Can Russia Successfully Mediate the Israel-Palestine Peace Process?

Jason Wahlang


US President Donald Trump has been working on a peace plan for the Israel-Palestine conflict, which is expected to be presented by early 2019. However, the US has largely lost its credibility to mediate the peace process, especially in the eyes of the Palestinians. The recent relocation of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to the contested city of Jerusalem and Washington’s cancellation of its funding for Palestinian refugees have reaffirmed this idea and de-legitimised current US initiatives. Given the Palestinian representatives’ wariness regarding Washington; the former’s requests to change the mediator; and Russia seemingly interested in taking up a larger role in the peace process, it would be worthwhile to evaluate what Moscow can bring to the table as a mediator.

Although the US has been the main actor in the peace talks, Russia is not entirely new to the process. Russia was one of the countries that co-sponsored the 1991 Madrid Peace talks. It has also been a member of the Quartet on the Middle East (the other members are the US, UK and the EU) that was formed to mediate the Israel-Palestine conflict in 2002. Moscow thus has valuable experience relevant to this peace process. It is also important to note that the previous instances of Moscow’s participation in the peace process took place in the backdrop of decreasing Russian influence in the region. The current revival of Russian influence in West Asia combined with a diminishing regional role of the US places Moscow in a stronger position now than before.

Another factor in Russia’s favour has been its perceived neutral stance regarding both sides of the conflict, whereas the US is increasingly being viewed as a dishonest broker. Russia views the Palestinian demand for statehood as a legitimate, and also maintains cordial ties with most Palestinian factions. Unlike the US, which views Hamas as a terrorist organisation, Russia has direct access to both the Palestinian Authority, and Hamas. Unity amongst these competing Palestinian factions could prove important for the peace process–something Russia could potentially help facilitate.

Russia has also maintained strong political and economic relations with Israel. The current conflict in Syria has further improved the relationship between Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which could provide Russia with more room to manoeuvre on the Israeli side in its search for a political solution to the conflict. Diaspora is another factor that influences Russia’s relations with Israel. While the Russian diaspora in Israel includes both hardliners (like the Yisrael Beiteinu party, which is currently in a coalition with the ruling Likud party) and moderates (like Ksenia Sveltova) when it comes to the Palestinian issue, it does provide Russia with access to a wide-ranging section of the Israeli political establishment as well as a possible base in the population for its peace efforts. Although the friendly relationship between the two countries was in doubt after Russia blamed Israel for the recent ‘friendly-fire’ incident in Syria, Netanyahu has succeeded in defusing the situation.

Nonetheless, past experiences of Russian mediation have mostly not been successful and Moscow’s peace efforts have in fact led to more chaos. Russian methods to resolve conflicts have relied more on use of force than peaceful means, which has resulted in “negative peace.” Recently, the ‘de-escalation zones’ in Syria, which were established to bring about a period of peace, instead provided Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad with space to focus his limited resources in the war on more important fronts. The recent (and likely temporary) solution for Idlib reaffirms this notion. In spite of that, a possible peaceful resolution through a Russia-led peace process for the civil war in Syria would be a success for Russia’s status as a mediator and could possibly facilitate its re-entry in the Palestinian issue.

Finally, the recent changes in the international dynamics in West Asia have provided Russia with space for involvement in regional affairs. Although Russia’s main regional allies like Syria and Iran remain most hawkish when it comes to Israel, Moscow’s recent activities in West Asia have provided it with more leverage over these allies. Russian involvement in the peace process could, at least tacitly, bring these countries in line with an agreement that would limit the number of possible spoilers. On the other hand, the US can generally bring more regional actors–like its traditional Gulf Cooperation Council allies and NATO-ally, Turkey–to the table. In this, Moscow would have to seek cooperation with Washington to make for an inclusive peace process.

Overall, Russia as a mediator would bring certain important aspects to the table given its re-emergence as a player in the region; its perception as being less partial than the US; and its wide-ranging connections with parties from both sides of the conflict. That said, although Russia may be able to bring regional spoilers in line and mediate, given the US’ decades of engagement with the region, Moscow will require cooperation from Washington to succeed. 

Iran and its Arab Neighbours post the Ahvaz Attack

Majid Izadpanahi

On 22 September 2018, a military parade in Ahvaz, Khuzestan, Iran, to celebrate the anniversary of the start of Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) was struck by a terrorist attack, resulting in the deaths of 25 people, including civilians. A separatist group took the responsibility of the attacks, but soon, the Islamic State (IS) claimed that they had plotted the attacks. More importantly, these attacks have domestic and regional consequences. The significance of the attack in Ahvaz is different from the previous attack on the Iran's parliament that IS carried out in June 2017. First, the Iranian officials did not specifically mention the name of any country after the 2017 attack albeit they indirectly accused Saudi Arabia. Second, it was the first time Iranian officials categorically mentioned UAE as one of the perpetrators of the attacks. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei blamed Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for being responsible for the agents of the attacks. Iran's Foreign Ministry also summoned UAE's charge d'affaires over a controversial comment by one the Emirati officials.

On the domestic front, these attacks can adversely impact any movement or objection to Tehran's economic and environmental policies as the government could easily flag security concerns and increase repression, and worsen the economic and environmental condition of Khuzestan province. On the regional front, despite the fact that the regional (and international) policies of the Iranian Presidents, including those of Hassan Rouhani, differ remarkably from other influential institutions (that are considered conservative and bearing theocratic attitudes), they too made similar statements based on punishment of the agents of the attacks.

Context and Perceptions

Historically, relations between Iran and the Arab countries have been based on suspicion and competition. Since the Sheikh Khazal separatist activities (1922-24), Iran has suspected some Arab countries of trying to provoke some Iranian Arabs in Khuzestan Province-the economic heart of Iran-to pressurise the Iranian government. The 1979 revolution in Iran aggravated the situation by adding another aspect to this historic rivalry, namely the revolutionary ideology (based on Shiism). The post-revolutionary policy of the Islamic Republic based on 'Export of the Revolution' generated a fear among the Arab states that revolutionary Iran intended to spread revolutionary ideology among their nations and eventually overthrow the Arab states. Generally speaking, relations between Iran and the Arab countries have not been good. Iran and Egypt have not had a good relationship since 1979; Iran and Saudi Arabia snapped relations twice-after the 1987 Hajj incident, and after an extremist group attacked the Saudi Embassy in Tehran in 2016.

Now, Iran and Saudi Arabia have entered an era of enmity that has led to an escalation of the proxy war in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. Moreover, barring its relationship with Oman, Iran's relations with the Arab states of the Persian Gulf have been both shaky and vulnerable to potentially rash decisions. Incidentally, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the Arab League neither reacted to the Ahvaz attack nor condemned it. Ironically, Palestinian groups supported by the Islamic Republic have not reacted either. Due to Iran's revolutionary policies, the country has been significantly isolated in the region, among the Arab countries, and some other Islamic countries.

In the Arab states' point of view, Iran's revolutionary ideology is viewed as a threat to their sovereignty. Moreover, Iranian presence in Syria and Iraq has increased this fear, pushing the Arab countries more towards Israel and towards placing their hopes in US President Donald Trump's government to isolate Iran. However, officials in Tehran have shown no willingness to make any concessions with regard to the revolutionary ideology because the entire system is based on ideology and they incorrectly believe that any compromise in their revolutionary ideology would damage their legitimacy. 

Looking Ahead

A pragmatic approach is required to address this state-of-affairs. On one hand, the Arab states should respect Iranian sovereignty and territory, and avoid provocative statements and actions. On the other hand, Iranian officials should cease their double-standard policy towards Arab countries and understand that the Arab countries consider Tehran's revolutionary ideology as a threat. In the case of Egypt, it would be illogical for Iran to name one of the streets in Tehran after Khalid Islambouli and simultaneously expect restoration of relations. With regard to Saudi Arabia, officials in Tehran should respect Saudi Arabia's sovereignty and avoid religious competition with the kingdom. In the situation post the Ahvaz attack, it is important to bear in mind that any uncalculated decision could likely lead to more direct conflict. Therefore, all the states should avoid reacting rashly. Additionally, given how Russia is the only country that has been able to balance relations with all of the powerful states in the West Asia, regional powers and rivals, namely Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Israel can consider this as an opportunity and identify Russia as a mediator. Officials of these states can meet in Russia and eliminate misunderstandings that have emerged over the past four decades. These officials can begin by understanding each other's security concerns, and subsequently plan a roadmap that can serve to address all their concerns. Finally, considering the fact that global warming is adversely impacting the West Asian region, countries in the region would do better focus on tackling common environmental threats and increase economic engagement rather than empowering ideological rivalries. If the countries develop robust economic ties, they will be less motivated to take aggressive foreign policy stances or engage in conflicts. The Islamic Republic and the Arab states should understand the fact that they are destined to live together.

Why is Xi Purging Deng from History?

Palden Sonam

In China, rewriting history entails emergence of new heroes as well as victims, depending on the direction of the political wind in Beijing. Today, it appears that late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping has found himself in the wrong direction of the new political wind spurred by incumbent President Xi Jinping’s rise.

At present, there is a visible and steady effort by Xi to downplay Deng’s role in Chinese politics, particularly in China’s ‘Reform and Opening’ policy. If a picture speaks thousand words, then there is certainly a lot to read in the official ‘Spring Tide on the Pearl River: A National Exhibition of Fine Arts Works to Commemorate the 40th Anniversary of Reform and Opening’ at the National Art Museum of China. One of the 256 works on display was a painting that depicted Xi’s father Xi Zhongxun delivering a lecture to a group of Chinese leaders, including Deng. This painting generated considerable confusion and conjectures on social media in China as to whether the person in the painting was President Xi. Another interesting development that raised many eyebrows was the replacement of a giant sculpture of Deng in the museum with a huge TV screen flashing quotes by Xi. Additionally, the biggest painting on display was one that featured Xi, and the second biggest painting was one that featured his father. In CPC propaganda, the size and placement of a leader’s image says a lot about their place in the Party.

However, what is more intriguing is the deliberate distortion of historical facts in the painting. A quick inquiry into the meeting depicted in the work reveals several aspects that contradict the Party’s own official version of history. The Party meeting in focus was held in April 1979 and the leader presiding over the meeting was Hua Goufeng, who was the chairman of the Party and China’s premier at that time. Moreover, Deng and Marshal Ye Jianying were not present at the April 1979 meeting. However, in the painting, Deng and Marshal Ye are depicted as present, and Hua is missing. In China, producing such an artwork without the prior approval of higher authorities amounts to a serious crime of ‘historical nihilism’–any narrative/view of the past events that contradict(s) the official line. However, the past is strangely not often constant in Chinese politics.

This begs the question as to what the new painting indicates in the context of China’s Party politics. This particular piece of art did contain interesting insights, but it was not the only one. In fact, the entire exhibition seemed to be an attempt to legitimise Xi’s policies, and points to his politics of power and image.

Emerging Trends

First, Xi is downplaying Deng’s leadership as the paramount leader in the reform initiatives by magnifying the role of his father, who was the party secretary of Guangdong province at that time. Until now, the party’s version of history held Deng as the architect of the reform policy that had rescued China from the consequences of the disasters caused by Mao’s policies. However, Xi now seems to be interested in rewriting the Party’s version of history around his father by portraying him as the main brain behind the reform initiatives.

Second, it appears that the painting attempts to blend the Party’s official narrative of reform as being in the nature of the party itself with some form of hereditary link. In the painting, Xi is not portrayed as inheriting power or privileges from his father, but instead as carrying forward his father’s work as part of the national mission of continuous reform and opening up. Such a depiction subtly projects a connection between bold national reforms seemingly started by his father and Xi’s national rejuvenation project. In this context, in the exhibition, Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is presented as a continuation of his father’s reform initiative.

Here, it is important to note that Xi is not only presented as a great leader but also a good son–faithfully fulfilling the Confucian ethics of filial piety by completing something remarkable started by his father. However, the highly sophisticated Party propaganda does not categorically state this. Instead, it is presented in way that the Chinese people view it in that manner.

Deng’s Legacy Vs Xi’s Legitimacy

It is also important to understand why it is politically necessary for Xi to downplay Deng’s contribution and highlight his and his father’s roles. This has much to do with some of his policy initiatives like the termination of the presidential term limit; re-partification of state and society; more ideological control; and the development of a cult personality around him. These actions signify a reversal of what Deng managed to do after taking over the party leadership. This raises the question of legitimacy, which is essential for Xi not only as a politician but more so as the core leader within the one-party system.

This issue of legitimacy must be understood on at least two levels, personal and policy, both of which are directly related to each other. When Xi began dismantling Deng’s policy initiatives, he essentially began questioning the latter’s political wisdom as a core leader and the relevance of the policy reforms he introduced. The attempt to downplay Deng’s role in the party propaganda is to make him fade away from Party lore and public memory as a reformist leader. The likely calculation is that the less the Party mentions Deng in official propaganda employed in the media and museums, the less people may talk about him and his policies that Xi is overturning. It could also be Xi’s reaction to the minor and marginalised voices that are critical of his policies at home and abroad.

In China, the Party as an Orwellian Big Brother takes a keen interest in what it wants the people to remember or forget; particularly individuals and events with significant political implications. Therefore, in Chinese politics, much like the present and the future, the past too is a theatre of power struggle–sometimes more unpredictable than the future.

Denuclearising the Korean Peninsula: Hope Amidst Uncertainty?

Sandip Kumar Mishra

In his mid-September visit to Pyongyang this year, South Korean President Moon Jae-in reportedly had several fruitful exchanges with North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un, culminating in the signing of the Pyongyang Joint Declaration. Both agreed to open permanent family reunion facilities in the short-term, work to reconnect cross-border rail and road links within this year, restart joint projects at Kaesong and Most Kumgang, and Kim's visit to Seoul in 2018.

A military deal was signed between the South Korean Defence Minister Song Young-moo and North Korean First Vice Minister of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces No Kwang-chol. In this regard, they agreed to stop field training exercises and artillery drills in the border areas, and create buffer zones along the land and sea borders. They also decided to withdraw guard costs in the Demilitarised Zone completely. Both countries will pull out soldiers and military resources from 11 closely located posts in the border area by the end of this year. There are also an agreement about the joint excavation of the remains of Korean soldiers who died in the DMZ area during the Korean War, and creating a trilateral committee with the UN Command to demilitarise the Joint Security Area (JSA) at Panmunjom.

North Korea agreed to shut down its nuclear facilities at Yongbyon, work to make the Korean Peninsula nuclear weapons-free, and permanently shut down the Dongchang-ri missile engine test site. However, on these issues, North Korea has sought the US' reciprocity. Further, there has been no announcement about the timeline or sequencing of the denuclearisation process. This means that Moon Jae-in was not able to achieve anything substantial on nuclear and missile issues, and resolution on the matter remains pending and subject to the US and North Korea. The overall conclusion is that Moon Jae-in narrowly focused on inter-Korea peace-building and left North Korea denuclearisation to the US. However, his visit was followed renewed US-North Korea engagement that began with the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's visit to Pyongyang on 7 October. Pompeo has stated that "significant progress" was been made during his talks with Kim Jong-un and that the US and North Korea were "pretty close" to agreeing on the details of a second summit between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un. There have since been reports that North Korea has agreed to open its nuclear test site, Punggye-ri as well missile engine site, Dongchang-ri to international inspectors. While this may not appear to be 'significant progress' to critics , it is important to underline that Pompeo was not even able to meet Kim during his last visit, and further estrangement between the US and North Korea was assumed. Developments seem to back on the right track, and Moon's role in making it happen must not be overlooked or underplayed..

It is now incumbent on the US and North Korea to chart out the future course of denuclearisation in a way that is sensitive to each others’ expectations and limitations. Whereas the US would like to achieve some verifiable, concrete success first before easing out sanctions on North Korea, Pyongyang will demand simultaneous reciprocity. North Korean Foreign Minister Ri Yong-ho made this clear in his speech at the UN General Assembly on 29 September 2018, in which he emphasised 'trust' and 'peace' to move forward. Ri Yong-ho asked the US to first make some concessions to convince North Korea or its sincerity, and before they could begin denuclearising. He said, "...without any trust in the United States, there will be no confidence in our national security, and under such circumstances there is no way we will unilaterally disarm ourselves first."

In the evening of the day of Ri's speech, Trump said that after having exchanged letters with Kim, they had both fallen in "love" with each other. President Moon in fact made a very strategic visit to New York - to participate in the UNGA meeting, as well as to update Donald Trump about his recent trip to North Korea. Moon has been insisting that a peace treaty with North Korea must be concluded along with the re-initiation of various exchanges between the two Koreas, and delinking these processes from the process of denuclearisation.

Although that the US ostensibly seems to be following up on Moon's efforts, there is a slowly emerging gap between Washington and Seoul about the speed and conditionality of engagement with Pyongyang. On 11 October, Trump sent a clear message to South Korea that it should not unilaterally lift sanctions imposed on North Korea - he said, "they (South Korea) do not do anything without our (the US) approval."

That it is a time for cautious hope regarding developments on the Korean peninsula is clear. However, the US, South Korea and North Korea are all trying to move forward as per their own strategies, and there is still insufficient trust between these stakeholders. Amidst these uncertainties, the second Trump-Kim summit meet, tentatively scheduled after the US midterm election in November, will be an important milestone.

EIFL Public Library Innovation Award 2019 for Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 5th December 2018.

Eligible Countries: Developing and Transition countries

About the Award: The award is open to all public and community libraries in developing and transition countries that use information and communication technology (ICT) to improve lives in their communities by addressing any of the following issues, which are included in the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development:

• Economic wellbeing and employment
• Farming and sustainable agriculture
• Health and hygiene
• Digital inclusion
• Gender equality and empowerment of women and girls
• Education for all
• Climate change and other issues affecting the environment

Type: Contest

Eligibility: To enter the competition, you must meet all of the following criteria:

• You must be a public or community library.
• The library must be in a transition or developing economy country.
• The service you are submitting must use digital information and communication technology (ICT).
• The service should have started after January 2016.
• The service must be operational at the time of application.
• You must provide evidence of positive results of the service or impact in the community.
• Only one service can be presented in the application. Other services or projects presented in the application will not be considered.

Number of Awards: There will be more than one award – the number of award-winners will depend on the quality and diversity of applications received.

Value of Award: The prize includes US$1,500 and wide publicity through EIFL’s global communication channels and networks.

How to Apply: We are accepting applications in English, French, Russian and Spanish (application form download link is in Programme Webpage Link below).

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Award Provider: The award is offered by the EIFL Public Library Innovation Programme (EIFL-PLIP). The EIFL Public Library Innovation Programme is supported by a grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

Important Notes:

1. We will not consider innovative library services that (1) only offer free public access to computers and the internet; 2) only offer ICT skills training; 3) only provide access to digital information resources and collections.
2. We expect applicants to demonstrate results (impact) of the services in their communities, showing how the service improves lives / contributes to overcoming the development need addressed.
3. This is an award for existing services. We will not accept applications seeking funding to start new services.

Apply/Nominate Youths for DigCit SDG Awards 2018 (FCFA 600,000+ Fully Funded Trip to DigCitSummit Nigeria)

Application Deadline: 10th November 2018

Eligible Countries: Cameroon

To be taken at (country): Nigeria

About the Award: DigCitSDGawards will unite, celebrate, reward and support Cameroonian youths who have been using social media and technology to inspire positive change and contribute to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) . Run by Positive Youths Africa in partnership with the United Nations and other organizations  working for the SDGs in Cameroon, the DigCit SDG awards is going to crown the first edition of the Digital Citizenship Summit, Cameroon (DigCitsummitCM) which is set to hatch a generation of positive digital users.
DigCitSDGawards will therefore long-list and summon 200 candidates from all the ten regions of Cameroon who have demonstrated remarkable efforts in using social media and technology to create solutions to pressing problems ,promote peace and sustainable development while advancing common good; to network, learn, share and grow. All these 200 longlisted candidates would benefit from training on digital citizenship while engaging in workshops, panel discussions, networking opportunities, and all the exciting opportunities that the summit offers.
From these 200 long list of candidates, only 25 outstanding digital citizens shall be shortlisted and rewarded with awards and prizes; based on the strength of their application or nominations from the public, the sustainability of their projects and the depth of their positive impact. Priority shall be given to youths who show great efforts in using social media and technology to promote values (peace,love, gratitude,humility etc) and contribute to one or more of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We are equally looking for youths who clearly demonstrate how they intend to use the money or opportunities offered by  DigCit SDGawards to further contribute to Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and create positive change in their respective spheres of influence. A few other awards shall be given to the best participants during the summit. We hope through the DigCitSDGawards;

• -to inspire all Cameroonian youths to use social media and technology in a safe,savvy, responsible and positive manner.
• -to celebrate, reward ,empower and support young positive digital users so that they can better spread the message of digital citizenship.
• -to contribute to the sustainable development.
• -Self nominations are allowed

Type: Award

Eligibility:

• Cameroonian citizens
• Self nominations are allowed.
• Fluent in English or French
• Aged between 15 to 35 years old
• Demonstrate remarkable efforts in using social media and/or technology to advance solutions to pressing problems, promote peace and contribute to one or more of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
• Availability to attend the summit
• A commitment to further spread the lessons learnt and use the prize to contribute to Digital Citizenship and sustainable development within their spheres of influence.

Value of Award: All the 200 longlisted candidates will benefit from the training, panel discussions as well as the wide networks from the summit. However, only 25 of these 200 shall be shortlisted for awards out of which only 3 of the most prominent shall receive cash prizes including a fully funded trip to attend the next DigCitSummit in Nigeria. The first 3 prizes are as follows;

1. -1st Grand prize: FCFA 300,000 + a fully funded trip to attend the DigCitSummit in Nigeria
2. -2nd Grand prize: FCFA 200,000
3. -3rd Grand prize: FCFA 100,000

All the 25 awardees would be given awards and material prizes such as phones and internet packages,etc.

How to Apply: Nominations can be done by filling the nomination form in the Link below

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

DAAD Kenya Postgraduate Scholarship 2019/2020 for Young East African Academics – Germany

Application Deadline: 31st October 2018

Eligible Countries: Kenya

To Be Taken At (Country): Germany

About the Award: The Kenya Vision 2030 policy document recommends investment in Science, Technology & Innovation (ST&I) in priority key sectors. One such area involves capacity building in the universities through advanced training of personnel.
We are glad to announce that DAAD (the German Academic Exchange Service) is offering up to twelve (12)
scholarships, open to young East African academics and scientists, for the academic year 2019/2020 to pursue a
PhD in Germany.
In addition, in collaboration with the Government of Kenya, DAAD will offer additional thirty (30)
scholarships to (permanent and part-time) staff members of public and private universities and public research
institutes in Kenya to pursue a PhD in Germany.

Type: PhD 

Eligibility: Among the main requirements is a well-developed research proposal (10 to 15 pages). The applicant needs to find a supervisor in Germany or get admission for a structured PhD programme.

To be eligible, candidate must:

• Be a citizen of the Republic of Kenya;
• Be teaching (full or part-time) in Kenyan universities (both public and private);
• Should have obtained the Master’s degree preferably within the past 6 years (date of graduation);
• Be willing to undertake a six (6) months German language course.

Number of Awards: 51

Value of Award: 

• 6 months preparatory German language course (fulltime) including accommodation and pocket money
• co-financed monthly scholarship instalment
• Reimbursement of travel costs through an adequate travel lump sum that is disbursed after arrival in Germany, during the funding period respectively
• study and research allowance
• accident, health and personal liability insurance cover
• further individual allowances upon application

Duration of Program: Up to forty-five (45) months (exclusive six (6) months German language course).

How to Apply: 

• Among the main requirements is a well-developed research proposal (10 to 15 pages). The applicant needs to find a supervisor in Germany or get admission for a structured PhD programme.
• For further information, visit us during our visiting hours on Wednesdays and Thursdays between 9 am and 12 noon, check our websitewww.daad.or.ke or contact me as the officer in charge of this programme.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: DAAD

US Government Professional Fellows Program for Inclusive Disability Employment (PFP-IDE) for East African Countries 2019

Application Deadline: 19th November 2018

Eligible Countries: Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda

To Be Taken At (Country): USA

About the Award: Fellows will participate in an intensive five-week program at a university-based research and education center for disabilities in the U.S. They will learn innovative strategies to promote economic empowerment of individuals with disabilities through the growth of inclusive employment opportunities.
The program specifically targets individuals between the ages of 25 and 40 who are employers, program administrators, policymakers, or other stakeholders in employment for people with disabilities in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.
Inclusive employment refers to individuals with disabilities working alongside their peers without disabilities in the competitive labor market (with access to the same benefits and career opportunities).
Individuals from diverse backgrounds, including people with disabilities, are encouraged to apply. Reasonable accommodations, including materials in alternative formats (e.g. Braille, electronic, large print), are provided upon request.

Type: Fellowship (Career/Professional)

Eligibility: In order to apply to this program as a Fellow (eligibility criteria), you must …

1. Be between the ages of 25 and 40;
2. Be currently living and working in Kenya, Uganda or Tanzania;
3. Be eligible to receive a U.S. J-1 visa;
4. Be proficient in spoken and written English;
   • Speaking proficiency means that you are able to participate effectively in most formal and informal conversations on practical, social, and professional topics. Communication in spoken English as interpreted by a sign language interpreter (which will be provided by the Fellowship program) through use of American, Kenyan or Ugandan Sign Language qualifies you for speaking proficiency.
   • Reading proficiency means you are able to read standard newspaper items, routine correspondence, reports, and technical materials in your special field.
5. Have at least two (2) or more years of relevant work experience with or for non-governmental organizations (NGOs), government offices, universities, schools or community-based organizations;
6. Have professional interest and/or experience in inclusive employment and disabilities;
7. Be self-directed and able to work effectively in a cross-cultural setting;
8. Have demonstrated leadership and collaborative skills;
9. Be able to participate in the Professional Fellows Program on Inclusive Disability Employment in the US either in the spring (April 27- May 27, 2019) or in the fall (October 12- November 11, 2019);
10. Be committed to returning to your home country for a period of two (2) years after completion of the program; and
11. Be committed to implementing an individual project that will benefit young people with disabilities and promote greater inclusive employment in your region, country, or community following completion of the program.

Individuals from diverse backgrounds, including people with disabilities, are encouraged to apply. Reasonable accommodations, including materials in alternative formats (e.g. Braille, electronic, large print), are provided upon request.

Selection: Applicants will be selected through a competitive process by program partners and the U.S. Department of State Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs.

Number of Awards: 20

Value of Award: Fellows will receive funding for their fellowship-related travel to and within the U.S., accommodations in the U.S., and more including:

• Visa
• Round trip travel between home country and U.S.
• Accident and health insurance for the duration of the fellowship in the U.S.
• Living allowance (or equivalent supports) to cover costs of meals, housing and incidental expenses (these funds, or some portion of them, can go directly to hosts if needed)
• Reasonable disability-related accommodations, if needed

Duration of Program: Fellows will participate in one of two cohorts: Spring: (April 27- May 27, 2019) or in the fall (October 12- November 11, 2019.

How to Apply:  APPLY HERE

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: U.S. Department of State Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs.

Government of Ireland Africa Agri-food Development Program (AADP) 2019

Application Deadline:30th November 2018(5.00pm on Friday).

About the Award: The Objective of the AADP is to develop partnerships between the Irish Agri-Food Sector and African countries to support sustainable growth of the local food industry, build markets for local produce and support mutual trade between Ireland and Africa.

It is intended that any investment by the AADP will be catalytic support with co-funding from the private sector. The fund is designed to leverage greater expertise, experience and investment from the Irish agri-food sector and projects should demonstrate results with a long-term developmental impact that will ultimately lead to sustainable benefits through investment by the private sector.
Irish agri-food expertise is extremely wide-ranging and examples of suitable AADP projects include:

• Business development
• Production system
• Technology Transfer
• R & D
• Project Management

Type: Entrepreneurship/Grants

Eligibility: 

• The partners involved must include one Irish registered agri food company and one local commercial entity in Africa;
• All proposed projects must be commercial in nature and focus. Funding will only be awarded to Irish registered agri food companies.
• AADP funding is up to a maximum of €250,000 per company for a full project or €100,000 for a feasibility study.
• AADP funding will not exceed 50% of the costs of the project;
• The funds contributed by the Irish registered agri food company must not comprise funding received from any other Irish Public funding source.
• If an applicant company was previously successful in applying for AADP funding, it must explain clearly (in the application form) the new project goals/outcomes and how they differ from those in the initial funding round.
• If an applicant company proposes to undertake a feasibility study, it should include a list of ‘potential’ partners with the application.
• Projects will be supported in the following countries – Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria Malawi, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia;
• Funding from the AADF must bring about additionality and not replace existing funding;
• Successful AADF funding applicants will be encouraged to engage with Irish NGOs where possible on various aspects of the projects i.e. Mechanical and Engineering, Project design, etc.

Evaluation Criteria: Applications will be evaluated against the following criteria:

• Development Impact
• Company expertise (Technical, financial etc)
• Commercial viability
• Risk Analysis
• Monitoring and Expenditure

It is intended that any investment by the AADP will be catalytic support with co-funding from the private sector. The fund is designed to leverage greater expertise, experience and investment from the Irish agri-food sector and projects should demonstrate results with a long-term developmental impact that will ultimately lead to sustainable benefits through investment by the private sector.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Possible funding of up to €250,000 in total per company

How to Apply: 

• Applications to the Fund (doc 90Kb)  are now being accepted through the application form only.
• The form must be completed by the Irish applicant company and submitted to aadp@agriculture.gov.ie.
• Should you have queries please email aadp@agriculture.gov.ie.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Important Note: Only Irish Agri-Food companies can apply.

Award Providers: The Africa Agri-Food Development Programme (AADP) is a joint initiative between the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

Danish Government Cultural Agreement Scholarships 2019/2020 for International Students

Application Deadline: 1st March 2019 at 23:59 (CET)

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: 

• China
• Japan
• Egypt
• Russia
• Republic of Korea

To be taken at (country): Denmark

Eligible Field of Study: All

Type: Masters and PhD

Eligibility: Scholarship will only be considered if the student fulfils the following requirements:

• Is a citizen of a country outside the European Union (EU) and the European Economic Area (EEA)
• Does not have permanent residence in an EU or EEA country
• Is NOT studying in Denmark through an exchange programme or any other study agreement which is tuition fee waiving
• Has shown good academic results previously from former studies or passed exams
• Has passed an English language test, preferably an IELTS test with a score of 6.0 or similar recognised test with a high score provided for academic studies
• Scholarships are only available to master’s and PhD-level students. However, bachelor’s degree students wishing to study Danish language and literature can also apply if they have studied the Danish language for two years.
• scholarships are only offered to students enrolled in full-degree studies at higher education institutions in the countries listed above.
• PhD students must likewise be employed at, or affiliated with, higher education institutions in the above-mentioned countries.

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: Danish Government scholarships programme covers 30-50% of the tuition fees, which means that the rest must be paid by the student. Students who are awarded a scholarship from UCN may under certain circumstances also receive an additional partial monthly living costs scholarship.

Duration of Scholarship: Danish Government Scholarships may be awarded for the entire duration of a study programme or for single semesters.

How to Apply: To be considered for a scholarship, the applicants must:

• Fill in the scholarship application form including a motivation letter stating the reasons for applying to UCN and the reasons for applying for the specific programme in question
• Apply and be accepted to one of the English-taught study programmes which UCN offers

Furthermore the students must attach:

• Documentation of passed exams (translated into English)
• Documentation of relevant working experience
• References (if any)
• Copy of passport
• Documentation of applying for a programme at UCN

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: The University College of Northern Denmark, Danish Government

Open Society Internship 2019 for Young Leaders (Fully-funded to Hungary)

Application Deadline: Ongoing

Eligible Universities: Applications will only be accepted from the following universities:

• American University of Beirut, Faculty of Arts & Sciences
• Birzeit University Muwatin Institute for Democracy and Human Rights
• Harvard Kennedy School of Government
• Makerere University, Master of Arts in Human Rights
• Makerere University School of Law
• School of Public Policy at Central European University
• Sciences Po Paris School of International Affairs
• The University of Chicago, Harris School of Public Policy
• University of the Andes Alberto Lleras Camargo School of Government
• University of the Andes Masters in International Law
• The University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law
• The University of Hong Kong Journalism and Media Studies Centre
• University of Toronto Munk School of Global Affairs

To Be Taken At (University): Central European University, Budapest

About the Award: The Open Society Internship for Rights and Governance is a project of the Open Society Foundations that launched in the summer of 2013 in partnership with the School of Public Policy at Central European University. It is designed to inspire a new cohort of practitioners committed to working both in the public interest and at the forefront of global policy.
The highly competitive program allows a limited number of students from top public policy schools to immerse themselves in the ideas and practice of open society through a clinical seminar held in Budapest at the School of Public Policy at Central European University, followed by an 8- to 12-week intensive internship at a policy- and rights-oriented nongovernmental organization selected for its outstanding work.

Type: Internship

Eligibility: 

• Only candidates of the above schools will be accepted.
• If you are not a master’s candidate in one of the programs listed above, we cannot accept your application at this time.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The OSIRG program is fully funded. The cost of student travel and accommodations during the clinical seminar and internship period will be covered by OSF. The Foundations will also provide a stipend during the seminar and internship periods. The stipend is comprehensive and will include a per diem as well as visa costs, travel insurance, and currency conversion fees. In addition to funds to cover accommodations, students will also be awarded a relocation fund during the internship period. OSF will not be responsible for any costs that exceed the allocated stipend.

Duration/Timeline of Program: Please consult your university for the specific timeline.

How to Apply: Applications for 2019 participation will be released to eligible universities in fall 2018.
Download the Open Society Internship for Rights and Governance Application Guide in the Download Files section for further details. Please consult your university’s Open Society Internship for Rights and Governance point of contact for the selection timeline.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Open Society Foundations and the School of Public Policy at Central European University.

Open Society Disability Rights Scholarship 2019/2020 (LL.M) Programme for African Students

Application Deadline: 3rd December, 2018

Eligible Countries: Mozambique, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania; Mexico, Czech Republic, Georgia, or Ukraine

About the Award:  The Open Society Disability Rights Scholarship Program provides awards for master’s degree study to disability rights advocates, lawyers, and educators to develop new legislation, jurisprudence, policy, research, and scholarship to harness the innovations and opportunities offered by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD).
With the knowledge and networks gained through the program, we expect that fellows will deepen their understanding of international law and education, with a focus on disability rights, and gain the tools necessary to engage in a range of CRPD implementation strategies, such as: challenging rights violations in their home countries by drafting enforceable legislation consistent with the CRPD; utilizing enforcement mechanisms set forth in the convention; taking forward disability rights litigation requesting CRPD-compliant remedies; engaging in disability rights advocacy; and developing law, education, or other academic curricula informed by the CRPD.

Eligible Fields of Study: Bachelor of laws (LLB; in exceptional circumstances, those without a LLB but with substantial relevant experience may be considered); for inclusive education, a degree in teaching, public administration/policy, anthropology, social work, psychology, or related field.

Type: Masters, Fellowship

Eligibility: The Open Society Disability Rights Scholarship is merit based and open to those meeting the following criteria:

• be a citizen and legal resident Mozambique, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania; Mexico, Czech Republic, Georgia, or Ukraine at the time of application
• have work experience in the legal profession or advocacy focusing on human/disability rights
• have an excellent academic record with a bachelor of laws (LLB; in exceptional circumstances, those without a LLB but with substantial relevant experience may be considered)—a degree must be awarded by the application deadline
• have demonstrated leadership in the field of disability rights
• be proficient in spoken and written English or French and able to meet university-designated minimum scores on standardized language tests
• be able to participate in an intensive academic writing program in August or September 2019
• be able to begin the graduate program in August or September 2019
• be able to receive and maintain visa or study permit required by host country
• demonstrate a clear commitment to return to home country to contribute to advancing the inclusion and full participation of persons with disabilities in their communities

The Open Society Disability Rights Scholarship does not discriminate on the basis of age, race, color, sex, religion, sexual orientation, or disability. Candidates with disabilities are particularly encouraged to apply.

Selection: Competition is merit based, and selection is made on the basis of academic excellence, professional aptitude, leadership potential, and proven commitment to work in the field of disability rights in the home country.
Selection proceeds as follows:

• Preliminary Selection and Testing
• Interviews and Final Selection

Value of Scholarship: The fellowship provides:

• tuition and mandatory university fees;
• monthly stipend for room, board, and other living expenses;
• program-related travel;
• accident and health insurance during the program;
• funds for educational materials and professional development;
• all costs associated with pre-academic summer program and annual conference;
• support for students with disabilities to obtain reasonable accommodations necessary for participating in the program of study.

The fellowship does NOT provide funding for dependent family members.

Duration of Scholarship: 1 year

How to Apply: It is important to see the complete guidelines and submit an application online, or contact the appropriate regional coordinator in the Program Webpage (See Link below)

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: Open Society Foundation

British Council #IdeasChangeLives Challenge 2018 for Innovation Solutions to SDG Goals

Application Deadline: 23rd November 2018 midnight GMT

Eligible Countries: All

About the Award: We are looking for organisations, groups, or talented individuals, to work with us on creating hyper-innovative digital solutions.
You should have a vision for how your idea could improve the lives of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of people.
This challenge gives you a genuine chance to change the world and improve the lives of some of the world’s most disadvantaged people – what’s your idea?
Your digital solution must help the world address one, or more, of these six SDGs:
SDG 4 – Quality education
SDG 5 – Gender equality
SDG 8 – Decent work and economic growth
SDG 10 – Reduced inequalities
SDG 11 – Sustainable cities and communities
SDG 16 – Peace, justice and strong institutions

Type: Contest

Eligibility: #IdeasChangeLives is open to individuals and companies of any size based anywhere in the world. You can enter as an individual, group of individuals, company, partnership, association or other organisation.

Number of Awards: 2

Value of Award: 

• Up to two winning entries will receive prizes of £20,000 each
• In addition, each winner will have the chance to work collaboratively with the British Council’s Digital, Partnerships and Innovation team to develop a minimum viable product (MVP) based on their idea.
• Once each MVP is ready, we will agree with the winner what the next phase of work is. From there we hope to develop a longer-lasting partnership, promoting the work through our network in more than 100 countries.

How to Apply: If you’re ready to enter, submit your idea here.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Erasmus Mundus Big Data Masters Scholarships (BDMA) 2019/2020 for International Students

Application Deadline: 12th December 2018

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) in Belgium, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) in Spain, Université François Rabelais Tours (UFRT) in France, Technische Universiteit Eindhoven (TU/e) in Netherlands and Technische Universität Berlin (TUB) in Germany.

About the Award: The Erasmus Mundus Master’s Programme in Information Technologies for Business Intelligence (BDMA) is designed to provide understanding, knowledge and skills in this broad scope of fields. Its main objective is to train computer scientists who understand and help develop the strategies of modern enterprise decision makers.
BDMA is a 2-year, English-language taught programme jointly delivered by Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) in Belgium, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) in Spain, Université François Rabelais Tours (UFRT) in France, Technische Universiteit Eindhoven (TU/e) in Netherlands and Technische Universität Berlin (TUB) in Germany

Type: Masters

Eligibility: To apply to BDMA, candidates must meet the following eligibility criteria:

• They have been awarded a Bachelor’s degree (i.e., the equivalent of 180 ECTS) with a major in computer science, from an accredited university. The university has to be listed in the World Higher Education Database (WHED) or be included in the following university rankings:
  • The Times Higher
  • Academic Ranking of World Universities
  • QS World University Rankings
  Please refer to the FAQ for questions regarding Bachelor’s degree.
• They must be able to demonstrate proficiency in English by means of an internationally recognised test equivalent to level B2 in the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR). The consortium will rely on how certification bodies evaluate their own equivalences against this framework, e.g., Cambridge General English FCE, IELTS (Academic) 5.5, TOEFL (paper based) 570, TOEFL (computer based) 230, TOEFL (internet based) 72, etc. Please refer to the FAQ for questions regarding proof of proficiency in English.

The following eligibility criteria for an Erasmus+ scholarship apply:

• Students applying for a JMD scholarship for a specific academic intake are not allowed to submit a scholarship application to more than three JMD consortia.
• Students who have already obtained a JMD scholarship, an Erasmus Mundus Master Course scholarship, or an Erasmus Mundus Joint Doctorate scholarship are not eligible to apply for an additional scholarship under the JMD action.
• Students benefiting from a JMD scholarship cannot benefit from another EU grant while pursuing their studies in an Erasmus+ JMD.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

• Tuition fees, participation costs (including insurance coverage), contribution to cover travel cost and installation cost, and include a monthly allowance.
• All scholarship holders will receive an insurance meeting the minimum insurance requirements of the Erasmus+ programme for JMDs.

Duration of Program: 2 years

How to Apply:  Apply here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: European Commission

Important Notes: 

• Students from Programme Countries currently studying in their last year of Bachelor can submit their application even if they have not yet received their diploma.
• Please be informed that the candidate’s personal data will be sent to the Agency and may be used by other bodies involved in the management of Erasmus+ (i.e. European Commission, Erasmus Mundus National Structures, EU Delegations, Erasmus Mundus Student and Alumni Association) for facilitating the student/doctoral candidate access to the joint programme.