best test of truth is the power of thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market.”  Since that decision, the hall mark of free speech jurisprudence is the belief that the marketplace of ideas will produce truth and inform the public.  Competition among rival ideas will filter truth from falsehood.
Yet if economic markets are flawed, so is the marketplace of ideas and they too may not be architectonic.  Beyond the fact that some are questioning whether truth even exists, what we learn from recent surveys is that faith in  free speech is waning.  Not a day does not go by that some group argues for restrictions on racist, sexist, or offensive speech or how the press should be regulated.  And a recent study by MIT professors points to something that many have suspected for some time–falsity or fake news  spreads more rapidly than truth on-line.  Because of the natural  tendency for people to be attracted to novelty, falsity is retweeted or posted more than truth.  The enduring power of myths such as vaccines cause autism is proof of this.  For a democracy to exist, its members must have the ability to express their views and search for truth.  Yet if the marketplace of ideas is not  working, democracy is in peril.
The problem then is that the marketplace of ideas too is producing externalities that must be addressed, but doing so without compromising the right and ability of individuals to think for themselves and access the information they need to do so.   How to regulate the marketplace of ideas to address externalities without censorship is a dilemma.   But this marketplace is also plagued or affected by the economic marketplace, allowing rich and powerful actors to use the resources they have acquired in there to adversely affect the marketplace of ideas.   The challenge is how both to preserve the marketplace of ideas from destroying itself while at the same time preventing the economic marketplace from destroying itself and corrupting the marketplace of ideas.

Paradise in Tears: Sinhalese-Muslim Ethnic Tension in Sri Lanka

Punsara Amarasinghe

Sri Lankans were looked for a change with sanguine hopes on good governance, reconciliation and development when the current president MaithripalaSirisenacame into power in 2015. However the greatexpectations yearned by Sri Lankans began to fade away with the lethargic, inefficient rule of the new government and the most recent ethnictension in the island has become its’ worst nightmare. The anti-Muslim violence in Kandy , Sri Lanka has driven the nation to a deplorable situation and at least two people have been killed and eight other injured in the anti-Muslim riots occurred in the central province of Sri Lanka. Muslims are consisted of 10% of the population with the high concentration in the Eastern province of Sri Lanka and Sinhalese account for 70% of the population. The tension between the Sinhalese majority and Muslims minority emerged after Sri Lanka militarily defeated Tamil separatist movement by marking the end of 30years long bloody civil war in 2009. Not a single sign of hostility was erupted between Sinhalese and Muslims during the civil war era whereas some Muslim youth even joined the Sri Lankan defense forces. Nevertheless some hard line political agendas from both Sinhalese and Buddhist communities emerged in post war in Sri Lanka and their impacts strongly began to deteriorate the existed harmony between two ethnic communities.
Especially the rise of hard line Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist organizations during the former president MahindaRajapakshe’s era notably urged the Sinhalese Buddhist majority to boycott Muslim shops and creating Islamphobic narrative gutted the Muslim community considerably. Such a space set the path for the expansion of extreme Islamic ideologies like Wahhabism and it has been reported some of Sri Lankan Muslims joined ISIS in 2014. In fact those foolhardy acts done by Sinhalese Buddhist hardliners dragged the tension between Sinhalese and Buddhists for a bad edge in the recent past.
The above mentioned facts clearly indicate the ongoing violence against Muslims in Sri Lanka has been erupted as an outcome of the continuation of extremism and government’s inability to thwart the rise of ethno religious extremism has worsen the situation.  Few days prior to the incident took place in Kandy groups of people set fire to Muslim owned business and attacked a mosque in the Eastern province of Sri Lanka after suspecting that Muslim hotel was adding contraceptives to food served for Sinhalese customers. This incident was portrayed as an existential    threat for Sinhalese nation in social media like Face Book and Twitter by some hardcore Sinhalese Buddhist groups and such provocative propagandas finally accelerated the speared of the events against Muslims.
However the accusation on Buddhist monks as the biggest agitators cannot be justified as many of the Buddhist monks have openly condemned the attacks against Muslims and more interestingly a Buddhist monk and few young Sinhalese Buddhists stayed spent the night at a mosque situated in Muruthalawa, Kandy to ensure its safety on 6th of March . In fact the despicable acts committed by few Sinhalese Buddhist fanatics, who are completely contradictory to the basic principles of Buddhism have disfigured the image of the nation badly.
The extensive use of social media in spreading the malicious news against Muslims as an evil force has set a ground prior to the beginning of hullabaloo in Kandy and the event erupted recently was bolstered by anti-Muslim Face Book propagandas. The Face Book campaigns against Muslims have not emerged out of the blue in Sri Lanka and its genesis was associated with the rise of far right Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist forces after the end of civil war in the island. The fabricating stories on rise of Muslim population as a potential threat for Sinhalese Buddhist identity became poisoning factors and many moderate civil society organizations attempted to counter this myth , but to no avail. In observing the rise of hatred towards Muslims in Sri Lanka, the younger generation seems to have involved in many face book and other social media campaigning in propagating   far right Sinhalese Buddhist extremism as a result of the influence from newly emerged far right Sinhalese Buddhist groups and to a certain extend some Muslim youth too have been exposed to Islamic extremism in social media. As a matter of fact the communal disharmony provoked by social media can be taken as the main cause of creating the unrest in Sri Lanka.
The Government could not identify the danger or prevent it from the outset and the decision taken by the government to block social media temporality as a method to control the racist propagandas and declaration of state of emergency in the island will not be long standing solutions for the ongoing problem. Mainly the control of social media could be a double edge sword for the government as it has become an integral part of the island nation. Nevertheless if Sri Lanka fails to control the anti-Muslim agitation in this stage permanently itsconsequences could be severe as how Sri Lanka once suffered after failing to prevent 1983 July riots against Tamils, which eventually dragged the island nation for a brutal civil war. Especially the apathyof Sri Lankan government to tame the hardline Sinhalese Buddhist groups may create a sense of uncertainty among the Muslim minority and its end can lead to another gruesome armed struggle in future.

Just How Powerful Is Russia Internationally?

Justin Podur

After the 2016 U.S. election, Barack Obama provided some perspective on the U.S.’s growing fear of Russia; fear that has only grown in the year since.
“Russia can’t change us,” Obama said. “They are a smaller country, they are a weaker country, their economy doesn’t produce anything that anybody wants to buy except oil, and gas and arms.”
Obama was appealing to an analysis students are taught in first-year undergraduate international relations class: the idea, espoused in Yale history professor Paul Kennedy’s textbook The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, that military power is determined ultimately by industrial power. Kennedy’s work is full of tables showing the relative industrial power of countries in armed conflict. The winner in each case is the one with more industrial power.
Table 33, Tank Production in 1944, shows Germany producing 17,800 tanks, Russia producing 29,000 tanks, Britain producing 5,000, and the US producing 17,500. Germany produced less than Russia alone, in other words, and far less than the Allies combined.
Table 34, Aircraft Production of the Powers, shows how year after year, the allies out-produced the Axis, by the end, by more than four times or five times. Table 35 shows combined military production: The Allies produced $62.5 billion in arms in 1943, compared to $18.3 billion from the Axis.
Based on the tables, the allied victory was inevitable. The tables don’t lie. Look at hundreds of years of war and in each conflict, the side that brings the most economic power to bear almost always wins.
Trying to estimate Russia’s relative power has been a Western preoccupation for centuries. One quote, “Russia is neither as strong nor as weak as it appears,” has been attributed to Western statesmen from Metternich to Talleyrand to Churchill.
Going through Great Power history looking specifically for Russia, we see phases during which Russia’s relative power expanded and phases when it contracted. Between 1815-1880, as the other powers were industrializing, they pulled far ahead of Russia: Russia’s GNP in 1830 was $10.5 billion, compared to Germany’s $7.2 billion and Britain’s $8.2 billion; but in 1890, Russia’s GNP had grown to $21.1 billion while Germany’s had grown to $26.4 billion and Britain’s to $29.4 billion. Russia had fallen even further behind on a per capita basis.
It was in this period, in 1867—when Russia’s rulers wondered whether they would even be able to get to their Alaskan territory should the invincible British navy contest them—that they sold Alaska to the United States. At the end of this period, in 1904-’05, Russia lost a war to Japan, a loss that surprised both sides.
Despite two devastating World Wars, Russia was, in relative terms, at its strongest during its Soviet phase from 1917-1991. Even in those decades, though, as Russia expanded its industrial and military power, it never came close to rivaling the wealth and power of the United States.
The post-Soviet phase in Russia began with the fastest loss of living standards for the greatest number of people in history. Around 70 million people became impoverished virtually overnight when Yeltsin imposed American-advised economic shock therapy on the country. In the 1990s, NATO expanded across Central Europe and reached Russia’s own borders. NATO military interventions dismembered Russia’s ally, Yugoslavia, and a U.S.-led covert mission destroyed Russia’s neighbor, Afghanistan, which is today occupied by U.S. troops.
If Russia’s might seems to be growing today, it is because Putin set about trying to reverse some of the post-1991 losses to Russian living standards and to Russia’s regional alliances. To the degree that Putin’s policies have been successful—in restoring Russia’s per capita GDP to pre-1991 levels by around 2006, for example, and preventing Syria’s state from being partitioned like Yugoslavia was—they are popular in Russia. This is a far cry, however, from making Russia (with a $1.3 trillion GDP) a challenger to a U.S. economy 15 times its size (with an $18 trillion GDP).
In 2017, the U.S. spent a cool 10 times what Russia did on arms; the U.S. budget is around $600 billion, the Russian is $61 billion. Russia spends considerably less than China ($150 billion) and less than Saudi Arabia ($77 billion).
Russia approaches U.S. levels in arms exports—the U.S. exported around $10 billion in 2016, while Russia came in second at around $6.4 billion, according to a report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. But it is still behind the U.S. even on this metric.
By other, softer measures of power, Russia has yet to catch up to its pre-1991 levels. In scientific research, in the early 1990s, Russia was producing around the same amount of research as China, India and Brazil, none of which were anywhere near the U.S. By 2009, 20% of global science publications were authored by Americans; 13.7% by Chinese; and only 1.6% by Russians. In 2011, U.S. researchers published 212,394 papers. Russian researchers published 14,151.
None of this precludes the sorts of Russian influence that the American public fears. Russia doesn’t have to have more scientific output than America to get compromising information on its president or to have informal influence over him. Russia doesn’t have to outspend America for Russian hackers to get a lucky break and expose embarrassing emails that influence an election.
But lucky breaks and clever spycraft are as easy for the wealthier and more powerful side to achieve as they are for the smaller, weaker country—easier, even. In the long run, industrial power is a better predictor of influence. America’s military bases ring Russia’s borders, not the other way around. America’s economic power dictates to the world, not Russia’s. And even if a Russian hacker group got a lucky break once a week, the fact is that day to day the Internet is monopolized by American corporations that work with American government agencies to maximize American influence in the world.
Exaggerating Russian power may help justify higher military expenditures in the U.S.; it may soothe Democratic party leaders who want to believe their electoral loss was due to something other than their own unpopularity. But it requires ignoring hundreds of years of the history of economic and military power.