9 Apr 2019

Australian government sets global precedent with online censorship bill

Mike Head

In the wake of the fascist attack in New Zealand, the Australian government is bulldozing unprecedented laws through parliament this week that will threaten all social media platforms with severe criminal penalties if they host what government authorities consider “abhorrent violent” material.
By falsely blaming the Internet for the mass shooting of Muslims in Christchurch, reality is being turned on its head. It was not the livestreaming of the attack that was responsible for the atrocity, but the toxic political and social atmosphere created through the vilification of refugees, immigrants and Muslims by the whole political and media establishment over decades.
Over the past two years, as exposed by the World Socialist Web Site, the giant social media conglomerates have increasingly collaborated with governments to restrict access to left-wing and progressive websites, employing sophisticated algorithms and armies of “content moderators.” Now Internet censorship is being taken to a whole new level.
Under the Australian bill, not just the social media platforms, but any “Internet service provider” or “hosting service” will face massive fines or imprisonment if they fail to self-censor by blocking or deleting any material that police could prosecute. This will include not just livestreams, but videos, photos, sound recordings and any other postings.
As it has on other fronts, including in the persecution and detention of refugees, the Australian government is providing a “model” for a sweeping attack on basic democratic rights. Attorney-General Christian Porter boasted that the bill is a “world first,” which Prime Minister Scott Morrison would propose as a “globally consistent response” at the G-20 summit in Japan this June.
The passage of the bill is being followed with intense interest in ruling circles in the US and worldwide. A New York Times article this week said “it could be a watershed moment for the era of global social media,” adding: “No established democracies have ever come as close to applying such sweeping restrictions on online communication.”
While nominally directed against the far-right, the bill will be used to step up the offensive against oppositional, left-wing and socialist postings. Predictably, after the Christchurch atrocity, both Prime Minister Morrison and Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton denounced “left extremism.”
The deliberately-vague provisions of the bill are wide enough to ban exposures of violence by the police, military and intelligence services, such as police killings, the torture of prisoners at the US prison cells in Iraq’s Abu Ghraib or the abuse of Aboriginal teenagers in Darwin’s Don Dale juvenile jail.
Under the Criminal Code Amendment (Sharing of Abhorrent Violent Material) Bill, it will be an offence for social media platforms not to “expeditiously” remove “abhorrent violent material.” They will face up to three years’ imprisonment or fines of as much as 10 percent of the platform’s annual turnover.
Social media providers anywhere in the world must also notify the Australian Federal Police “within a reasonable time”—not defined—if they become aware their service is broadcasting prohibited material from Australia, or face fines of up to $168,000 for an individual or $840,000 for a corporation.
“Abhorrent violent material” is defined as depicting “terrorist acts,” murders, attempted murders, torture, rape or kidnap, “that reasonable persons would regard as being, in all the circumstances, offensive.” Because of the broad definition of “terrorism” introduced in the “war on terror,” these parameters are far-reaching and could be used to target allegedly violent political protests.
An online site could be punished for even being “reckless” as to whether material is “abhorrent,” intensifying the pressure on all providers to block or take down any postings that could land them in jail or with heavy fines.
In addition, the government’s e-Safety Commissioner, an online surveillance agency established in 2015, will have the extraordinary power to issue notices to social media providers, forcing them to immediately remove any material it deems “abhorrent,” backed by the threat of prosecution.
Narrow legal defences exist for conducting research, and for news reporting, but only if the news report is “in the public interest” and made by “a person working in a professional capacity as a journalist.” This may protect the corporate media to some extent, but not social media whistleblowers and publishers.
Despite criticising the Liberal-National Coalition government for rushing the bill through parliament in two days, just before an election, the opposition Labor Party is working hand-in-glove with the Coalition. The legislation passed the Senate late last night in just two minutes, without debate, even though most senators had not even seen the bill. It is due to go through the House of Representatives today on a similar basis.
While Greens leader Senator Richard Di Natale voiced “frustration” at the blocking of debate, the Greens called no Senate division on the bill, allowing it to pass “on the voices” without any recorded vote. The bill was one of 19 pushed through the Senate in just 45 minutes, making a mockery of parliamentary democracy.
Labor’s only criticism was that the bill did not go far enough. It complained that the “rushed” bill would not “jail social media executives,” because companies post material, not individuals. In reality, the bill opens up many people and organisations, as well as corporate executives, to serious criminal penalties.
The corporate platforms, including Twitter and Snapchat, are already cooperating extensively with governments. Lobby group DIGI, representing Facebook, Google, Twitter and Amazon, criticised the rushed process, and appealed for more consultation. The government and Labor proceeded with the bill, nevertheless, determined to set a new global benchmark for Internet censorship.
This is a sharp warning that as social inequality intensifies, popular discontent grows and working class struggles erupt, the capitalist governments and billionaire oligarchs who control the media and communications technologies are intent on suppressing dissent and blocking the vast democratic potential of the Internet.

India: The Need to Engage with Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asian Countries Collectively

Niranjan Marjani


On December 24 2018 India took over the operations of the Shahid Beheshti Port in Chabahar, Iran. The development of this port is considered as an important step for India towards increasing its economic and strategic outreach in the region. Through the Chabahar Port project, India is developing a transit corridor that would provide it with access to Afghanistan and the Central Asian region.

For optimal results, however, the current nature of India’s bilateral engagements with Iran, Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries would require significant recalibration in order to engage with the three entities in a collective manner.

Core Factors Defining India’s EngagementHistorical, civilisational and cultural ties are common threads in India’s engagements with Iran, Afghanistan and the Central Asian region. These factors have dominated India’s contacts with these three entities since the establishment of diplomatic ties with each. However, while historical ties are a common thread, this has not resulted in India formulating policies aimed at collective engagement with the three entities in the related spheres. Nor has this soft power connection resulted in developing collective relations in the strategic sphere. On the regional level, India’s interactions with the three have, at times, been influenced by attempts at balancing New Delhi’s relations with the regions and New Delhi’s relations with other powers.

Apart from cultural ties, India’s relations with these three entities are characterised by a few specific separate considerations. Iran is one of India’s largest sources of energy imports. India is the second largest buyer of Iran’s oil after China. Oil trade between India and Iran has become a dominant feature after India adopted liberal economic policies and India’s demand for oil increased to supplement a growing economy.

On Afghanistan, both New Delhi and Kabul enjoyed close relations until the Afghan civil war and the Taliban rule. During the Taliban rule, relations between India and Afghanistan underwent a tumultuous phase. However, in the post-Taliban period, India-Afghanistan relations have been defined by India’s developmental assistance in Afghanistan.

Meanwhile, India’s relations with the individual Central Asian countries are fairly young given how the countries in the region came into existence only in 1991. For the most part, trade has been a common driving factor in India’s engagement with all five countries, though over the past few years, India has gradually also begun to participate in joint military exercises. Additionally, Tajikistan has been hosting Indian Air Force and Border Roads Organisation personnel at its Ayni air base. Overall, at present, India’s relations with Central Asian countries could be considered as being in a developing phase.

Impediments to India’s StrategyWhile India enjoys cordial relations with Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asian countries, the lack of a coherent overarching strategy linking the individual bilateral relationships has resulted in India’s limited interaction with the above mentioned countries in a collective manner. A general impediment has been that more focus has been placed on soft power than hard power projection. There are three key elements that could be identified as impediments resulting in India’s lack of a uniform policy for collective engagement with Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asian countries. These three factors are: power play in the region, India’s limited manoeuvring in the maritime domain, and connectivity.

All the entities have been subject to intense power play between regional and extra-regional powers such as Russia, China and the US. India has largely remained outside the competition for strategic space in the region, and this has resulted in New Delhi being unable to gain a strategic footprint in the region.

India’s relative neglect of the maritime domain is another factor. Much like India not gaining room for strategic manoeuvring on land in any of the three areas, the state-of-affairs is the same in the maritime domain as well. Limited presence in the maritime sphere and absence of a well-defined maritime security policy has kept India away from gaining access to the regions.

India has always cited connectivity related shortcomings as a major factor that has prevented meaningful and deeper engagements, especially with Afghanistan and Central Asia. Since these entities are landlocked and can be accessed by land only through Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied territories, this adds to India’s obstacles in collective engagement.

India’s Prevailing StrategyIndia’s prevailing strategy for engagement with Iran, Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries could be considered at two levels – India’s cooperation with regional and extra regional powers having a stake in the region, and an Afghanistan-centric approach. India’s role in the region, particularly in Afghanistan, has been in cooperation with the US, and recently, with China after the Wuhan Summit. India is yet to expand its role in Afghanistan and in the entire region. On a multilateral level India, is part of the Ashgabat Agreement, the Heart of Asia Conference, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and India-Central Asia Dialogue. The India-Central Asia Dialogue prominently highlighted Afghanistan’s political and security situation.

However, India’s present strategy has its share of challenges. If the Afghanistan-centric approach forms the basis of India’s engagement in the region, India does not yet have a strategy to handle the security situation in Afghanistan. By developing the Chabahar Port, India is trying to overcome its limited presence in the maritime connectivity domain. However, until such time New Delhi defines its role in Afghanistan, the Chabahar Port would yield limited advantage.

India has proposed a multilateral order in the Indo-Pacific as a counter balance to China. New Delhi could consider a similar arrangement but aimed at collective engagement with Iran, Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries. An alternative arrangement would enable India to engage collectively with the three focus areas and thereby optimise the actualisation of India’s policy objectives vis-a-vis each individual relationship.

3 Apr 2019

Visa Everywhere Initiative 2019 Women’s Global Edition

Application Deadline: 14th April, 2019

Eligible Countries: International

About the Award: Two challenges. Twelve finalists. Celebrating women entrepreneurs and their innovative ideas, solutions, and organizations.
Finalists will be invited to Paris, France in early June 2019, to pitch their solutions live in front of Visa leaders and clients.
To reward the most impactful solutions, Visa will provide $100,000 USD to each challenge winner!

Challenge Questions for 2019: We are pleased to present two challenge questions for this program:

Challenge 1 – Fintech

Leveraging your company’s unique capabilities, how could your solution help transform consumer payments and/or commercial experiences locally, regionally, or globally?

What We Look For:

Your solution could apply to financial institutions, online-only banks and lenders, merchants, marketplaces, digital wallets, data analytics, loyalty programs, payment solutions or payment infrastructure

Areas we are interested in:

Issuer
  • ID, authentication and security
  • Direct business / Consumer lending
  • Online banking
  • Process and pay infrastructure
Enabler
  • Fin services and infrastructure
  • Blockchain/ crypto currency
  • Data and analytics
  • Investment management
  • Payments, wallets, transfers
  • Retail tech
Value Add
  • Process and pay infrastructure
  • Crowdfunding
  • Insuratech
  • Marketplace lending
  • Loyalty
  • Merchant services and tools
  • Money transfer and remittance
  • Personal finance
  • Wealth management

Prize Structure 

Visa will select 1 finalist per region to travel to Paris for the opportunity to pitch their solution live at the Finals Event and attend the opening match of the FIFA Women’s World Cup™. 
The overall grand prize winner of the fintech challenge will receive $100,000 USD plus a potential opportunity to run a pilot with Visa and/or a Visa client.

Apply now

Challenge 2 – Social Impact

How can women entrepreneurs around the world drive social impact by supporting sustainable and equitable livelihoods and strengthening local / regional economies?

What We Look For:

Visa is looking for women entrepreneurs focused on social impact outcomes across micro and small business development, environmental and social responsibility, and community engagement.
  • Women-founded/ co-founded organizations (2 to 50 employees) with a mission (or project) that resonates with Visa’s Social Impact charter
  • Organization should have traction in market – live product / service, clients, sales revenue, etc.
  • Note: Social Impact Challenge applicants do *not* have to be a Fintech or tech-based startup

Areas we are interested in (charter):

Micro and small business development
  • Business skills development
  • Financial education / literacy
  • Access to capital / credit
  • Transition to digital payments
  • Improving connectivity
  • Building resilience through financial products (e.g., savings, insurance) etc.
Environmental and Social Responsibility
  • Environmental sustainability (e.g., renewable energy, sustainable products or manufacturing, environmental protection)
  • Responsible sourcing (e.g., employment practices, supplier diversity, human rights across supply chain, etc.)
  • UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): #5 Gender Equality and #8 Decent Work and Economic Growth
Community Engagement
  • Diversity and inclusion
  • Address challenges (e.g., gender pay gap, unconscious bias)
  • Fair and equal ability to demonstrate potential and grow careers
  • Community giving
  • Humanitarian and disaster relief etc.

Prize Structure 

Visa will select 1 finalist per region to travel to Paris for the opportunity to pitch their solution live at the Finals Event and attend the opening match of the FIFA Women’s World Cup™. 
The overall grand prize winner of the social impact challenge will receive $100,000 USD.

Apply now


Type: Entrepreneurship

How to Apply: 
  • It is important to go through all Terms and Conditions on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying
Visit Programme Webpage for Details

African-German Network of Excellence in Science (AGNES) Scholarships 2019/2020 for sub-Saharan African countries

Application Deadline: 10th May 2019 by 12.00 GMT

Eligible Countries: sub-Saharan African countries

To be taken at (country): sub-Saharan African countries

About the Award:  The AGNES Intra-Africa Mobility Grant and AGNES-PAWS Intra-Africa Mobility Grant enable junior researchers (Doctoral students) from sub-Saharan African countries to spend research stays of 1-2 months at a university/research institute in another sub-Saharan African country (hereafter referred to host institution), where they will be collaborating with an experienced researcher (hereafter referred to as scientific host).
The proposed research must be part of the work towards the Doctoral research, including but not limited to bench work, laboratory studies, use of library resources and write up of thesis or part of the thesis.
Eligible junior researchers need to demonstrate the relevance of their work for further development of their home countries in sub-Sahara Africa.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: Direct applications from junior researchers only will be considered for both the AGNES Mobility Grant and AGNES-PAWS Mobility Grant. On top of your proposal and in your CV, indicate whether you are applying for the AGNES Mobility Grant or AGNES-PAWS Mobility Grant. The applicant may be from any academic discipline but must be officially registered for Doctoral degree at a university/tertiary institute in sub-Sahara Africa, and must be a national of a sub-Saharan African country. Applicants must demonstrate clearly that their work is relevant towards development in sub-Saharan African countries and cannot be conducted in the home country. Only applicants with an identified scientific host and mutually agreed-upon proposal/work schedule will be considered for the Grant.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value and Duration of Award: The Grant aims to be as financially comprehensive as is reasonably possible for a short stay outside the borders of the applicant’s country, covering travel and subsistence, and includes a research allowance to the host institute on request to cover some of the research expenses. A maximum Grant amount of EUR 2300 and EUR 3000 is earmarked for 1 and 2 months stays, respectively

How to Apply: Interested junior scientists should submit their electronic applications directly to the AGNES Desk via email: admin.agnes@uac.bj and ocadebooye@daad-alumni.de by 10 th May 2019. Please ensure that the application and all supporting documents reach the AGNES desk by 12.00 GMT
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying

MISF Du Pré Grants 2019 for Multiple Sclerosis Researchers from Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 21st July 2019

Eligible Countries: Emerging Countries

About the Award: MISF offers Du Pré Grants to MS researchers from emerging countries to enable them to make short visits to established MS research centres outside their own country, either to learn from each other or to carry out parts of joint research projects. The aim is to encourage cross-fertilisation of skills through collaborative research projects. Two of the annual awards are supported by Stichting MS Research (the Dutch MS Research Foundation).

Type: Research

Eligibility: All candidates must:
  • be educated to post graduate level in an area relevant to multiple sclerosis (MS)
  • be citizens of an emerging country (all countries with a low, lower middle or upper middle income as defined by the World Bank)
  • focus their research in an area relevant to MS
Before nomination, candidates need to have identified a suitable project and discussed their involvement with the project supervisor of the host institution outside their own country. Candidates are encouraged to identify a suitable host institute and supervisor to develop their project proposal before applying.
Candidates are expected to return to their own countries at the end of the study period where they will contribute to advancing care and research in MS.
The grant may also be used as a supplement for work related to MS by a candidate who has been accepted for training in a recognised institute (within the six months prior to nomination) but who doesn’t have enough money to cover the total cost.

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Research: Each grant is likely to be between UK £2,000 and £4,000, to a maximum of £5,000. The funds are intended to go towards travel and living costs, or to top up an existing grant to extend a visit.

Duration of Research: Visits generally last between two and six months.

How to Apply:
  • Complete all sections of the online application form
  • The Host needs to provide a supporting statement at the end of the application
  • Add names and contact details of 2 referees, including the applicant’s current supervisor or employer
Visit Research Webpage for details

Chinese Government Scholarship – Bilateral Program 2019 for International Students (Undergraduate, Masters, PhD)

Application Deadline: 15th April 2019

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): China

About the Award: The Bilateral Program supports undergraduate students, graduate students, general scholars and senior scholars. Undergraduate scholarship recipients must register for Chinese-taught credit courses. Graduate and non-degree scholarship students can register for either the Chinese-taught program or the English-taught program if applicable.

Type: Undergraduate, Masters, PhD

Eligibility:  
  • Applicants must be a citizen of a country other than the People’s Republic of China, and be in good health.
  • The requirements for applicants’ degree and age are that applicants must:
    • be a high school graduate under the age of 25 when applying for the undergraduate programs;
    • be a bachelor’s degree holder under the age of 35 when applying for the master’s programs;
    • be a master’s degree holder under the age of 40 when applying for the doctoral programs;
    • be under the age of 45 and have a high school diploma (or higher) when applying for the general scholar programs;
    • be a master’s degree holder or an associate professor (or above) under the age of 50 when applying for the senior scholar programs.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The Bilateral Program provides both full scholarships and partial scholarships.
Duration of Program:
  • Undergraduate students: 4-7years
  • Master’s students: 2-5 years
  • Doctoral students: 3-6 years
  • General scholars: up to 2 years
  • Senior scholars: up to 2 years
How to Apply:
    • Step 1 – Apply to the dispatching authorities for overseas study of your home country for CGS opportunity;
    • Step 2 – Apply to your target university for the Pre-admission Letter once recommended by the dispatching authorities as an eligible candidate (you will receive an Award Letter for CGS Candidate);
    • Step 3 – Complete the online application procedure at CGS Information Management System for International Students (Visit http://www.csc.edu.cn/studyinchina or http://www.campuschina.org and click “Application Online” to log in), submit online the completed Application Form for Chinese Government Scholarship, and print a hard copy. You should consult the dispatching authorities for overseas study of your home country for Instructions of CGS Information Management System for International Students and Agency Number;
    • Step 4 – Submit all of your application documents to the dispatching authorities of your home country before the deadline.
It is important to find out the Application documents required on the Program Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

DARA Big Data Science Masters Bursaries 2019 for Early-Career African Researchers (Fully-funded to UK)

Application Deadline: 12th April 2019 at 23:59 BST

Eligible Countries: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia and Zambia. 

To Be Taken At (University): Projects are offered at the University of Hertfordshire, University of Leeds, University of Manchester and University of York.

About the Awards: The organisers are pleased to announce advanced training opportunities in the form of bursaries for MSc research at UK universities as part of the Development in Africa with Radio Astronomy (DARA) Big Data project funded by the UK’s Newton Fund. The opportunities are open to nationals of all AVN partner countries, namely: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia and Zambia.

Field of Research: The DARA Big Data project will target the translation of data intensive science skills from radio astronomy (Astro Big Data; ABD) to other big data areas such as Food Security & Sustainable Agriculture (AGRI Big Data; ABD) and Health Care (Health Big Data; HBD).

Type: Training, Masters.

EligibilityApplicants for funding must:
  • Be a national of one of the 8 partner AVN countries: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia and Zambia.
  • Have a good first degree in Physics or a relevant related subject
  • Satisfy the English Language requirements of the host university
  • Satisfy any other entry conditions of the host university
Please note that you may be required to take an English Language test as part of the entry requirements to the host university. If successful as a fully funded student, the price of this will be reimbursed. 

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: These places are fully funded such that the Newton Fund will cover all tuition fees, bench fees and maintenance allowance at the UKRI recommended level of ~£14,990 per year. Also, costs for an Inbound/Outgoing flight to and from the UK and initial visa and health surcharge costs will be covered by the Newton Fund.

How to Apply: Please complete the DARA Advanced Programme Application Form to apply. You must select a project from the list below that you are interested in pursuing.
Included with your application should be:
  • Certificate
  • Transcript of your relevant higher education degree
  • Two Letters of Recommendation (a template can be found on the website)
  • A copy of your Passport
  • CV
Please send your application form and all required documents to Dr Sally Cooper via email at sally.cooper@manchester.ac.uk.
The two Letters of Recommendation should also be sent to this address before the application deadline.
Inquiries can also be made to the UK Principal Investigator Professor Anna Scaife at anna.scaife@manchester.ac.uk.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Big Government and Big Tech Versus the Internet and Everyone

Thomas L. Knapp

Governments around the world began trying to bring the Internet under control as soon as they realized the danger to their power represented by unfettered public access to, and exchange of, information. From attempts to suppress strong encryption technology to the Communications Decency Act in the US and China’s “Great Firewall,” such efforts have generally proven ineffectual. But things are changing, and not for the better.
The European Parliament recently passed a “Copyright Directive” which, if implemented, will force Internet platforms to actively monitor user content instead of putting the burden of proving copyright infringement on those claiming such infringement. The Directive also includes  a “link tax” under which publishers will charge aggregation platforms for traditionally “fair use” excerpts.
The US government’s Committee on Foreign Investment is attempting to force the sale of Grindr, a gay dating app, over “national security” concerns. Grindr is owned by a Chinese company, Beijing Kunlun. CFIUS’s supposed fear is that the Chinese government will use information the app gathers to surveil or even blackmail users in sensitive political and military jobs.
Those are just two current examples of many.
Big Governments and Big Tech are engaged in a long-term mating dance.
Big Governments want to regulate Big Tech because that’s what governments do, and because, as with Willie Sutton and banks, Big Tech is where the Big Tax Money is.
Big Tech wants to be regulated by Big Governments because regulation makes it more difficult and expensive for new competitors to enter the market. Facebook doesn’t want someone else to make it the next MySpace. Google doesn’t want a fresh new face to send it the way of Yahoo.
It’s a mating dance with multiple suitors on all sides.
The US doesn’t like Grindr or Huawei, because FREEDUMB.
The Chinese don’t want uncensored Google or Twitter, because ORDER.
The EU is at least honest about being sexually indiscriminate: It freely admits that it just wants to rigorously screw everyone, everything, everywhere.
Big Tech wants to operate in all of these markets and it’s willing to buy every potential Big Government as many drinks as it takes to them all into the sack.
Everybody wins, I guess. Except the public.
Governments and would-be monopolists are fragmenting what once advertised itself as a Global Information Superhighway into hundreds of gated streets.
Those streets are lined by neatly manicured lawns per the homeowners’ association’s rigorously enforced rules, and herbicide is sprayed on those lawns to kill off the values that made the Internet the social successor to the printing press and the economic successor to the Industrial Revolution.
As Stewart Brand wrote, “Information Wants To Be Free. Information also wants to be expensive. … That tension will not go away.”
Big Tech and Big Government are both coming down, increasingly  effectively,  on the side of “expensive” and on the side of Ford’s  Model T philosophy (“you can have any color you want as long as it’s black”).
They’re killing the Internet. They’re killing the future. They’re killing us.

Egypt’s Brutal Crackdown on Workers’ Rights

Robert Fisk 

Khaled Abol Naga – an outspoken critic of the Egyptian government – stands accused of treason (AFP). It was comical, farcical, droll. An actor’s dream if you were going to put the drama on stage or screen – but the three principal characters were actors themselves. The lead player, as usual in Egypt, was His Excellency Field Marshal President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the theme of this theatrical production was an old and familiar one: the power of trade unions and the fear of real revolution.
But we’ll start with the latest act, virtually ignored in the west where freedom of speech, workers’ rights and liberty are “precious”, “sacrosanct”, “close to our hearts”. This week, two prominent Egyptian actors, Amr Waked and Khaled Abol Naga, were expelled from the government-controlled Egyptian actors’ union for “treachery”. They were condemned for “betraying the nation” and working for “the agenda of conspirators against Egypt’s security and stability”. The head of the union told AFP that the two men “will no longer be allowed to act in Egypt”.
Although Waked won the best actor award at the Dubai film festival five years ago and starred in 2005 film Syriana with George Clooney, the starring performance of both men came last Monday when they used the platform of a US congressional hearing to condemn the worsening human rights situation in Egypt and the extraordinary legislation which may allow Sisi to stay in power until 2034.
Film actor Amr Wake is also accused of treason by Egypt (AP) Naga, a star of many Egyptian movies, described a country whose people were either imprisoned or lived in fear of arrest. Waked said that the regime run by Sisi, who staged a military coup against the first elected Egyptian president Mohammed Morsi in 2013, had developed an “allergy” to the truth, a claim which contained its own painful irony. For both Waked and Naga – like dozens of novelists, artists, journalists and other Egyptian literati – were among those who originally and naively supported the bloody coup which brought Sisi to power. Waked, whose criticism of the government earned him, this month, a sentence of eight years in an Egyptian prison (in absentia, of course, because he lives in Europe) pointed out that the union’s prohibition on his acting hardly mattered. “If I go back to Egypt, I won’t even have time to act,” he has said – because he’d be locked up at once.
But now we enter a more serious drama: Sisi’s crushing of all dissent within Egypt’s traditionally powerful trade union movements, which have historically fought the British colonial power as well as the Nasser and Sadat regimes, and which played a powerful but tragically disregarded role in the revolution which destroyed the dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak.
Just over a year ago, the Egyptian authorities excluded independent trade syndicates from participating in the first trade union elections to be held in 12 years. Amnesty has complained about the Egyptian government’s “punitive campaign against workers and trade unionists to deter and punish them from mobilising or going on strike”.
Romantics like to portray Egypt’s independence struggle as a battle for freedom by a nationalist, anti-colonial people who demanded democracy, free elections and dignity after years of oppression under a succession of dictatorships financed by Britain, Russia and then by the United States. But this is only partly true. It was also a religious struggle (hence the brief Morsi interlude after Mubarak’s overthrow) and, less well publicised, it was also a workers’ demand for freedom and a living wage.
Egypt’s great cotton industry in the Delta north of Cairo has been the centre of this often forgotten revolution, an export centre whose workers have great industrial power – if and when they are permitted to exercise it. They struck under British rule and they staged successive rebellions under Mubarak. The most important of these occurred in 2006 when women cotton workers led their menfolk in an uprising against the regime in the big industrial city of Mahalla. They used social media to bring tens of thousands of workers from the countryside into the central square of the city – it was, in fact, also called Tahrir Square – and set up tent encampments under fire from police tear gas.
They even called for the overthrow of Mubarak – a demand typically ignored by most of us journalists, who were only interested in Islamist opposition to Egyptian government rule – but it impressed the dictatorship of the time, which immediately gave the citizens of Mahalla pay rises, improved conditions, new workers’ canteens and shorter hours. And, although we reporters did not identify this when it happened, the cotton workers of Mahallah were among the first industrial groups to arrive in Cairo’s far bigger Tahrir Square when the uprising really got under way in January of 2011.
The Egyptian army, which stage-managed the aftermath of the revolution, realised very shrewdly that working class solidarity could be just as dangerous as Islamic unity. The Muslim Brotherhood, which was not a “terrorist” organisation – despite Sisi’s present-day accusations – was poorly led, politically unorganised and internally divided. The independent trade union of Egyptian workers who had now thrown off the official union movement of government stooges, was a quite different creature. For it, too, was an army; and every bit as much a child of the Egyptian people as the soldiers who were entrusted to “guide” the future of the post-2011 revolution.
Official realisation of this was all too clear by 2015 when the Egyptian Supreme Administrative Court decided that the right to strike “goes against Islamic teachings and the purposes of Islamic Sharia” law. This ruling came only a day after Sisi had attended a labour day celebration alongside the regime’s own General Federation of Egypt Trade Unions, whose president, Gebali Al-Maraghi, described Sisi – who would win the supposed presidential election last year with 97.08 per cent of the “votes” – as a hero and “Egypt’s saviour”.
In case the workers’ masses had missed the point, “trade unionist” Maraghi said that Sisi had restored Egypt’s dignity, a claim which even Sisi found deeply embarrassing. “This is not proper,” he said, insisting that millions of people had saved Egypt. But then Maraghi handed Sisi a “code of honour” of ‘his Egyptian workers whose second article rejected strikes and committed the union to “dialogue with the government and business owners”.
Even more shocking, Maraghi gave a newspaper interview in which he said that “our task is to carry out all the demands made by the president in his meeting with workers, increasing production and fighting terrorism”. From then on, all talk of independent unions was over; workers’ representatives were imprisoned or threatened with arrest.
It took a petition for the UK to complain about Italian Giulio Regeni’s death In case anyone should underestimate the regime’s fear of union power, let us remember the case of Giulio Regeni, the 28-year-old Italian student who, in 2016, was studying the very same independent trade unions which frightened Sisi. A few weeks before his death, Regeni had written that “the [Egyptian] unions’ defiance of the state of emergency and the regime’s appeal for stability and social order – justified by the ‘war on terror’ – signifies…a bold questioning of the underlying rhetoric the regime uses to justify its own existence and its repression of civil society.”
The student held meetings with some of these union representatives, in Mahalla as well as in other Delta cities and in Cairo, and then was found by the side of a Cairo suburban ring-road, his face and body hideously disfigured by the torture under which he died. Sisi’s cops waffled about gang murders and “evil people”, and even suggested poor Regeni was killed in “a lover’s argument”. He was not. The Italian government concluded he had been murdered by the regime’s state security police because his enquiries – innocent enough, in the context of his University of Cambridge thesis – brought him too close to the men running the workers’ committees which so terrified the regime.
Support free-thinking journalism and subscribe to Independent MindsHe had indeed met these men: some of them took videotapes of Regeni asking them questions and, in return, being asked for foreign support for their syndicates. And so the police picked up Regeni and he was never seen again.
The British Foreign Office only bothered to complain about the murder after it had received 10,000 signatures of protest from within the UK; and we all know right now – today — how much signatures count for British governments. But the Italian government exploded in anger. Regeni’s mother would not release photographs of her son after death because his wounds were too terrible. Western embassies in Cairo, including the British, did nothing – even though they were given the name of the senior police officer in charge of Regeni’s torture and murder.
So the little fandango over two Egyptian actors this week had far darker historical and murderous roots than we might have thought. They stretched back into history and they still exist beneath the carapace of Egypt’s present government authority. The Egyptian actor’s union may be a farce but the power of workers is an ever-present danger to Middle East regimes.
One day, Regeni’s successors will complete his PhD work and write their own theses on the Arab awakening of 2011; and it will likely be a different story to the one we wrote eight years ago from Tahrir Square. Meanwhile, it would indeed probably be a good idea if messrs Waked and Naga stayed abroad.

2019 Indian General Election: Manifesto Demand for Indefinite Moratorium on GMOs

Colin Todhunter

A new ‘Political Manifesto’ has demanded an indefinite moratorium on the environmental release of GMOs in India pending independent and rigorous biosafety risk assessment and regulation.
The documents states:
“GMO contamination of our seeds, our foundation seed stock, will change the structure of our food at the molecular level. Any harm or toxicity that there is will remain, without the possibility of remediation or reversibility.”
Signed by high-profile organisations and individuals, including farmer’s organisation Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU), the Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture, Aruna Rodrigues (Lead Petitioner: Supreme Court GMO PIL), Kavitha Kuruganti and Vandana Shiva as well as dozens of co-signatories, the manifesto demands the introduction of a biosafety protection act, which would prioritise India’s biosafety and biodiversity and implement the GMO moratorium, while preventing the import of any GMOs into India.
The manifesto also calls for a ban on the herbicides glyphosate and glufosinate as well as for national consultations and a parliamentary debate to formulate policy to establish and incentivize agroecological systems of farming as a means of avoiding ecosystems collapse. In addition, the document wants a pledge that farmers’ traditional knowledge and inherent seed freedom will remain secure and that there should be no patents on GMO seeds or plants.
The release of the manifesto coincides with the upcoming 2019 Indian general election, which begins in April.
The current Modi-led administration has presided over an accelerating push within official circles for GM agriculture. There has also been creeping illegal contamination of the nation’s food supply with GMOs. This might seem perplexing given that the ruling BJP stated in its last election manifesto: “GM foods will not be allowed without full scientific evaluation on the long-term effects on soil, production and biological impact on consumers.”
Readers are urged to read the five-page Political Manifesto Demand With Regard to GMOs/LMOs. It sets out clear and cogent arguments for the moratorium and contains the list of signatories.
Five high-level reports: no to GMOs 
In India, five high-level reports have advised against the adoption of GM crops: the ‘Jairam Ramesh Report’ imposing an indefinite moratorium on Bt Brinjal (2010); the ‘Sopory Committee Report’ (2012); the ‘Parliamentary Standing Committee’ (PSC) Report on GM crops (2012); the ‘Technical Expert Committee (TEC) Final Report’ (2013); and the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Science & Technology, Environment and Forests (2017).
These reports conclude that GM crops are unsuitable for India and that existing proper biosafety and regulatory procedures are inadequate. Appointed by the Supreme Court, the TEC was scathing about the prevailing regulatory system and highlighted its inadequacies and serious inherent conflicts of interest. The TEC recommended a 10-year moratorium on the commercial release of GM crops. The PSC also arrived at similar conclusions.
However, the drive to get GM mustard commercialised (which would be India’s first officially-approved GM food crop) has been relentless. The Genetic Engineering Approval Committee (GEAC) has even pushed the process by giving it the nod, but the cultivation of GM mustard remains on hold in the Supreme Court due to a public interest litigation brought by lead petitioner Aruna Rodrigues.
Rodrigues argues that GM mustard is being undemocratically forced through with flawed tests (or no tests) and a lack of public scrutiny: in effect, there has been unremitting scientific fraud and outright regulatory delinquency. Moreover, this crop is also herbicide-tolerant (HT), which, as stated by the TEC, is wholly inappropriate for a country like India with its small biodiverse, multi-cropping farms.
GMOs in the food system
Despite official committees and reports advising against GMOs, they have already contaminated India’s food system. Back in 2005, for instance, biologist Pushpa Bhargava noted that unapproved varieties of several GM seeds were being sold to farmers. In 2008, Arun Shrivasatava wrote that illegal GM okra had been planted in India and poor farmers had been offered lucrative deals to plant ‘special seed’ of all sorts of vegetables.
In 2013, a group of scientists and NGOs protested in Kolkata and elsewhere against the introduction of transgenic brinjal in Bangladesh – a centre for origin and diversity of the vegetable – as it would give rise to contamination of the crop in India. In 2014, the West Bengal government said it had received information regarding “infiltration” of commercial seeds of GM Bt brinjal from Bangladesh.
In 2017, the illegal cultivation of a GM HT soybean was reported in Gujarat. Bhartiya Kisan Sangh, a national farmers organisation, claimed that Gujarat farmers had been cultivating the HT crop illegally. There are also reports of HT cotton (again illegally) growing in India.
A study by the New Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment found that due to lax enforcement, a deeply flawed labelling system and corporate deception, Indian supermarkets are inundated with GM foods. The results show the large-scale illegal presence and sale of GM processed foods in the country.
All of this is prompting calls for probes into the workings of the GEAC and other official bodies which have been asleep at the wheel or deliberately looking the other way. The latter could be the case given that senior figures in India misguidedly regard GM seeds (and their associated chemical inputs) as key to ‘modernising’ Indian agriculture.
Despite reasoned argument and debate against the cultivation of GM crops or the consumption of GM food in India, we are witnessing GMOs entering India anyhow. Rohit Parakh of India for Safe Food says that the government’s own data on the import of live seeds indicates that imports continue, including that of GM canola, GM sugar beet, GM papaya, GM squash and GM corn seeds (in addition to GM soybean) from countries such as the USA, with no approval from the GEAC.
In finishing let’s look at a warning from 10 years ago, when it was predicted that Bt brinjal would fail within 4-12 years if introduced in India. It seems that’s precisely what has happened to Bt cotton in the country. The last thing India needs is another ill thought out GMO experiment pushed through without proper independent assessments that consider health and environmental outcomes or the effects on farmers’ livelihoods and rural communities.
Indeed, a recent paper by Prof Andrew Paul Gutierrez concludes that extending implementation of GM technology to other crops in India will only mirror the disastrous implementation of Bt cotton, thereby tightening the economic noose on still more subsistence farmers for the sake of profits.
It is therefore a timely and much needed intervention by a coalition of groups and individuals to put forward a call for a moratorium on GMOs.