1 Oct 2018

The Muslim Predicament

Faisal Khan

This is a bad time in history to be a Muslim. Whether as minorities or in predominantly Muslim countries Muslims live under enormous and perhaps unprecedented strain. There is war and chaos in much of the Arab Middle East be it Syria, Palestine, Iraq or Libya. Further afield in places like Myanmar Muslims are facing genocide and persecution. In Afghanistan, there has been an ongoing Western-led war for over 15 years with no immediate end in sight. In Pakistan, over 50,000 people have lost their lives fighting extremists. As a response to ‘9/11’ (in which nearly 3000 died including 500 Muslims) the US led a war on terror against majority Muslim countries resulting in the deaths of circa 370,000 people.
Muslims are simultaneously being demonised and vilified in the West whilst facing extermination in other places. In India, a genuinely hostile environment has been created for Muslims where many are persecuted on a near daily basis and killed for the pettiest of reasons (such as eating beef). In China, they are being forced to convert: imprisoned in camps, they are compelled to eat pork and drink alcohol. Even in supposedly benign places like Denmark Muslims are being targeted and treated like second-class citizens. Large numbers of the world’s refugees are Muslim. Muslims are the worlds ‘new’ Jews.
Moreover, it is Muslims who bear the brunt of Islamist terrorism. According to the Global Terrorism Index data, of the top 10 countries with the biggest threat of terrorism – eight are Muslim majority countries. According to a report by the US National Counterterrorism Centre, Muslims suffered between 82 and 97 per cent of fatalities over the past five years, and Muslims are seven times more likely than non-Muslims to be the victims of terror. Further, 98% of all terrorist attacks occurred outside the US/Western Europe even if they didn’t dominate the news cycle. Muslim lives have become cheap and expendable. At the behest of greedy dictators, lacking unity and leadership, divided by nationalism and overwhelmed by Western-led interventions the Muslim World is truly in crisis. The current Muslim predicament is akin to the period of ‘Jaliyah’ (ignorance) that pervaded much of the Arab World before the Prophet Muhammed’s (PBUH) time in the 6th Century AD.
The Islamic World has known better times. Roughly the period between the 8th century and the 14th witnessed what was an Islamic ‘Golden Age’. This period was marked by the rapid spread of Islamic Civilisation throughout much of the Mediterranean and the Middle East and further. It was a period that saw great scientific progress, the invention of algebra, technological innovation, some of the finest architecture the world has ever seen (to this day, for instance, roughly 6,000 people a day visit the Alhambra palace in Spain). It was marked by learning, outstanding philosophers and writers -like Rumi, Ibn Battuta, Al-Ghazali, Avicenna (the reputed father of modern medicine)- and religious plurality. In Europe’s dark ages the light came from Muslim Spain. While Londoners slept in mud huts beside the river Thames Muslims in the south of Spain were building modern roads and bridges, elegant buildings and using deodorants. It is now accepted wisdom that this period inspired the European Renaissance.
So, what are the solutions to the darkness that currently pervades the Islamic World? It’s clearly a predicament that is caused by a multiplicity of factors, and therefore the solutions will be no less complex. I personally don’t have all the answers beyond making a few suggestions and observations. Its pure delusion for Muslims to expect help from the ‘Christian’ West to improve their situation. It has no interest in doing so: in fact, it is the West’s wars, empires, plunder and backing of dictators that has helped create this predicament in the first place. Islam has long been perceived as a threat in the Christian world and perhaps always will be.
What the Muslim world desperately needs is inspirational leadership (not Western-backed proxies), unity and a reawakening akin to that it achieved under the direction of the Prophet Muhammed (PBUH). Muslims need to use their past achievements to inspire them: like China and India have done. They need governments that represent the aspirations of their people (rather than those of the greedy elite or foreign powers). It’s not a reformation of Islam that is required but a unity and return to the fundamentals of Islam that emphasise peaceful co-existence, a balance between Deen (religion) and Dunya (the world) and social justice whilst simultaneously embracing ideas of the moment such as democracy.
While the picture is bleak, there are signs of hope. The year 2011 saw a major uprising through much of the Arab world where people sought to overthrow often western-backed dictators. While this was brutally crushed in some places, it nevertheless reflected a powerful desire for many in the Arab Muslim world to embrace democracy. Tunisia was one of the relative success stories and is forging a no doubt difficult path to representative government. Lebanon, an Arab country, is a democracy that recognises 18 official religions. Pakistan recently held its third democratic election in a row. Countries like Malaysia represent economic success stories from which other Muslim nations can take inspiration. The Muslim world can also learn from the European Union and develop a similar system pooling resources and helping further the development of its members. None of this will be done without visionary, courageous and inspirational leadership both within and between Muslim societies.

Construction and demolition – health hazards

Sheshu Babu

In cities and towns, houses are being rapidly demolished paving way for construction of flats/ apartments. The house owners are selling their houses for ‘ development’ with the intention of making money and the contractors are constructing flats selling each one with huge profit margin. Rubble created by demolishing structures and the spreading of dust particles in the air is not only causing lung related ailments but also closing ventilation to other residential house s near the constructed flats. Even roads and bridges are being demolished and re- constructed on a regular basis
Materials
C&D ( construction and demolition) material consists of debris generated during the construction, renovation and demolition of buildings, roads and bridges. C& D materials often contain bulky heavy materials such as concrete, wood ( from buildings), Asphalt ( from roads and roofing shingles), Gypsum, ( the main component of drywall) ,metals, bricks, glass, plastics, salvaged building components like doors, windows and plumbing fixtures , trees, stumps, earth and rock from clearing sites ( sustainable Management of Construction and Demolition Materials, www.epa.gov) EPA’s waste characterization report ‘the Advancing Sustainable Materials Management : 2015 Fact Sheet’ estimates C & D material generation in the United States generated 548 million tons of debris in 2015 – more than twice the amount of generated municipal solid waste. Demolition represents more than 90% of total C & D debris generation , while construction represents less than 10 percent.
In India, there is no agreement on the volume of C&D waste . The Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change in 2010 , put the annual estimate of C &D waste at 10-12 million tonnes. The central pollution board settled for 12 million tonnes in 2011, but its Guidelines Document of 2017 has upped the estimate to 25-30 million tonnes based on the information from Ministry of Urban Development. The centre for science and Environment swung into action and estimated C&D waste at a humongous 530 million tonnes in 2017 that include renovation/ repairs of one third of existing buildings. (Building from debris, written by Isher Judge Ahluwalia, Almitra Patel, published September 26, 2018, indianexpress.com ). The most recent C& D waste is 165- 175 million tons , jointly prepared by two government agencies the Building Materials and Technology Promotion Council and the Center for Fly Ash Research and Management. The waste is illegally dumped in vacant areas, beside fly overs, lakes and ponds, open store water drains and low lying areas.
Health hazard
Delhi and Bengaluru are prominent example to indicate the rise of air pollution. The C&D waste in Bengaluru is being used to encroach upon lake’ bed land for construction. Nations like Germany have developed novel ways of recycling C&D waste by creating a small hillock outside Stuttgrt which now serves as a recreation ground.
The increase of C&D waste leads to pollution of land, air, water and environment that leads to several diseases . If children are exposed, they easily develop breathing problems. They also suffer severe cough and cold. Exposure also leads to skin – related diseases. The pile of rubble creates havoc during extreme climate conditions. Hence, people should demand that strict laws are made to dispose c & d waste.
Healthy atmosphere
For clean air and water, c &d disposal plants should be established in every city. Rubble of the demolished site should be thrown in remote areas. Construction of apartments/ flats should not be allowed to cover other residential houses. Due to no clear orders material is left on the roads without proper arrangement. Governments should see that no individual suffers as a result of accumulated waste . Multi- storeys flats and construction of high-rise buildings are closing ventilation to houses adjacent to the newly constructed flats. Sunlight and other natural elements should be allowed to pass through houses. Only then, future of the people might be saved from environmental hazards.

Egypt executed 32 people since military coup as dozens remain on death row

Abdus Sattar Ghazali

Egyptian military junta led by US-client Field Marshall Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has executed 32 people since al-Sisi overthrew the first democratically elected President Mohamed Morsi in July 2013.
According to the New Khaleej, Egyptian authorities have executed 32 people in nine cases since the coup d’état while 64 people are awaiting the death penalty in 13 other cases.
There is no precise count of the number of death sentences pending appeals in Egypt, however human rights organizations say they amount to hundreds.
Since 2013, Egyptian courts have sentenced hundreds to death, with most of the sentences appealed, while few were carried out.
At the same times human rights organizations have estimated that tens of thousands political detainees in its prisons. In September 2016, the Cairo-based Arabic Network for Human Rights Information said that the number of political detainees in Egypt has exceeded 60,000 individuals.
Egyptian Kangaroo Court sentences activist to jail for posting anti-govt video on social media
An Egyptian Kangaroo Court on Saturday (Sept 29) sentenced an activist to two years in jail over a video she posted on social media criticizing the government for failing to protect women against sexual harassment and over poor living conditions.
Amal Fathy, a member of the now banned April 6 youth movement which played a role in 2011 protests that forced President Hosni Mubarak from office, was also fined 10,000 Egyptian pounds ($562), her lawyer Tarek Abuel Nasr and state news agency MENA said.
She was charged with spreading false news that threatened national security and disseminating a video that violated public decency. She also faces other charges including joining an illegal group.
Rights groups have repeatedly criticized Egypt’s human rights situation, saying conditions have continued to deteriorate under Field Marshall Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who came to power in 2013 after the army overthrew President Mohamed Morsi.
Seventeen UN human rights experts criticized Egypt on Friday for its use of anti-terrorism laws to detain activists fighting for women’s rights and against graft, torture and extra-judicial killings.
Fathy was detained in May, days after she posted a 12-minute video in which she expressed her anger at poor public services at a local bank, heavy traffic, sexual harassment by a taxi driver and over a general deterioration in living conditions.
Egypt passed a law in July giving the state powers to block social media accounts and penalize journalists held to be publishing “fake news.”
UN experts says Egypt systematically targets rights activists
Seventeen UN human rights experts criticized Egypt on Friday for its use of anti-terrorism laws to detain activists fighting for women’s rights and against graft, torture and extra-judicial killings. The experts’ joint statement, unusual for attracting such a large number of signatories, named activists who had been detained for months, highlighting the case of women’s rights campaigner Amal Fathy.
“We are gravely concerned at the human rights defenders’ prolonged periods of detention, reportedly arising from their peaceful and legitimate defense of human rights,” they said.
The 17 independent experts all investigate rights for the UN Human Rights Council, which wrapped up a three-week session on Friday without any scrutiny of Egypt.
The systematic targeting of human rights defenders is yet another indication that the Egyptian Government is operating a zero-tolerance approach to dissent, which is often suppressed under the pretext of countering terrorism they said.
Earlier this month Amnesty International, a human rights charity, said Egypt had become an “open-air prison” under Field Marshall Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
Court adjourns hearing session in ousted president Morsi’s trial
A Cairo Kangaroo court adjourned on Thursday a hearing session for former Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi and others in the case known as the “break-in of the eastern border” only minutes after it had started due to repeated failures in the courtroom’s loudspeakers.
One of the defendants, the Muslim Brotherhood group’s Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie, was sitting on a wooden chair in the courtroom’s cage as he was suffering from back pain. When the court checked the presence of the defendants, the microphones would not work, which disrupted the session.
The court was set to hear the testimony of former interior minister Habib Al-Adli, who served during the era of US client ousted president Hosni Mubarak who ruled Egypt for 40 years from 1981 to 2011.
A criminal court had handed down death sentences to former president Mohamed Morsi in addition to Badie and a number of other Muslim Brotherhood leaders.

Senior management implodes after exposure of government interference at Australia’s state-funded media

Richard Phillips

Last week, two senior Australian Broadcasting Corporation executives—managing director Michelle Guthrie and board chairman Justin Milne—were forced out amid a crisis over revelations that leading journalists had been targeted for dismissal for criticising government policies.
The assault on ABC journalists is the most blatant example of direct government interference in the almost nine-decade history of the state-funded media outlet.
Under the ABC’s charter, federal governments cannot directly intervene in editorial policy, programming decisions, or day-to-day management. While ABC Board members are largely appointed by federal governments, they are supposed to defend the political independence of the state-funded network.
On Monday, Guthrie was sacked by Milne, who claimed that the ABC “needed a different leadership style” and that her managerial skills were inadequate.
In reality, the “problem” with Guthrie had nothing to do with her so-called management “style.” In line with her managerial brief, the highly paid former corporate lawyer and Google executive has ruthlessly imposed government budget cuts and destroyed hundreds of jobs in the past two and a half years of her five-year contract.
The real reason for her removal was revealed a day later in a leaked document. Guthrie was dismissed because she refused to obey orders from Milne to sack high-profile journalists Emma Alberici and Andrew Probyn.
Milne is a close friend and former business partner of the multi-millionaire former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Turnbull, federal communications minister Mitch Fifield, and the rest of the Liberal-National Coalition government, are openly hostile to the two journalists and anyone else at the network who dares criticise the government.
In May, Alberici, the network’s chief economics correspondent, published an article exposing the Liberal-National government’s planned tax cuts for big business as a massive handout to the wealthy. She revealed that at least 400 Australian businesses paid little or no tax. Turnbull was furious, denouncing her report in parliament and in the media.
Days later Milne emailed Guthrie declaring: “They [the government] fricken hate her. She keeps sticking it to them with a clear bias against them. We clear her as OK. We r tarred with her brush. I just think it’s simple. Get rid of her. My view is we need to save the corporation not Emma. There is no g’tee [guarantee] they will lose the next election.”
Andrew Probyn recently reported on alleged discussions between News Corp chair Rupert Murdoch and Seven West chief Kerry Stokes. Murdoch is alleged to have said, “We have got to get rid of Malcolm,” in other words, Turnbull had to be removed as prime minister.
In October last year, Probyn described former Liberal Prime Minister Tony Abbott as “the most destructive politician of his generation.” According to a leaked document published by the Daily Telegraph, Guthrie alleged that Milne ordered her to sack Probyn. When she refused, Milne accused her of “putting the future of the ABC at risk.”
The document alleges that Milne made his demand after he had met with Turnbull and Fifield. “Milne ­ berated me about Andrew Probyn, saying that the then-prime minister hates him and ‘You have to shoot him.’”
“I reiterated the need to maintain our public trust and the ABC couldn’t be responding, or be seen to be responding, to pressure from the government of the day. In response, Mr Milne continued to yell at me and berate me and wouldn’t let me finish the call,” Guthrie’s document states.
These revelations amounted to a veritable bombshell, forcing Milne to resign last Thursday.
Attempting to contain the political crisis, Prime Minister Scott Morrison, recently installed after the ousting of Turnbull, and heading a fragile and deeply divided government, quickly endorsed the appointment of Dr Kirstin Ferguson as interim ABC board chair. She is a big business executive, corporate lawyer and former Royal Australian Air Force officer. Yesterday, Morrison told the media that the ABC should “stop talking about itself and get back to work.”
Turnbull, of course, now travelling overseas, immediately denied any government interference in the ABC, declaring that he never issued instructions for any journalist to be sacked. These claims are laughable. When your close friend and former business partner is the ABC chairman, explicit instructions are unnecessary—“a wink is as good as a nod.”
As communications minister in former Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s government, and then prime minister, Turnbull regularly denounced journalists at the ABC and the partially state-funded Special Broadcasting Services (SBS).
Last week, ex-ABC technology writer, Nick Ross, told 2GB radio that an article he wrote in 2013 on the National Broadband Network was pulled so as not to upset Turnbull. Ross gave the article to the ABC’s head of current affairs, but was told “we’re not going to publish it because it’ll upset Malcolm Turnbull, and management don’t want to do that because they’re expecting the Liberals to win the 2013 election.”
In April 2015, popular SBS sports commentator Scott McIntyre tweeted his opposition to the government’s multi-million-dollar jingoistic promotion of the centenary of World War I, and Anzac Day commemorations in particular.
Turnbull was outraged. In less than 24 hours, he released a joint statement with SBS managing director Michael Ebeid and SBS director of sport Ken Shipp, which stated that McIntyre had been “terminated” with “immediate effect”.
In June that year, then Prime Minister Abbott demanded that “heads should roll” at the ABC after its “Q&A” panel discussion program allowed Zakky Mallah, an acquitted terrorist suspect, to ask a prepared and vetted question of a government minister participating in the show.
The government and the rest of the corporate media unleashed hysterical denunciations of the network, accusing it of providing a platform for terrorism. The ABC board responded by issuing a formal warning to “Q&A” producer Peter McEvoy, an award winning journalist.
In June this year, the New South Wales branch of the Young Liberals, in line with calls by the Murdoch media empire and other corporate outlets, passed a resolution demanding that the government privatise the ABC.
Ongoing government interference in the ABC, threatened sackings of ABC journalists and never-ending budget cuts, outsourcing and job destruction, are in line with efforts to restructure the state-funded network in preparation for a US-led war against China and other perceived international rivals. This agenda requires the silencing of politically honest journalists, along with others at the network and their transformation into slavish propagandists for the government.
These efforts run parallel with Australia’s new “foreign interference laws,” where opposition to militarism, war and government policy can be defined as “seditious” or “treasonous” and punishable with long jail terms.
Last week’s revelations provoked angry mass meetings of ABC journalists and staff in Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane on Wednesday. ABC workers vigorously denounced the overt government interference and resolutions were passed demanding the sacking of Milne, condemning the board and calling for its replacement.
It is necessary, however, for those determined to fight this anti-democratic assault to seriously examine how and why such a situation has arisen. The endorsement of the ongoing persecution of WikiLeaks editor, Julian Assange, by the Australian government, some senior reporters at the ABC and their counterparts in the rest of media, has opened the way for such attacks. The media unions maintain a deafening silence on his plight.
An essential first step in the fight against the ongoing and escalating campaign against Australia’s state-funded media is for ABC journalists and staff to declare their full support for Julian Assange and demand that the federal government utilise its diplomatic power and legal discretion to return Assange to Australia, if he so chooses, and that WikiLeaks be able to exercise its democratic right to continue its exposures, unhindered by state persecution.
ABC workers must understand that the slanderous attacks on Assange and WikiLeaks are inseparable from the Australian government’s attempts to censor and silence every journalist with whom it disagrees.

Brazil’s Workers Party leader covers up far-right threats to next government

Miguel Andrade

With Brazil’s October 7 general elections less than a week away, the political life of the country has been dominated by increasing threats to democratic institutions by the military and officials associated with the presidential campaign of the fascistic army reserve captain and seven-term Rio de Janeiro federal representative Jair Bolsonaro.
With Bolsonaro leading the polls, the official “democratic” bourgeois factions are themselves moving sharply to the right.
The latest far-right move in the crisis-ridden campaign has been an interview given by Bolsonaro to the right-wing pundit José Luiz Datena, from the Bandeirantes TV channel, declaring that “based on what he sees on the streets,” he could not accept an electoral defeat at the hands of the Workers Party (PT) candidate Fernando Haddad.
Bolsonaro gave the interview from a semi-intensive care unit in one of the favorite hospitals of São Paulo’s wealthy elite, where he has spent 20 days recovering from a life-threatening knife wound inflicted by a deeply disturbed individual during a campaign rally.
With 28 percent, Bolsonaro leads the latest polls, but is ever more closely followed by Haddad, who is rapidly closing the gap and now polls at 22 percent, largely due to the so-called “vote transfer” from former PT President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Lula had previously led the polls for almost a year. Jailed for corruption, on September 11, after an eight-month legal battle, Lula finally dropped his candidacy in favor of Haddad.
Tied in third place with around 10 percent are Ciro Gomes, the candidate of the oldest functioning bourgeois party in Brazil, the Democratic Labor Party (PDT), and former São Paulo state governor Geraldo Alckmin, from the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), the country’s former leading right-wing party. The latest Datafolha poll from September 28 saw every contender increase his lead over Bolsonaro in a likely second-round run-off election.
The latest ominous threat by the far right follows repeated declarations by high-ranking military officers, especially the commander of the Brazilian Army, Gen. Eduardo Villas Bôas, and echoed by right-wing pundits, questioning the legitimacy of the elections. They have pointed to “foreign interference” by a UN panel that voiced concerns over the treatment of Lula, a potential ruling by the Supreme Court freeing the ex-PT president on appeal and the impact of the attempt on the life of Bolsonaro, who could claim he was denied the right to campaign by the attack.
Villas Bôas’ declarations have emboldened Bolsonaro’s vice presidential running mate, Gen. Hamilton Mourão, to declare the legitimacy of a presidential self-coup—calling out the military—in face of the widespread opposition Bolsonaro would inevitably face if elected.
They have also emboldened Bolsonaro himself to declare that the Electoral Court may rig Brazil’s electronic voting system in the PT’s favor, and that this would be the “only” possible explanation for his defeat at the polls.
What is becoming increasingly clear is that the far right will apply maximum pressure in order to guarantee that the next government, whether led by Bolsonaro or by Haddad, is going to be the most right-wing since the fall of the 21-year US-backed military dictatorship in 1985.
Against such a menacing backdrop, the PT is making it ever clearer that it will play the leading role in covering up this threat from the far right, whether it wins the election or not.
The far-right campaign has prompted the PT to dispatch its former chancellor and defense minister, Celso Amorim, to a round of interviews with what passes for the “left” press in Brazil—the local edition of the Spanish Daily El País and PT mouthpieces such as Carta Capital and Brasil247 —in which he has guaranteed that the pack of generals behind Bolsonaro and the army commander Gen. Villas Bôas do not represent “the vision of the Armed Forces.”
Amorim made this media tour in the wake of the PT-organized “Threats to democracy and the multipolar world” conference in São Paulo, which had as one of its main speakers Dominique de Villepin, the right-wing former French prime minister who oversaw major anti-working class “reforms” responsible for the unprecedented growth of the far right in France.
Support from imperialist officials and mouthpieces, such as the New York TimesLe Monde, the Financial Times and the Economist, has been a central prop of the PT’s appeals to the Brazilian ruling elite, with Lula receiving supporting letters and jail visits from warmongers such as François Hollande and Martin Schultz.
In his first interview in his PT-sponsored media tour, Celso Amorim told Carta Capital that Bolsonaro and General Mourão are “a minority” within the military. He singled out desperate workers willing to cast a vote for the nationalist and populist-posturing Bolsonaro as the greatest threat to democracy.
To El País, on the next day, Amorim praised Gen. Joaquim Silva e Luna, Brazil’s first uniformed defense minister since the Army, Navy and Air Force ministries were unified to increase civilian control over the military, for “being constructive” during the proceedings of the Congressional Truth Commission on the 1964-1985 dictatorship. During this process, the military insisted that no prosecution would be allowed for its assassins and torturers and openly threatened mutiny if any attempt were made to hold them accountable.
In the same interview, he dismissed Villas Bôas’s declarations threatening the Supreme Court on the eve of its April 3 ruling on Lula’s Habeas Corpus plea. He said that the army was “attentive to its missions” and “shared the feelings of well-meaning citizens’ against impunity [for Lula].” He added that he didn’t want to “speculate on what he meant” and that “he cannot judge his intentions,” and that “he could not cast any suspicion” on Villas Bôas from what he knew of him as defense minister.
Later, on September 28, he declared to Brasil 247 that “the military will accept Haddad’s victory,” once again relying on the “constructive” Gen. Silva e Luna, whom he said “has highlighted that the election result would be respected, whatever it is.”
Amorim’s press tour and his promotion of General Silva e Luna constitute a carefully thought-out maneuver by the PT to court the military and present the party as the force best suited to its interests. The clearest indication of this has been Amorim’s reference, in Carta Capital, to the need for “a preemptive Marshall Lott.”
Marshall Henrique Lott was responsible for guaranteeing that President Juscelino Kubitscheck could take office in 1956 after the threat of a military coup, and for later reining in another coup threat against President João Goulart in 1961, in the so-called “Legality Campaign.”
Amid an escalating military threat and an increase in working class militancy, it was the Communist Party’s insistence that workers subordinate themselves for more than 10 years to “constitutionalist” bourgeois forces like Lott and the Brazilian Labor Party, to which Goulart belonged, that proved the main factor in the final success of the military in the coup of 1964, which initiated a 21-year, blood-soaked regime that murderously silenced any opposition.
The references to Lott and “constitutionalist” military go hand-in-hand with the declarations by PT officials that they are pursuing a “Perón strategy,” of “Haddad as President, Lula in Power.” The Argentine President Juan Domingo Perón, harbored by the fascist Franco regime in Spain after a 1955 Argentine military coup, came back to Argentina after his hand-picked candidate, Héctor Cámpora, won the 1973 elections. He allowed Perón’s return and quickly resigned in order to convene new elections that Perón would win. Taking office amid increasing working class unrest, Perón died in 1974, and his party turned viciously against the working class, founding the murderous Argentine Anticommunist Alliance and purging the unions before being ousted by the military, leaving the working class defenseless, in the face of the 1976 coup.
The PT’s rightward movement is preparing a no-less bloody end. The first task of the working class in preparing itself for the inevitable future confrontations is to consciously break with the PT and all of its “anti-fascist” bourgeois alliance.

López Obrador promises Truth Commission in disappearance of Ayotzinapa students

Don Knowland 

Last week marked the fourth anniversary of the forced disappearance of 43 teaching students (normalistas) from the Raúl Isidro Burgo Rural Normal School in the town of Ayotzinapa in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero. Following a demonstration against cuts in education funding in the city of Iguala, local police herded the students into buses and likely turned them over to a local gang, the Guerreros Unidos. They have never been heard from since, and the remains have been recovered of only one of the students.
The incident itself, as well as its investigation by the Attorney General of Mexico (PGR) under what is now the outgoing government of President Enrique Peña Nieto and his Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI), were emblematic of the lawlessness of the Mexican state, its corruption and its ties to organized crime. At a more fundamental level, the case evinced the disdain of Mexico’s ruling oligarchy and government for the most basic rights of the Mexican population, who were outraged by this monstrous crime.
The PGR’s investigation concluded that the Guerreros Unidos gang killed the students and then incinerated their remains in a dump by a river in the neighboring town of Cocula. This is known in Mexico as the “historical explanation.”
Its deficiencies and inconsistencies were exposed by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) and the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, among others. They proved that the students’ remains could not have been incinerated at the Cocula dump site as the PGR had concluded.
The PGR arrested 170 people, including members of Guerreros Unidos and local police from Iguala and Cocula. One hundred and nineteen of them are still detained, of whom 69 are directly accused of complicity in the events. Not a single person has been sentenced for the crime.
Confessions by many of those detained were extracted under torture. Courts later ordered a number of them freed for that reason.
The PGR also ignored credible evidence developed by the CIDH of the complicity in the crime of various government authorities—the Guerrero state police, the federal police, and the 27th Battalion of the Army stationed in Iguala—who either directly participated in the detentions and murder of the students, or stood by as they transpired.
The PGR under President Peña Nieto stuck to the historical explanation precisely in order to cover up the involvement of these forces, above all in order not to subject the Army to scrutiny.
The Mexican government rejected widespread calls for a “truth commission” that would continue and expand the investigation, including those by the Office in Mexico of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN-DH), who decried the government’s conclusions as “unsustainable.”
The families of the disappeared students and their supporters went to court in order to reopen the investigation and seek the implementation of such a commission. The PGR opposed this relief, filing literally dozens of court appeals to head this off.
In June, a constitutional court issued a landmark ruling that ordered the creation of an independent “Commission of Investigation for Truth and Justice” to once again take up the case. The PGR challenged that ruling, asserting that impaneling such a commission was a “legal and material impossibility.”
On September 20, the First Collegiate Court of the Nineteenth Circuit based in Reynosa rejected the position of the PGR. The State could not investigate the federal police and Army, because it would in effect be investigating itself.
Now the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation will review this ruling.
Last Wednesday, over ten thousand marched in Mexico City, including the students’ family members, university students, teachers and social organizations, to commemorate the disappearance of the normalistas, and press for a new, thorough and honest investigation.
The families then met with President-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador (popularly known as AMLO) of the victorious Morena (Movement for National Regeneration) party.
AMLO offered the next of kin the investiture of a truth commission, with or without a court ruling. The new government’s goal he said was to work for “truth and justice,” without impunity. But, he cautioned, there would be no “witch hunt.”
A decree to that effect would be issued on December 1, requiring the government to cooperate fully with, rather than impede, such an investigation, and to allow the participation of the UN and the IGIE, which would include utilization of the latter’s technical assistance.
After the families met with AMLO, Alejandro Encinas—once a militant of the former Communist Party of Mexico, former head of the Mexico City government and the current senator representing Mexico City in Congress—who AMLO says he will appoint deputy minister of the Interior to oversee human rights generally and the Truth Commission specifically, addressed the press. Encinas stressed that a commission would “allow us to have an instrument with sufficient judicial force to review the case and continue the investigation.”
However, when Encinas was asked about whether the participation of the military in these crimes would be investigated, he equivocated: We “will see. It is not the objective to investigate the Army… [We] do not want to ‘strap on knives’ with the Army.”
Encinas continued: “It is different to talk about the Armed Forces in the abstract, than say, elements of the Armed Forces. You have to make that differentiation.”
When specific reference was made to the participation of the Army’s 27th Battalion, Encinas demurred, saying any comment would have to wait the new investigation, and that it was not up to him to speculate.
Pressed further, Encinas said that “if there are elements of the Armed Forces [involved], they will have to be subject to the corresponding sanction.” In other words, if the Army high command ordered or covered up local army involvement that would be out of bounds in any truth commission.
This deference to the Armed Forces is of a piece with AMLO recently backtracking from his campaign promise that he would pull soldiers from the streets, where they were placed over ten years ago by President Felipe Calderón, ostensibly to battle the drug cartels, “back to their barracks.” Now, he explains, although the military operation has led to tens of thousands of deaths, that is not practicable.
AMLO also must tread carefully, lest leaders in his own party or other supporters turn out to have been involved in the Ayotzinapa events, or in their coverup. In 2014 he and Morena had been grooming Iguala’s former mayor, José Luis Abarca, to run for governor of Guerrero state. It turned out that Abarca was directly involved in ordering the seizure of the normalistas the night they disappeared. He and his wife, the latter a sibling of the leader of Guerreros Unidos, were later convicted of involvement with the gang and money laundering.
AMLO ran for president as a “progressive social democrat.” His platform stressed most of all fighting corruption. Corrupt governors, those in bed with the narcotics cartels, officials who stole or committed fraud against public property, who rigged bids for public contracts, who turned a blind eye in Mexico City to enforcement of building standards, despite a history of major earthquakes, who illegally spied on citizens—and their co-conspirators in business—would all face a day of reckoning, without “impunity.” Presumably, even the outgoing president might have to face the music.
Mexico’s working class will learn soon enough that once in office AMLO will disappoint them on many fronts. He inevitably will pursue more and more right-wing measures in the interests of the Mexican and international bourgeoisie.

World Bank warns Gaza faces economic collapse

Jean Shaoul 

Gaza’s economy is in “free fall,” the World Bank has warned. It has contracted by 6 percent in the first quarter of 2018, with every indication that it would continue to deteriorate. The Bank warned of Gaza’s “immediate collapse” without urgent intervention.
A report published September 25 stated, “The result is an alarming situation with every second person living in poverty and the unemployment rate for its overwhelmingly young population at over 70 percent.”
The Bank blamed Israel’s economic blockade of Gaza, imposed in 2007 and later joined by Egypt, along with cuts in funding from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Palestinian Authority, for the disastrous situation facing its near-destitute population.
Since 2006, Palestinians in Gaza have been unable to export their manufactured goods, fruit and vegetables, work in Israel’s construction and agricultural sectors or import crucial materials required for production and construction, leading to the de-industrialisation of the economy.
So tight is the blockade by air, sea and land that it is almost impossible to leave Gaza, even to seek life-saving medical treatment in Egypt, Jordan, Israel or the West Bank, rendering it an open-air prison.
In 2015, a United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) report said Gaza would become “unliveable” in less than five years if the current economic and population trends continued.
What the World Bank report did not say was that Israel’s draconian blockade was its response to Hamas’ victory in internationally-monitored elections for the Palestinian Authority parliament in January 2006, and is an act of collective punishment prohibited under international law. In 2006, a senior adviser to then Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Dov Weisglass, explained the goal of the Gaza siege was to put the people of Gaza “on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger.” The goal, according to Israel’s Defence ministry, was to wage “economic warfare” that would generate a political crisis, leading to a popular uprising against Hamas.
The blockade, along with the destruction of infrastructure and tens of thousands of homes by the Israeli military in three major military assaults in 2008-9, 2012 and 2014, has devastated the territory and its 1.9 million inhabitants.
Successive US administrations, Democratic and Republican, have given unconditional support to the Israeli state as it has carried out its attacks on Gaza, including the recent massacre of unarmed protesters in Gaza where at least 170 have been gunned down by Israeli snipers and thousands more have been wounded.
Gaza’s economy has become entirely dependent upon aid and remittances, almost the only sources of money flowing into the Strip. Earlier this month, the Trump administration announced that it was ending all further payments to UNRWA, including the $290 million planned for this year—itself a reduction on the $364 million last year—as part of its plans to close down the agency altogether. The US contribution accounts for nearly 30 percent of UNRWA’s total budget that provides health care, education and social services to Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. UNRWA warned that unless $217 million was forthcoming from other donors, it would have to make cuts.
Starting in 2017, President Mahmoud Abbas’ Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, which is responsible for the payment of Gaza’s public sector workers, cut its funding and in 2018 stopped it altogether. The PA withheld payments to Israel for Gaza’s power supply—already limited—leading to further power cuts, water shortages and untreated sewage.
According to the World Bank, the PA and UNRWA were the main source of non-trade related funding, totalling more than $2.3 billion in 2014, with some $500 million of informal sources flowing to Hamas, providing nearly 100 percent of Gaza’s GDP in 2014.
A few weeks ago, UNRWA announced it was laying off nearly 1,000 of its 13,000 staff in Gaza, transferring 580 to part-time contracts and cutting salaries of hundreds more. This sparked angry protests and caused UNRWA to “lose control” of its compound in Gaza for more than two weeks. In July, an UNRWA worker tried to set himself on fire after receiving his dismissal notice. On Monday, 13,000 UNRWA workers went on strike in Gaza.
The World Bank said that the net result was that Gaza’s average growth over the last two decades has been lower than all other comparators, including the West Bank. It anticipates a further deterioration in Gaza’s economic situation, noting that Egypt’s attempts to broker a long-term ceasefire between Hamas, the bourgeois Islamist group that controls Gaza, and Israel, and some easing of the blockade, had failed, as had repeated attempts to negotiate a reconciliation between the rival Palestinian factions.
Israel, with Washington’s backing, has absolutely no intention of lifting the siege and will wage further assaults on the defenceless Palestinians. With half of Gaza’s population dependent upon food aid from UNRWA, which also runs more than 250 of Gaza’s schools and 22 medical centres, and up to 80 percent of the population dependent upon international aid, the implications are devastating.
As it is, some 70 percent of UNRWA schools and over 63 percent of Ministry of Education schools operate on a double or triple shift system that has cut teaching time to about four hours a day, and limited the time available to reinforce learning, support slow learners, and offer remedial education and extracurricular activities.
The traumatic conditions of everyday life, constant wars, air strikes and assassinations carried out by Israel’s military forces have taken a terrible psychological toll on Gaza’s children. At least 300,000 children need treatment for psychosomatic disorders such as nightmares, eating disorders, intense fear and bed wetting.
The world’s media have been largely silent about the World Bank’s report, which evoked no editorial statements by major media outlets. There has been a deafening silence from world leaders, denoting their complicity in Israel’s crimes against the Palestinian people and exposing their humanitarian pretensions as nothing but a cover for neo-colonial wars for regime change and plunder.
Almost the entire Palestinian community in Gaza has been brought to such a calamitous state as part of a calculated plan, aimed at terrorising the entire population and breaking the 70-year history of Palestinian resistance to occupation.
The situation imposed by Israel on Gaza today is reminiscent of that imposed by the Nazis on the Warsaw Ghetto. That Israel has resorted to such barbarism testifies to the bankruptcy of the Zionist project, which justified the establishment of Israel as a safe-haven for the Jewish people who had suffered under Nazi oppression. It must constitute a warning of what is being prepared against the working class in every country. Sieges against entire populations, whether through closing the borders, as in Gaza’s case, blockading Hodeida, Yemen, or imposing economic sanctions—along with secondary sanctions—to strangle Iran, are the shape of things to come.
Reaction, militarism and the drive to dictatorship are sweeping across all the major powers in response to the deepening of the world capitalist crisis and the growing signs of working-class resistance. No appeals to the “international community” to provide financial support for Gaza or put pressure on Israel to lift the blockade will have any effect. The international working class must come to the defence of the Palestinian masses and fight for the unity of all workers, across all religious and national lines, in the Middle East and internationally.

Dozens injured as Catalan separatists and regional police clash in Barcelona

Alejandro López

On Saturday, ahead of today’s one-year anniversary of the Catalan independence referendum, dozens of demonstrators were injured and six were arrested in clashes with regional police in Barcelona.
A year ago, Madrid deployed 16,000 police in a failed attempt to suppress the referendum by violently assaulting peaceful voters, including the elderly. With tacit European Union support, the central government threatened direct military intervention. It proceeded to jail Catalan nationalist politicians and impose an unelected government on the region.
Since then, despite mass protests in Barcelona, successive governments, led first by the right-wing Popular Party (PP) and then by the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), have continued Madrid’s reactionary course in Catalonia. The current social democratic government is doing so with the support of Podemos.
Saturday’s clashes erupted after Catalan regional police intervened to separate a separatist protest organised by the Committees for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), a group close to the Catalan nationalist Candidatures of Popular Unity (CUP), from a rally backing the national police.
The pro-police demonstration was organized by Jusapol, an association of national police and civil guards that demands equal pay between Spain’s two nationwide police forces and Catalonia’s regional police. The aim of the demonstration was to pay tribute to the crackdown on the October 2017 referendum.
Jusapol President Natan Espinosa provocatively declared that his organization wanted to “honour those who worked to preserve the unity of Spain.” A leader of the far-right Vox party, Javier Ortega, also participated in the Jusapol rally.
The Jusapol demonstration marshalled some 3,000 protesters. They chanted “Long Live Spain” and “Go Get Them!”—a reference to slogans shouted by far-right demonstrators in support of national police units that were deployed to Catalonia on the eve of the referendum.
The CDR counterdemonstration mobilized over 6,000 people. The separatist protesters shouted at the Spanish police supporters, “October 1, We Neither Forgive Nor Forget,” “Get Out of Here, Fascists!” and “Independence!” The right-wing demonstrators responded by shouting, “We Will Be Victorious!” “Long Live Spain” and “Our Cause Is Just!”
Clashes reportedly erupted when CDR protesters tried to confront the pro-police rally. When the regional police cordon blocked them, the demonstrators sprayed coloured powder and threw eggs at the regional police.
The Catalan police responded by charging with batons in at least at three different locations, leaving at least 24 injured, of whom six were hospitalized. Videos and images on YouTube show police hitting protesters above the waist and in some cases on the head—violating police regulations.
The regional Catalan Home Affairs minister, Miquel Buch, defended the actions of the Catalan police, the Mossos d'Esquadra, saying on Sunday “We managed to avoid bigger problems. Such a clash could have become very violent.” However, he admitted that some policemen did not behave “according to protocol.” The CUP, which has historically supported the current Catalan ruling parties, has urged the minister to resign.
Barcelona Mayor Ada Colau of Podemos-backed Barcelona en Comú spoke on Catalunya Radio to say: “I make a call for calm… This city has always defended the right of everyone to exercise the right to free speech.” Keeping silent on the pro-police rally’s far-right character, Colau appealed for law and order, saying Barcelona had requested more police officers to fight against “insecurity.”
Saturday’s violent clash reflects the explosive political and class tensions created by the PP government’s crackdown in Catalonia. A year after the 2017 Catalan independence referendum, none of the issues that led the Catalan nationalists to call the independence referendum, and Madrid to order its repression, have been resolved.
A strike wave is developing across Spain and Europe amid growing anger over austerity and the militarist policies of the EU and Madrid. With the installation of a new PSOE minority government backed by Podemos and the main Catalan nationalist parties, the class gulf separating the entire political establishment and masses of working people has come to the fore.
PSOE Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has in all essentials continued the PP’s policies of militarism and police state repression, while broaching a few symbolic concessions. He has declared his sympathy for Catalan autonomy and floated proposals for investing €500 million in Catalan infrastructure. At the same time, however, the PSOE government, which is maintained in power by the support of Podemos, has kept Catalan nationalist prisoners in jail and retained “rebellion” charges against nine incarcerated Catalan leaders. The charges carry sentences of up to 25 years in jail.
The reactionary policies of the PSOE and Podemos have exposed the bankruptcy of the main Catalan nationalist parties, Together for Catalonia (JxCat) and Catalan Republican Left (ERC), both of which backed the June no-confidence vote that installed the PSOE government.
The pseudo-left CUP and its appendages, such as the Morenoite Workers’ Revolutionary Current (WRC), are responding with calls to implement the so-called “mandate of the October 1 referendum.” With a 92 percent vote for independence on a turnout of only 43 percent, less than 40 percent of voters supported independence. Nonetheless, the CUP and the WRC are agitating for the Catalan nationalists to secede from Spain, criticizing JxCat and the ERC for seeking only “a return to regional normality and protecting investments of the large Catalan companies.”
The CUP and the WRC know that the Catalan nationalists have no base in the working class, any more than the Spanish ruling parties, and they fear the growing radicalization among workers.
The WRC’s Izquierda Diario website calls on the Catalan nationalists to “expand their base” by going to the “factories, offices and working-class neighbourhoods.” This, they claim, will “add the bulk of the Catalan working class to this democratic struggle, [which will] return to the streets much renewed and with a political programme that solves the serious democratic and social problems.” They add, “It is necessary to link the struggle for the Catalan Republic with the struggle to end precarious employment and the low salaries of young people, women and immigrants.”
In fact, the past year has shown that a Catalan secessionist perspective, which divides Catalan and Spanish-speaking workers, is a trap for workers opposed to the police state policies of the EU and Spain. Those who dress it up in “left” colours, like the CUP, have long records of voting for austerity budgets proposed by the main Catalan nationalist parties. These parties are violently opposed to mobilizing the working class and oriented to the sordid political manoeuvres in Madrid.
JxCat and ERC have threatened to withdraw support from the PSOE government and let it collapse if Sánchez refuses to discuss self-determination and fails to free the jailed Catalan nationalists. However, they have not acted on this threat, fearing that new elections might bring to power the PP and the Citizens Party, which are calling on Sánchez to again impose an unelected government in Catalonia.
The political bankruptcy of all these forces vindicates the statement the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) released last year on the eve of the referendum. It warned that opposition to repression “cannot be mounted under the grip of the ruling parties in Madrid or the Catalan nationalists, who are unflaggingly hostile to the working class.”
The ICFI insisted that the “division of the Spanish working class by the building of a new capitalist state in Catalonia, governed by parties with a long record of supporting war and imposing austerity, offers workers nothing. It would separate Catalan workers from their greatest ally against Madrid’s onslaught: the entire Spanish and European working class.”
The only viable policy against the danger of war and dictatorship, the ICFI wrote, “is to fight to unify the working class in Spain and Europe in a struggle against capitalism and for the socialist reorganization of society. This can be carried out only in revolutionary struggle against all of Spain’s bourgeois factions.”

More than eight hundred dead after earthquakes and tsunami strike Indonesia

John Braddock

The Indonesian government warned on Saturday that thousands of people may have perished after earthquakes and a tsunami struck the island of Sulawesi last Friday. The official death toll rose sharply to 832 on Sunday and is expected to increase again once rescuers reach more remote areas.
While reports remain scanty, it is clear that what is unfolding is a tragedy on a massive scale, devastating the lives of hundreds of thousands, or even millions, of impoverished workers, farmers and their families. Some 2.4 million people live on the Palu-Koro fault and the worst hit cities are Donggala and Palu. About 17,000 people have been evacuated.
The main 7.5-magnitude quake struck at 6.02pm local time, followed by tsunami waves which were estimated at 6 metres high in some places. An earlier magnitude 6.1 quake in central Sulawesi killed several people, injured 10 and damaged dozens of houses.
A section of Palu partially submerged by the tsunami, Credit: IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation
The powerful tremor was felt in the far south of the island in its largest city Makassar and on neighbouring Kalimantan, Indonesia’s portion of Borneo. More than 150 aftershocks have hit the region, situated 1,300km northwest of Jakarta.
It is the most devastating earthquake to hit Indonesia in over a decade, and comes just seven weeks after the islands of Lombok and Bali were devastated by a series of quakes that killed at least 623 people and destroyed hundreds of thousands of buildings.
Palu has been left shattered. There is no electricity, and drinking water is in short supply. Video footage showed waves bringing down several buildings and inundating a large mosque which was half submerged in the rising waters. The town is strewn with debris from collapsed buildings and a large shopping mall is all but destroyed.
Some 821 of the recorded deaths occurred in Palu. Partially covered bodies have been shown lying near the shore, with survivors left to search through a tangle of corrugated steel roofing, timber and rubble. One man was seen carrying the muddy corpse of a small child. With the threat of disease increasing, mass graves are being prepared to bury the many dead.
Among the deceased was a 21 year-old air traffic controller, Anthonius Gunawan Agung, who heroically stayed in the swaying control tower at Palu airport to ensure that a plane carrying hundreds of passengers took off safely. He jumped from the tower and died before a medical helicopter could reach him.
The government has stated there is “no word” about casualties in Donggala, a city of some 300,000 people which remains completely cut-off after its main bridge collapsed. Jan Gelfand, a Jakarta-based Red Cross official said; “We have heard nothing from Donggala and this is extremely worrying…This is already a tragedy, but it could get much worse.”
A spokesman for the National Disaster Mitigation Agency, Sutopo Purwo Nugroho, said at least 540 people had been badly injured, and many are still missing. There are ongoing concerns over the fate of hundreds of people who were preparing for a beach festival that had been due to start when the tsunami hit.
Palu is built around a narrow bay that apparently magnified the force of the tsunami. Sutopo shared video showing the liquefaction of the land when the tsunami struck and said as it approached it had reached 800 kms/ hr. Most people were killed by the tsunami. The Guardian cited one local resident, Nining, who said; “Many corpses are scattered on the beach and floating on the surface of the sea.”
Destroyed homes and buildings in Palu, Credit: IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation
Hospitals have struggled to cope with the influx of casualties, setting up open-air clinics to treat the injured. Rescuers working to retrieve up to 50 people from the rubble of a hotel in Palu said they could hear the voices of people inside but did not have the heavy equipment needed to get to them.
Indonesian officials and aid agencies have struggled with battered communications, destroyed roads and landslides. Aid deliveries by sea have been disrupted since Palu's port was badly damaged. Only a limited number of government planes carrying relief supplies have managed to land at the airport in Palu.
The shambolic character of the official response makes clear that fourteen years after the 2004 tsunami—which killed as many as 230,000 people throughout the Indian Ocean region, the majority of them in Indonesia—nothing has been done to prevent further calamities.
Governments throughout the region have instead intensified cutbacks to social spending, in line with the demands of international finance and the local ruling elites that they represent.
The Associated Press reported today that an early warning system, designed in the wake of the 2004 tsunami, has “been stalled in the testing phase” for over a decade. After severe funding reductions by successive governments, Indonesia’s disaster agencies have been unable to cobble together a paltry 1 billion rupiah ($A95,500) required to complete the project.
Louise Comfort, a University of Pittsburgh academic who was involved in the project commented today: “To me this is a tragedy for science, even more so a tragedy for the Indonesian people as the residents of Sulawesi are discovering right now. It’s a heartbreak to watch when there is a well-designed sensor network that could provide critical information.”
Some 22 buoys, which are a key component of the existing warning mechanism are no longer functioning. It is reportedly difficult, using the antiquated system, to provide any advanced warning of an impending tsunami, that would aid those in affected areas to escape.
Criticisms have been levelled against the country's geophysics agency for lifting the tsunami warning just 34 minutes after it was first issued, which may have caused confusion and exacerbated the death toll.
Spokesman Rahmat Triyono claimed the agency followed standard operating procedure and made the call to “end” the warning based on data available from the closest tidal sensor, 200km from Palu. He said the tide gauge, which measures changes in the sea level, had only recorded an “insignificant” 6cm wave. “If we had a tide gauge or proper data in Palu it would have been better. This is something we must evaluate for the future,” Triyono said.
A street in Palu, Credit: IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation
Indonesia, a 5,000-kilometre long archipelago comprising 17,000 islands, is one of the most quake-prone regions in the world, in a zone known as the Ring of Fire. Little has been done, however, to ensure that new dwellings are built to resist the frequent natural disasters.
Sutopo declared in August that Indonesians “do not have houses that are earthquake resistant especially for people in rural villages with weak economic conditions.” No government regulations required residential dwellings to be built to earthquake-resistant standards, and many construction workers are reportedly not aware of building practices required to mitigate damage.
There has been negligible aid or material assistance from any of the major powers or regional governments. Condolences, but no concrete promises, have been issued by the Australian and Singapore governments. Turkey’s Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) has sent a tiny five-person emergency aid team. Experience from previous disasters indicates that any international aid will be tardy, woefully inadequate, and dictated by geo-strategic considerations rather than concern for the thousands of victims.
Troops are being rushed to the area. Indonesian president, Joko Widodo, said the military was being called in to the region to help search-and-rescue teams get to victims and find bodies. However, their priority will be to prevent the outbreak of any anti-government sentiment as conditions inevitably deteriorate.
Troop deployments are a regular occurrence following such disasters. The government fears that they could become a focal point of broader anger over social inequality and poverty, amid ongoing political instability. Last year, Oxfam ranked Indonesia as the sixth most unequal country in the world. The four richest individuals have a combined wealth greater than the poorest 100 million people. Workers and the rural poor inevitably suffer the hardest in any such natural calamities.
The repeated occurrence of such catastrophes is not merely a natural phenomenon. Above all, it is an expression of the irrational character of the profit system, which subordinates social need to the profit requirements of a tiny corporate and financial elite, at the expense of the vast majority of the population.