9 Oct 2018

Yale Greenberg World Fellows Programme for Emerging Mid-Career Leaders 2019 – USA

Application Deadline: 5th December, 2018 at 11:59 PM EST

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: International (Any country other than the United States)

To be taken at (country): Yale University, USA

About the Award: Applications to the Maurice R. Greenberg World Fellows Program are accepted from across sectors and around the world.  Each class of Fellows is a unique group: geographically balanced, and representative of a wide range of professions, talents, and perspectives.  The program runs annually from mid-August to mid-December.  Fellows are expected to be in residence at Yale for the duration of the program.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: 
  • Be in the Mid-career stage: Fellows are at least five, and typically not more than 20, years into their careers, with demonstrated work accomplishments, and a clear indication of future contributions and excellence.  The average age of a Greenberg World Fellow is 39, though there is no minimum or maximum age limit.
  • Be fluent in English: An excellent command of the English language is essential.
  • Be a citizen of a country other than the United States: While dual citizens are eligible, preference is given to candidates whose work is focused outside the US.
Selection Criteria: 
  • An established record of extraordinary achievement and integrity;
  • Commitment to engagement in crucial issues and to making a difference at the national or international level;
  • Promise of a future career of leadership and notable impact;
  • Special capacity for critical, creative, entrepreneurial, and strategic thinking;
  • Likelihood to benefit from participation in the Program and to contribute to global understanding at Yale;
  • Commitment to a rigorous program of activities, to full-time residence at Yale for the entire duration of the program, and to mentoring students and speaking frequently on campus
Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Fellowship: 
  • A taxable stipend to cover the costs of living in New Haven
  • A modest, furnished one- or two-bedroom apartment for the duration of the program
  • Medical insurance
  • Round-trip travel from home country
Duration of Fellowship: mid-August to mid-December.

How to Apply: 
  • Please note that application for admission to the Yale Greenberg World Fellows Programme is completely an online process. There are no paper forms to complete or mail.
  • Prior to the deadline, you may work on your application at any time and submit it when you are ready. After creating an account and accessing the online application, you can upload materials and request your letters of recommendation.
  • Most questions about the program and the application process can be answered by reviewing this website and the common questions.  If your question is unanswered, you may contact staff at applicant.worldfellows@yale.edu. Please do not send multiple emails regarding one issue, and please do not email staff individually. We thank you for your patience in allowing staff adequate time to thoughtfully process your inquiries.

Visit Fellowship Webpage for details

Commonwealth Secretary-General’s Innovation for Sustainable Development Awards 2019

Application Deadline: 31st December 2018

Eligible Countries: Commonwealth countries

About the Award: There will be three award winners for innovations in each of the five categories:
  1. Improve the well-being (i.e. health, education, human rights etc.) of Commonwealth PEOPLE
  2. Improve PROSPERITY (i.e. economic development, trade, etc.) in the Commonwealth
  3. Promote PEACE and justice in the Commonwealth
  4. Protect the PLANET and the natural environment in the Commonwealth
  5. and promote PARTNERSHIPS for sustainable development in the Commonwealth
  • The winners will be chosen for the impact or potential of their innovations to advance one or more of the 17 SDGs in Commonwealth countries
Type: Contest, Award

Eligibility: Entrants must be:
  • Commonwealth citizens (female and young Commonwealth innovators are especially encouraged to apply)
  • Government ministries / departments / public sector agencies in Commonwealth countries
  • Social or voluntary sector enterprises in Commonwealth countries
  • Private sector enterprises based in any Commonwealth country
  • The nominated innovations focusing on the SDGs must be supported with evidence that they are taking place in a Commonwealth country.
  • Nominees must have been engaged in developing their innovations for more than 12 months, either in a professional or voluntary capacity.
  • Award winners must agree to take part in Commonwealth-supported activities and initiatives.
Selection Criteria: Awards will be decided on the basis of:
  • Level of impact or demonstrable potential of innovation;
  • Fresh approaches to problem-solving;
  • Quality of achievement so far;
  • Quality of the evidence provided;
  • Impact or potential impact of innovation on achievement of SDGs in Commonwealth countries
Number of Awards: 15

Value of Award: The 15 winners will each receive a trophy, a certificate and prize money of £2000.

How to Apply: The nomination process will be via an online platform only. Self-nomination is permitted. Each nominee can enter submissions for up to two of the five categories. Please click on the link below for details.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Irish Aid Casement Fellowship 2019/2020 in Human Rights for Nigerian Students

Application Deadline: 30th November 2018

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Nigeria

To be taken at (country): Ireland

About the Award: The Roger Casement fellowship has been established to honour the memory of the Irish human rights activist Roger Casement who spent some of his early working life in Calabar, Nigeria. He was an early advocate for human rights while in Nigeria, and, famously, during his later work in the Congo, the Amazon and in Ireland. With his humanitarian legacy in mind, it has been decided to support one Nigerian student to study a master’s degree in human rights in Ireland.

Eligible Courses: Masters programmes at Irish higher education institutes in the areas of Law, Human Rights and Governance. A directory listing all eligible courses is available to applicants.

Type: Masters, Fellowship

Eligibility: Candidates will need to have achieved the necessary educational standard to be accepted onto a Masters course in a Higher Education Institute in Ireland. In addition, there are a number of essential requirements to be eligible to apply for this scholarship.
Candidates must:
  • be a citizen of Nigeria and be residing in Nigeria
  • have achieved the necessary academic standard to be accepted onto a master’s level course of study in Human Rights
  • have a minimum of three years relevant work experience.
  • be able to demonstrate a strong commitment to the development of Nigeria.
  • be able to take up the fellowship in the academic year for which it is offered.
  • meet any relevant procedural requirements of Government of Nigeria.
  • be able to demonstrate skills in academic English by achieving an appropriate score on a recognised test (IELTS 6.5).
Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: Under the Casement fellowship, full financial support is provided for return airfares, full tuition, stipends to cover accommodation and subsistence costs, health insurance and other allowances, in addition to the necessary entry arrangements such as medical examination and visa.

How to Apply: It is important to go through the application requirements before applying.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: Irish Aid

Kamal Adham Masters Fellowship for Television and Digital Journalism 2019/2020 for Mass Communication Graduates – Egypt

Application Deadlines:
  • 1st November 2018
  • 15th April 2019
Offered Annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Egypt

Type: Masters

Eligibility: 
  • Open to all nationalities
  • Graduates with a bachelor’s degree from an accredited university
  • Preference is given to graduates of Egyptian public universities and professionals in the broadcasting industry
  • Minimum grade point average of 3.0 or a rating of gayed giddan. Applicants with slightly lower GPA must have sufficient relevant work experience
  • Meet AUC graduate admissions requirements, including submission of AUC graduate application and needed documents
  • Submit an International TOEFL iBT exam score or academic IELTS exam score as per the cut-off scores for AUC graduate admissions
  • Proven interest and achievement in television and digital journalism
  • An interview with the program director is required to assess candidates’ commitment, potential and communication skills
  • To retain the fellowship, the recipient must carry a full course load (nine graduate credits) and maintain a GPA of 3.0 or above
  • Financial need
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The fellowship covers:
  • Full or partial tuition coverage for the MA program
  • May cover prerequisite courses and one semester of intensive English language courses as needed
  • Book allowance per semester
  • Student services and activities fees (bus fees)
  • In support of their professional training, fellows are assigned up to 20 hours per week of related academic or technical work
Duration of Program: The fellowship is awarded for two academic years and may cover the intervening summer session when registered for courses.

How to Apply: 
Step 1: Check how to apply and submit the online application
Step 2:
 Complete and submit  the Online Fellowship Application 


Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Sciences Po Mastercard Foundation Scholars Programme 2019/2020 for Undergraduate and Graduate Africans to Study in France

Application Deadlines:
  • Bachelor: January 31, 2019
  • Master: January 15, 2019
  • Summer School: February 18, 2019
Offered Annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Africans

To Be Taken At (Country): France

About the Award: Scholarships for the 2019/2020 academic year are awarded in collaboration with a network of partner institutions authorised to nominate candidates.
Sciences Po is the first university in continental Europe to join the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program. Within this international network, 27 prestigious institutions in Africa, America and Europe are committed to ensuring that all young people, whatever their background, have the same opportunities to get a quality education and fulfil their potential.
Over six years (2017 – 2022), the Scholars Program will fund:
  • 20 scholarships to complete the Sciences Po Bachelor of Arts programme, Africa specialisation
  • 40 scholarships to complete a Master’s programme at one of our seven graduate schools
  • 60 scholarships reserved for Mastercard Foundation Scholars studying at other partner universities and who would like to attend Sciences Po Summer School.
Type: Bachelors, Masters

Eligibility: The scholarships are awarded to students from sub-Saharan African countries with an outstanding academic record and strong leadership potential, but who face financial and other barriers to higher education.

Number of Awards: 120 for a period of 5 years.
  • Undergraduate: 5
  • Graduate: 5
  • Summer School: 12
Value of Award: Thee scholarships cover the full cost of tuition fees at Sciences Po and living costs in France during the study .
As well as funding their studies, Sciences Po will offer scholars a specific suite of resources to ensure they have appropriate academic support and to facilitate their transition from education to employment:
  • An orientation programme and individualised academic advising throughout their studies at Sciences Po
  • A mentor programme offered in collaboration with the Africa Division of Sciences Po Alumni
  • Career guidance and support: an online job platform dedicated to professional opportunities in Africa (internships and first jobs), access to our business incubator and the network of employers and alumni working in Africa, and specific career workshops.
Duration of Program: The scholarships are awarded for a period of three years for the Bachelor’s degree, two years for the Master’s degree and one month for the Summer School.

How to Apply

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program

Startupper of the Year by Total Challenge 2018/2019 for African Entrepreneurs – Up to $30,000

Application Deadline: 13th November 2018

Eligible Projects: All projects are eligible regardless of the type of business or activity, as long as they share the characteristics common to creative start-ups: innovation, competitiveness, growth boosting and job creation.

About The Award: Tell us how your project will help more and more people over time, at home or even abroad. Tell us how it empowers people, improves living conditions, and contributes to overall economic well-being.
3 winners from each country will receive financial support, extensive publicity and coaching. From among these 3 winners per country, we will select grand winners by region, who will be offered additional support.
This year, a Top Female Entrepreneur category has been introduced. During the first Challenge, women accounted for almost 25% of the winners, even though they only made up 13% of the applicants. With this special award this year, we hope to give the women entrepreneurs an extra push to take part. It is also aligned with other Total initiatives for women.
Anyone can change the world — teenagers or graduates, men or women. As long as you believe in your project and want to make things better, take this opportunity to participate. You could be the next Startupper of the Year or the Top Female Entrepreneur!

Type: Contest

Eligibility
  • Are you under 35 years old?
  • Do you want to create a business or develop one that is less than two years old?
  • Are you a citizen of one of the 55 African countries?
Selection Criteria: 
  • The project should offer a practical way of addressing a public health, safety, education, accessibility or other issue affecting local communities.
  • Innovation isn’t necessarily revolutionary, involving something brand new or a total transformation. It can be incremental as well, improving an existing technology, product or service, or even just the way things are done.
  • Projects that demonstrate feasibility and have the potential to benefit a broader public.
Number of Winners: up to 3 winners per country

Value of Award: 
  • 3 winners from each country will receive financial support, extensive publicity and coaching. From among these 3 winners per country, we will select grand winners by region, who will be offered additional support.
  • This year, a Top Female Entrepreneur category has been introduced. During the first Challenge, women accounted for almost 25% of the winners, even though they only made up 13% of the applicants. With this special award this year, we hope to give the women entrepreneurs an extra push to take part. It is also aligned with other Total initiatives for women.
How to Apply: Click on the continent for the list of participating countries. By clicking the name of the country, you will be directed to your local website to participate. Don’t forget you must be a country national to participate!

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Sony/Warner Techstars Music Accelerator Program 2019 for Music Startups (USD$120,000 Funding)

Application Deadline: 14th October 2018

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Los Angeles, USA

About the Award: Techstars makes entrepreneurship more accessible by providing access to capital, guidance, marketing, business development, customer acquisition, employee recruitment, and M&A opportunities.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: 
  • technology oriented companies, typically web-based or other software companies. Other companies that don’t quite fit that mold are welcome.
  • Companies that can have national or worldwide reach.
  • Biotechnology companies, restaurants, consultancies, or other local service oriented companies are NOT funded
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: A $100,000 convertible note is automatically offered to all Techstars companies upon acceptance, in addition to $20,000 in exchange for 6% common stock, plus:
  • Access to Techstars resources for life
  • Acceleration in the Techstars Music program with intense, hands-on mentorship from artists, executives from Techstars Music Member –
  • Companies and the broad music business
  • Connections to the Techstars Network of over 5,000 founders, alumni and mentors globally
  • 400 perks worth over $1,000,000
  • Office space in Los Angeles for the duration of the program
  • Demo Day and other investor connections
  • Equity Back Guarantee, the only one of its kind in the industry
Duration of Program: 3 months

How to Apply: Apply Now

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Techstars

International Finance Corporation (IFC) Next 100 African Startups Initiative 2018 for African Startups

Application Deadline: 21st October 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be taken at (country): Egypt

About the Award: The initiative builds on MIIC strong efforts to stimulate the Egyptian entrepreneurship ecosystem and help its young people explore new and innovative ways to create better futures for themselves and their communities. This support is provided through networks, innovative financial instruments, as well as regulations and policies that eliminate barriers and integrate Egyptian entrepreneurs into regional and global markets.
This is in addition to the launching of nation-wide initiatives, such as “fekretak sherketak” that aims to identify promising entrepreneurs, and enable them to transform their business ideas into successful realities through the provision of training, mentoring, as well as funding.
Moreover, Falak Startups was also established to enable and empower the next generation of Egyptian entrepreneurs through a 4-month acceleration program that provides them with comprehensive all-round support. This ensures they are equipped with the tools and resources needed to enhance their business models and hone their entrepreneurial skills, in order to thrive and compete in the global economy.
The initiative is also part of IFC’s wider effort that aims to promote and nurture a culture of entrepreneurship across Africa and the Middle East and help leading accelerators and venture capital funds expand their outreach. Over the past several years, IFC provided close to $165 million in funding to technology companies and start-ups in Africa and MENA. In MENA, IFC investments included supporting Cairo-based Algebra Ventures, one of Egypt’s largest venture capital funds, Flat6Labs, an Egyptian accelerator. IFC also invested in Wamda Capital and were an early investor in Souq.com and Fawry for online payment services. In Africa, IFC deployed about $100mm in early stage tech investments in Africa with IFC portfolio including Africa’s Talking (Enterprise Software), Andela (Ed-tech), Branch (fintech), Bridge Academy (Ed-tech), Interswitch (fintech), Mobisol (Clean tech), TwigaFoods(m-commerce), Zoona (fintech), Adlevo (tech fund), BioVentures (tech fund), Partech Ventures Africa (venture capital fund).

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility:
  • The initiative’s aim is to unlock the region’s entrepreneurial potential by showcasing Africa’s best and brightest entrepreneurs and start-ups, and creating markets for early stage businesses.
  • The program targets Africa-based startups that have already demonstrated some level of success, either by generating revenue or by developing a working prototype.
Selection Criteria: Companies will be selected based on the following criteria:
  • Stage of operation: The company must either be generating revenue with demonstrated early success, or have a working prototype or a product on the market.
  • Positive Impact: The company must have the potential to make a substantial long-term impact on African business and society as well as a commitment to improving the region.
  • Leadership: The company must have the potential to make a substantial long-term impact on African business and society as well as a commitment to improving the region.
  • Previous Funding: Typically, the company would have already received one or two rounds of funding and is now seeking Series A or Series B funding in the coming year
  • Viability: The company should have well-formulated goals and plans for development.
  • Independent Company: The company must not be a subsidiary or a joint venture.
Number of Awards: 100

Value of Award: Travel and accommodation expenses for startups will be covered by IFC if needed.
The selected startups and entrepreneurs will have the opportunity to network with, and be connected to, top business and political leaders.

Duration of Programme: 8th-9th December 2018

How to Apply: Apply

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Turbulence in Kashmir and Reconceptualizing a New Regional Order

Nyla Ali Khan

The turbulence and turmoil that has haunted Kashmir for the past twenty-three years holds all of us, as a people, accountable for the degeneration of our politics and society. While it is important for us to condemn, question, and seek redress for the human rights violations in Kashmir, it is also important for us to construct a politics that will enable the rebuilding of our pluralistic polity and society. The more we allow the depoliticization of Kashmiri society, the more subservient we become to forces that do not have Kashmir’s best interests at heart. Today, mainstream as well as separatist politicians in the state have been discredited. The alternative is not the dismantling of the state’s political structures and institutions of governance but the creation of a viable political structure, one is which, as my colleague, historian David Ludden points out, “a popular politics of mass mobilization is merged with institutional politics of governance promoting demilitarization and democracy.” Kashmir cannot afford to lose yet another generation!
A point that I have made in several forums, and most recently in my interview with Natana Delong-Bas for Oxford Islamic Studies Online is that the foundation of Kashmiri nationalism was laid in 1931, and this nationalism recognized the heterogeneity of the nation. It was not constructed around a common language, religion, culture, and an ethnically pure majority. This process of Kashmiri nationalist self-imagining is conveniently ignored in the statist versions of the histories of India and Pakistan. Here, I also point out that there are some purportedly “subaltern” versions of the history of Kashmir which, in their ardent attempts to be deconstructionist, insidiously obliterate the process of nation-building in Kashmir in the early to mid-decades of the twentieth century, inadvertently feeding off statist and oftentimes right-wing versions of history. In romanticizing militant resistance in Kashmir, such versions fail to take into account the tremendously difficult task of restoring the selfhood of a degraded people, and also the harsh fact that a political movement which does not highlight the issues of governance, social welfare, and the resuscitation of democratic institutions ends up becoming obscurantist. In trying to espouse anti-establishment positions, some of us tend to ignore the dangers of obscurantism and the growth of a conflict economy, in which some state and well as non-state actors are heavily invested.
It would be relevant to mention that the partition of India in 1947 into the dominions of India and Pakistan along religious lines enabled divisive forces of violence and brutality to rip the common anti-colonial, cultural legacy to pieces. At the time, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah harbored the mirage of an independent Jammu and Kashmir. But he believed, in the interests of expediency, that provisional accession to India was a better option than unconditional accession to Pakistan. He felt that the political voice and socioeconomic interests of Kashmiris would be greatly threatened and diminished by the plutocracy of Pakistan, which was predominantly feudal. The successful implementation of the land to the tiller program by the Sheikh Abdullah-led state government in Jammu and Kashmir would have been a pipe dream in a country like Pakistan, which was ruled by the feudal aristocracy.
The “defining moment in Jammu and Kashmir’s post-Indian independence history” came in 1950 when disenfranchised peasants “were freed from the shackles of landlords through a law that gave them ownership rights on the land they tilled. . . . The sweeping land reforms under the Big Landed Estates Abolition Act passed on July 13, 1950, changed the complexion of Kashmiri society. The historical image of the emaciated local farmer in tatters, with sunken faces and listless eyes, toiling to fill the granaries of landlords changed overnight into one of a landowner who expected to benefit from the labor he had put in for generations” (Ahmed, F.). This program emphasized the necessity of abolishing exploitative landlordism without compensation and enfranchising tillers by granting them the lands they worked on. Many policy makers in the Indian subcontinent, political scientists, and economists have acknowledged the effectiveness and rigor of land reforms in Jammu and Kashmir.
Before I proceed any further, it would be pertinent to briefly digress on the pluralistic polity of Jammu and Kashmir. The various ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups in Jammu & Kashmir, Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits, Dogra Hindus, Ladakhi Buddhists and Shi’ite Muslims, comprise the pluralistic population of the state. According to the Census of India, 2001, Muslims constitute the predominant religious group of the state at 67.0%, Hindus at 29.6%, Sikhs at 2.23%, Buddhists at 1.16%, Christians at 0.14 %, and others form the remaining part. The reality of Kashmir was vacillating even in 1947, because Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah tried to create unity where none existed.  The disparate groups have been unable to nurture a shared cultural and historical legacy that would enable them to fashion a cultural alterity to that of the Indian or Pakistani nationalist ones. But due to the regional sentiments that are becoming increasingly religionized, the ideology and rhetoric of a shared cultural and historical past have been unable to garner public support and mobilization for reconstruction and nation-building. The signifiers of nationhood in Jammu and Kashmir, flag, anthem, and constitution, have thus far not been able to move beyond a nebulous nationalist self-imagining. Now more than ever, the three regions of the state are at daggers drawn about the future political configuration of the state. This doleful truth was forcefully brought home to me at several conferences held in India and the United States.
A group of Kashmiri Pandits, for example, advocates the creation of a separate homeland for its community within the Kashmir Valley. The predominantly Hindu province of Jammu sees its unbreachable assimilation into the Indian Union as the only way to safeguard its future. However, of the original six districts of Jammu, the three predominantly Muslim ones, Poonch, Rajouri, and Doda, would, in all likelihood, align themselves with the predominantly Muslim Kashmir Valley. In the Ladakh region of the state, predominantly Buddhist Leh, which has always been critical of the perceived discrimination against it, has zealously been demanding its political severance from the rest of the state and pushing its demand for Union Territory status within the Indian Union. Where-as the predominantly Shi’ite Kargil district in the Ladakh region does not perceive a jeopardized cultural and linguistic identity and advocates retention of its political alignment with the rest of the state.
In 1989 several armed separatist groups that owed allegiance to Pakistan surfaced in the Kashmir Valley as well, and for them Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s political ideology was anathema, which they sought to raze to the ground. There remains, however, a contingent in Kashmir that continues to believe in the efficacy of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s policies and apotheosizes him as the symbol of Kashmiri nationalism. It is pertinent to mention that as a consequence of India’s greatly fortified counter insurgency operation in Jammu and Kashmir, the state is a highly militarized zone.
I firmly believe that in order to address wider political, socioeconomic, and democratic issues in the Kashmir at this critical juncture requires rethinking decision-making between India and Pakistan, state and non-state actors as well as between between state and society.
Perhaps it is time to seriously consider a new regional order which would be capable of producing cross-economic, political, and cultural interests among the people of the region. Women in civic associations and in government can lead the way toward a peaceful pluralistic democracy and support international negotiations for a sustainable peace in the region.

Columbus Day: Romancing Greed, Slavery, and Genocide

Ipek S. Burnett

Christopher Columbus has long been a patriotic symbol for the United States of America. Honored with more place names than any other figure of American history except for George Washington, he has been praised as a great explorer—courageous, resolute, and victorious. If Columbus is this hero in the American imagination, a most important ancestor of this country, on the day dedicated to him, America needs to remember the whole of his legacy. The avalanche of arrogance, greed, and violence.
In 1492, while sailing through the Atlantic, Christopher Columbus was confident of what lay ahead: fortune and fame for him, a colonial empire for Spain, converts for the Church. Yet island after island, only the smallest traces of gold had emerged, not the vast and deep mines that Columbus had anticipated. Then again, since he had promised King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella riches from the East, Columbus could not simply return the fleets with nothing to show. So began the great slave raid.
On the first of his voyages, in where we now know was the Bahamas, Columbus had encountered the Taíno people. On meeting them ashore, he described them in his journal as hospitable, good-willed, handsome, naked, and docile. And almost in the same breath, he reflected: “They ought to be good servants and of good skill. . . . And I believe that they would easily be made Christians.” Even as he praised the gentleness and generosity of the natives, Columbus had begun to consider enslaving them, noting “with fifty men they could all be subjected and made to do all that one wished.”
In 1495, during his second voyage, Columbus and his men gathered fifteen hundred Arawak men, women, and children as captives; of these, the five hundred strongest men and women were put on the ships. Then Columbus announced that any Christian could help himself to as many of the remaining captives as he pleased. The natives onboard were placed in pens. Of the five hundred, about two hundred died on route. The ones who were taken as slaves worked at a ferocious pace on the lands which the colonizers claimed for themselves, and died by the hundreds.
Despite all counter evidence, Columbus had not yet given up on gold, either. Again during the second voyage, in the province of Cicao on Haiti, he ordered all Arawak men and women fourteen and older to find gold. Once they collected and delivered their share to one of the armed posts, they were to be given stamped copper tokens to hang about their necks as proof of their accomplished work. Those without the copper tokens were to be punished for not turning in the gold.
As Howard Zinn reflects, the truth was the Arawak people had been given an impossible task. There simply was not enough gold on the land. Utterly helpless, some tried to flee to the mountains. They were hunted down with dogs, and if found, immediately killed.
By the third voyage, some of Columbus’s men had become resentful. They were tired of the difficult conditions—illness, hunger, storms, and struggles with the natives—and discouraged by the lack of gold and other promised riches. Their complaints about Columbus’s tyrannical policies and practices finally reached King Ferdinand’s and Queen Isabella’s ears. The king and queen were already feeling disappointed by the small returns they had received from the voyages, so they decided to have the admiral arrested. In October 1500, Columbus was put in chains to be sent back to Spain.
Following this humiliating return to Spain, Columbus wrote the Book of Prophecies in which he reflected on the cosmic importance and divine purpose of his ventures. Amid an incoherent mix of quotations from the Bible, medieval theology, astrology, mysticism, and complex cosmology, the book delivered one essential message: “Cristobal Colon was chosen by Lord as the divine instrument to fulfill the ancient prophecies that would rescue Christianity before the Apocalypse.” In historian and Columbus biographer Kirkpatrick Sale’s opinion, the Book of Prophecies, a jumble of documents with a rambling introduction, was received as an “acute embarrassment” by most Columbus hagiographers. For the most part, they chose to forget or forgive it as a product of “mental hallucination” or “a temporary dark and sordid stupor.”
Columbus died, in Walt Whitman’s words, “a batter’d, wreck’d old man” with a “heavy heart.” Yet looking back, it would be irresponsible to classify Columbus’s psychological distress as an individual’s isolated phenomena, for the consequences of his illusions were not restricted to him alone. The tyranny and bloodshed that started with Columbus’s expeditions continued for centuries, staining the histories of both the North and South American Continents. During this time, slavery, genocide, and the annihilation of the land were committed again and again in the name of civilization, progress, and perhaps most significantly, divine will. If Columbus was possessed with illusions of exceptionalism and spiritual entitlement, so were the generations that came to the New World in his footsteps.
In her essay “Columbus: Gone, but Not Forgotten,” bell hooks urges Americans to interrogate the past critically and rethink the meaning of Columbus’s legacy. She believes that the way the history of Columbus is taught and culturally remembered casts a large shadow over American consciousness, restating a national commitment to imperialism and white supremacy. She asserts that the cultural idealization of Columbus’s so-called discovery means romanticizing oppression, corruption, even murder and rape.
If nothing else, Columbus Day is an opportunity to name these brutalities and mourn the violent truths of history.

Ford announces plans for more layoffs amid new restructuring efforts

Marcus Day

Ford Motor Company announced plans for further cost-cutting measures last Thursday, including the layoff of an as yet undisclosed number of salaried employees by the second quarter of 2019. Ford employs over 200,000 globally, of which approximately 70,000 are salaried positions.
“Over time, we’ll have fewer layers, ultimately less people,” said Mark Truby, vice president of global communications. “The goal is to streamline the organization. It’s a cascading process. It will mean a reduction in workforce.”
Ford already cut 1,400 salaried positions in 2017 via early retirement incentives and buyouts. Several thousand more jobs will likely be eliminated, according to company spokesperson Karen Hampton.
The reductions will reportedly come as part of the $11 billion in global restructuring costs announced earlier this summer. That package is in addition to $25.5 billion in cuts to operational costs the company is planning. Ford, following a similar move by Fiat Chrysler, also announced this spring that it would cease nearly all production and sales of passenger sedans in the US. For its part, General Motors has laid off thousands of workers over the last year, cut multiple shifts at its Lordstown, Ohio, assembly plant, and is reportedly considering shutting down one or more of its car assembly plants altogether.
The media has previously speculated that Ford may target its money-losing European and South American operations for layoffs and plant closures. The company has reportedly considered either selling sections of its overseas businesses or forming “partnerships” with competitors such as Volkswagen. Such an eventuality echoes the ultimately unsuccessful attempts by late Fiat Chrysler CEO Sergio Marchionne to engineer a merger between his company and another automaker, and would herald a new wave of mass layoffs and attacks on workers’ living standards.
While Ford’s latest announcement of layoffs refers as yet to just salaried positions, hourly workers—who have suffered decades of wage cuts, plant closures, and the erosion of working conditions at the hands of both the company and the United Auto Workers union—will inevitably also find their jobs on the chopping block. Suppressing workers’ opposition to a litany of concessionary contracts, the UAW has facilitated the Detroit Three’s efforts to increase “labor flexibility” through the massive expansion of temporary part-time (TPT) positions, which lack any job protections.
In a sign of further things to come, Ford announced last week the planned idling of the part of its Kansas City Assembly Plant that produces the Transit commercial van in order to reduce inventory. Roughly 2,000 workers are to be laid off for two weeks, from October 22 to November 4.
“Plants that make cars have been slowing and cutting production for some time, and we would expect they will continue to slow,” said Michelle Krebs, an industry analyst at Autotrader. Ivan Drury, analyst at Edmunds, commented, “A slowdown in commercial units like the Transit could be a sign of larger issues, not just for Ford, but other automakers and the economy at large.”
The ongoing restructuring and relentless attacks on Ford’s workforce are being carried out under the whip of finance capital, which is demanding increased profit margins. Wall Street has ever more insistently been pressing the company to reduce costs, shed unprofitable operations, and wring even more out of workers. In August, Moody’s Investment Services lowered Ford’s rating to just above junk status, and the company’s stock price has fallen over 25 percent over the course of this year.
In response to its declining share value, Ford dumped CEO Mark Fields last summer, elevating in his stead Jim Hackett, who previously oversaw the company’s autonomous vehicle initiative. Hackett had cut his teeth reorganizing office furniture maker Steelcase, slashing salaries and laying off over 12,000 during his tenure.
While Hackett has ramped up Ford’s restructuring, the corporate press and financial analysts have repeatedly taken him to task for not providing enough detail into the company’s plans to cut costs, and are pushing him to accelerate the timetable for reorganization. “We’d like him to be crisper in going from high-level statements into the actionable plans they are going to carry out,” said Brian Johnson from Barclays Capital.
Ford has continued to reap immense profits in recent years, with a net income of $7.6 billion in 2017. Nevertheless, the auto industry as a whole is facing a number of economic pressures, including increased commodity costs, exacerbated by the Trump administration’s steel and aluminum tariffs, and the substantial capital investments which will be required to develop electric and autonomous vehicles.
However, looming more significantly behind Ford’s latest announcements are concerns over two interrelated processes: signs pointing to the threat of a renewed outbreak of financial crisis, and the growing mood of militancy among autoworkers, particularly in the run-up to the 2019 contract negotiations between the Detroit Three and the UAW.
Moreover, the UAW has been staggered by a cascade of revelations relating to the bribery of top officials. This is fueling fears in the ruling class that the union will prove unable to prevent workers’ simmering anger and frustration from erupting into an open rebellion.
The UAW, which has presided over the destruction of hundreds of thousands of jobs over the course of the past several decades, has met the announcement of pending job cuts with predictable silence. And nothing more can be expected given the record of the UAW in collaborating with the automakers in an endless series of concessionary contracts.
The mounting threat to jobs makes it more urgent that workers draw the necessary conclusions from the record of the UAW. In order to conduct a genuine fight to defend jobs and secure a decent standard of living, autoworkers must organize themselves independently of the UAW, forming rank-and-file factory committees, and link up with the millions of other workers—in the US and internationally—to launch a common struggle to reorganize society to meet workers’ needs instead of the private profit interests of the few.

Relations deteriorate between Hungary and Ukraine

Jason Melanovski

The Ukrainian Foreign Ministry has expelled a consul of the Hungarian government for what it calls the illegal distribution of Hungarian passports to Ukrainian citizens.
In hidden camera footage posted to YouTube in September, Hungarian consular staff in the town of Berehove are shown distributing Hungarian citizenship documents and leading oaths of loyalty to the Hungarian state.
Under Ukrainian law, citizens are not permitted to hold dual citizenship. However, in practice, as a multi-ethnic country with a large number of Ukrainians living and working abroad, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens hold passports from Russia, Belarus, Poland, Romania and elsewhere.
In retaliation for Ukraine’s expulsion of its government representative, Hungary announced that it would be kicking out a Ukrainian diplomat currently stationed in Budapest. It also threatened to block Ukraine’s bid for NATO and EU membership.
The escalating tit-for-tat expulsions are a result of deteriorating relations between the two right-wing, nationalist governments over the treatment of ethnic minorities, laws on language rights and geopolitics.
Over 200,000 Hungarians live in Ukraine, with the majority residing in the Zakarpattia province. Prior to World War II this region was not considered part of then-Soviet Ukraine.
Discrimination against the Hungarian language has been presented by the government of Viktor Orban as the main reason for its increasingly negative attitude towards Kiev. In September of 2017, the Ukrainian government of Petro Poroshenko introduced a new, undemocratic language law that limited the ability of ethnic minorities to be instructed in their native language. It made Ukrainian the required language of instruction for all students in secondary school.
While the bill was clearly intended to target the use of Russian language in schools and “Ukrainianize” the country’s Russian population, it also angered other ethnic minorities. In response to the changes in the language bill, EU members Hungary, Greece, Romania and Bulgaria all filed complaints with the Council of Europe and the OSCE. Hungary said that it will veto any vote in support of Ukrainian membership in the EU and NATO, unless the language bill is changed.
The enforced use of Ukrainian has been utilized by the Poroshenko regime and the country’s nationalist thugs to attack ethnic minorities and whip up ethnic hatred of all things “anti-Ukrainian.” This is part of the now over four-year-long war against the Russian-majority Donbass region of the country, which attempted to break away from Kiev in the wake of the anti-Russian coup that brought Poroshenko to power.
In September, the western city of Lviv banned all Russian-language books, movies and other cultural artefacts, despite the fact that a substantial minority of the population uses the Russian language in daily life.
Such actions have further emboldened right-wing thugs to attack those speaking languages other than Ukrainian in the public sphere. In September, a McDonald’s worker in Kiev was accosted by a right-wing “activist” for speaking Russian while serving customers.
Although language has been the issue most prominently cited by the Western media as the source of tensions between Hungary and Ukraine, there are more fundamental material and strategic issues at play.
Despite being both an EU and NATO member, the anti-immigrant, far-right government of Orban has cultivated closer ties with Russia, much to the annoyance of the United States and other EU members. Hungary has been one of the only EU members to voice opposition to EU sanctions against Russia. It has continued to vote for their enforcement in the European Council, so as not to endanger its own status with the EU.
Hungary is also one of the few EU countries that has seen its trade increase with Russia, after initially falling as a result of the sanctions. The country expects its trade with Russia to nearly double in the coming year.
Orban and Russian President Vladimir Putin held face-to-face talks in early September over gas and energy supplies. Russia is set to build a “TurkStream” oil pipeline that, like the Nordstream pipeline in the Baltic Sea, will allow Russian oil to bypass Ukraine en route to Western Europe.
At the summit, Orban admitted that it was “no secret that when the gas pipeline from the south comes towards Hungary, we would like it to continue through Hungary. That would be a great opportunity for Hungary.”
Russia and Hungary also agreed to move forward with the building of two Russian-made nuclear reactors at the Paks Nuclear Power Plant in central Hungary.
The inflaming of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations takes place as the Azov Sea has becomes a new flashpoint between the Russian and Ukrainian militaries. Ukraine has accused Russia of carrying out aggressive actions against Ukrainian ships in the region and using the waters to supply Russian-backed separatists in the Donbass region.
In addition to already announced plans to build a naval base on the Azov Sea, Ukraine’s Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC) Oleksandr Turchynov declared last week that the country intends “to conduct serious drills in the waters of the Azov Sea." For its part, Washington has supplied the Ukrainian navy with patrol boats.
Last month Ukraine conducted a series of provocative military exercises throughout the country with the support and involvement of the United States, which has military “advisers” all over the territory. Ukraine’s army sent troops towards the Hungarian border during the exercises, in an attempt to intimidate Budapest. Kiev denied that the exercises targeted Hungary, absurdly claiming that the show of force was meant to prevent Russia from invading Ukraine from the west.
While Trump is constantly lambasted by the Democratic Party for being insufficiently aggressive towards Russia, he has in fact gone further than former President Barack Obama in support for Kiev, including by sending the country Javelin anti-tank missiles.
In September, the US House of Representatives approved the 2019 draft military budget, which increases war funding for Ukraine to $250 million.

French government on verge of collapse after interior minister resigns

Alex Lantier 

Since the resignation on October 3 of Interior Minister Gérard Collomb, one of the first supporters of Emmanuel Macron and his Republic on the March (LRM) party, the French government is on the verge of collapse. On Monday, top LRM officials announced the preparation of a major cabinet reshuffle, and even potentially the resignation of Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, undermined by the government’s unpopularity.
LRM officials tried to downplay the crisis, describing it simply by its impact on the state bureaucracy. The president of the National Assembly, Richard Ferrand, noted in his interview with Le Journal du dimanche the anger of local officials and promised to renew the “pact” Macron said he would build with regional authorities. He also indicated that the union bureaucracies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are frustrated about their relations with Macron, and have “a feeling that the nobility is speaking to them, the commoners. Nothing could be further from the truth.”
Ferrand signalled that LRM would include the unions and NGOs more in decision-making processes, promising to make “the second year of Macron’s term the year of the Contractual Republic … Today, we have to base ourselves even more on all the forces of progress and transformation. We go faster when we go alone, but together we go further.”
Ferrand was at pains, however, to dispel any illusions that incorporating the unions into the formulation of Macron’s policies would mean any shift to the left. Asked about whether he would potentially “rebalance the government with more left-wing figures,” Ferrand dismissed this possibility, saying that he does not think “in terms of labels.”
Involving the unions more closely in Macron’s policymaking will neither stabilize the government nor broaden its social base. The unions already were closely negotiating austerity with Macron. By plunging ahead with austerity, the Macron government will only intensify its crisis, which is rooted in the overwhelming opposition among workers in France and across Europe to the policies of militarism and austerity negotiated by the trade unions, Macron and the European Union (EU).
After the Socialist Party (PS) collapsed in last year’s presidential elections, LRM emerged from the ruins and Macron’s personal fortunes were inflated like a balloon as the ruling class sought a suitable president. It took just over a year for this balloon to explode, pricked by the pen the government used this summer to sign the accord privatising the National Railways (SNCF).
Macron’s Pyrrhic victory was possible only due to the cowardice and treachery of the union bureaucracies, who signed an agreement opposed by 95 percent of SNCF staff. But Macron’s forced privatization of the SNCF laid bare the class content of Macron’s presidency. The man who was looked on with contempt as the “president of the rich” is now hated: according to an Elabe poll, only 6 percent of the French population think that Macron’s policy will improve their economic situation.
If Nicolas Hulot abandoned the ecology ministry, and Collomb the interior, followed by a half-dozen other ministers, these are not—as Ferrand claimed about Collomb—“personal choices” reflecting “unwavering” ties to Macron. The French people are overwhelmingly hostile to the cuts in pensions, healthcare and unemployment insurance that LRM is preparing, and there is growing discontent in the state bureaucracy and the police. The decision to stay with Macron and LRM more and more appears to be political suicide.
Like rats fleeing a sinking ship, the ministers are abandoning Macron to try to save their political careers by securing municipal office. Collomb, who left to prepare his run for city hall in Lyon, warned Macron outright that he risks falling victim to “hubris, the curse of the gods” that destroys the excessively arrogant, because “those whom the gods would destroy they first strike blind.”
The central question that emerges from this crisis is how workers mount a struggle against the program of Macron and the EU. The ability of the Macron government, isolated and discredited, to impose its will at the SNCF underscores the bankruptcy of the union bureaucracies and the allied pseudo-left parties, like the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) and Unsubmissive France (LFI). Their perspective of “social dialog” to negotiate austerity with Macron is an illusion and a trap, because Macron has no plan except organising a social counter-revolution.
This vindicates the Parti de l’égalité socialiste’s (PES–Socialist Equality Party) calls to form committees of action independent of the trade unions and their political allies, to prosecute the struggle. Macron is determined to finance, via austerity, tens of billions in tax cuts for the billionaires and spend €300 billion on the army as part of joint plans with Berlin for the militarization of EU foreign policy. There is nothing to negotiate with him.
To defend their social and democratic rights, workers will find themselves compelled to wage a merciless political struggle against Macron. A half-century after the May–June 1968 general strike, the alternative that is posed to the working class is not reform or revolution, but revolution or counter-revolution. The PES’s role will be to intervene in these struggles to explain the necessity of transferring power to the working class and build a workers’ state pursuing socialist policies.
This separates the PES from the various petty bourgeois parties that cover for the reactionary role of the trade unions, and which support Macron in the final analysis. The LFI and NPA refused to call for opposition to both neo-fascist candidate Marine Le Pen and Macron in the second round of the presidential elections last year, and Mélenchon later offered to serve Macron as prime minister. As Mélenchon insists that “to protect the state and enforce Republican norms, we are together with the right, I’m not ashamed to say it,” he is positioning LFI to adapt to whatever alternative government the right might build.
Now, after German Interior Minister Horst Seehofer applauded neo-Nazi riots in Chemnitz, Marine Le Pen has arrived in Rome to discuss post-Brexit Europe with Matteo Salvini, the Italian neo-fascist who dominates the Italian government with only 20 percent of the vote.
Workers in France cannot submit to the workings of a ruling elite that will inevitably produce a next government even further to the right than the last. Their allies are the workers and youth mobilizing in struggle around the world against austerity, war and the militarization of Europe, and the whitewashing of the crimes of European fascism by figures like Macron’s German allies.
As interest in socialism grows among American youth, and anger rises in Germany against the official legitimization of the neo-Nazis, the international preconditions are emerging for a struggle for power by the working class and the building of socialism. This will prove to be the only viable perspective upon which workers can oppose the manifest bankruptcy of the Macron government.

German government organises mass deportations of refugees to Kabul

Marianne Arens 

The louder the protests of working people, the more deliberate and mercilessly the government pursues its right-wing policies. The most recent collective deportations to Kabul in war-torn Afghanistan were carried out on “German Unity Day,” of all days.
On the same day, October 3, 40,000 people took to the streets in the Bavarian state capital to protest against increased police powers and the “politics of fear.” A few days earlier, more than 30,000 people had demonstrated in Hamburg. In September alone, mass demonstrations against racism and xenophobia took place in Cologne, Berlin, Frankfurt, Chemnitz and other cities.
Despite this, the grand coalition of the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD) is accelerating the pace of its deportation operations. The state governments in which the Greens and Left Party hold office are also continuing to carry out deportations unabated. Because they are preparing social attacks on all workers, the establishment politicians resort to crackdowns on refugees to divide and intimidate the population at large.
Seventeen people were flown to Afghanistan in the latest collective deportation. Eight of them came from Bavaria, the other nine from Baden-Württemberg, Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Rhineland-Palatinate, Schleswig-Holstein and Saxony. Sixty-three federal and four Bavarian state police officers are said to have accompanied them.
With this deportation to a war zone, the state and federal interior ministers are trampling on basic democratic rights, such as the right of asylum and the Geneva Convention on Refugees. Afghanistan is anything but a “safe country of origin.” On average, about 35 members of the security forces die there every day in fighting and attacks by radical Islamists, as the NGO International Crisis Group has reported. In the first half of 2017, almost 1,700 civilians died in violent conflicts, the highest number since 2009. Overall, the number of people killed through violence in Afghanistan in 2018 could reach a new high of well over 20,000.
Since the US and other NATO powers, including Germany, occupied the country 17 years ago, Afghanistan has been in a state of war. Just hours before the aircraft started its engines in Munich on October 3, there was another bloody attack on a public event in the province of Nangarhar. At least 13 people, including children, were killed and more than 30 injured.
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the security situation in Afghanistan has recently deteriorated significantly. On August 30, in its latest guidelines, the UNHCR urgently called for a deportation ban to this country. Kabul cannot be a place of safety for those affected, according to UNHCR guidelines. “Members of the civilian population who participate in everyday economic and social life in Kabul are at risk of falling victim to the general violence affecting the city.”
Moreover, the population in Kabul is increasingly suffering from poverty and hunger. This reassessment by the UNHCR has already resulted in Finland suspending deportations until further notice. But not the German government.
On behalf of the minister of the interior, State Secretary Helmut Teichmann said that the directive of the High Commissioner for Refugees represents “a mere recommendation of the UNHCR, based on the evaluation of various sources. The BAMF [Federal Office for Migration and Refugees], however, continues to hold the view that Kabul is fundamentally eligible as a place of internal safety.”
The brutality and recklessness of the authorities are shown by the cases reported by the Bavarian Refugee Council and other bodies. Accordingly, in the early morning hours of October 2, a young Afghan man was arrested in Nuremberg. He had been living in Germany for eight years, had his own apartment and was in a steady relationship with a woman for seven years. “An apprenticeship as a gardener was terminated because he was constantly being called to the immigration office,” writes the Refugee Council. “A new job offer as a drywall constructor is available but has not been approved by the immigration authority. The potential employer would be happy to hire him because he desperately needs dedicated workers.”
In two other cases, deportation was aborted at the last minute due to protests. These cases only hint at what fate threatens those who are nevertheless deported.
Eighteen-year-old vocational student Ahmed A. was arrested in Passau on September 27 at his college and taken into deportation custody five days before the deportation flight. On October 1, he was to have started his training course. The young man is from Ghazni, a town taken by the Taliban a few weeks ago. Only when teachers, classmates and friends organised a public campaign for him was Ahmed released, shortly before the deportation was to take place.
It was a similar experience for Mujtaba A., a 22-year-old Afghan, also from Passau. He was arrested on September 18 and placed in deportation custody in Bremen. He too was only released due to widespread public protests. Mujtaba had successfully completed a year of vocational college and then completed a six-week internship as a cook in a restaurant. The company had agreed he could undertake his chef’s apprenticeship there. The only thing missing was a work permit from the Central Immigration Office.
The young man, who is not accused of any crime, lives in a committed relationship with a mother of two children. She had done everything in her power and successfully alerted the Bavarian media to save her partner from deportation at the last minute. However, these cases only show how arbitrarily the authorities act and that the officially claimed case-by-case examination is a fable.
The deportation of the 17 Afghans to Kabul on the night of October 3 brings the number of people expelled to the war zone to 383. There were 228 this year alone. The largest mass deportation to Afghanistan so far, some 69 people, took place at the beginning of July. Interior Minister Horst Seehofer (CSU) had celebrated this with downright sadistic satisfaction: “Precisely on my 69th birthday, 69 people—I didn’t plan it that way—were returned to Afghanistan. This is far above the usual number.” A few days later, it was announced that one of the deportees had taken his own life after his forcible return to Kabul.