19 Jan 2021

Germany’s Christian Democrats choose new leader

Johannes Stern


Armin Laschet, the minister president of the state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW), is the new leader of Germany’s Christian Democrats (CDU). An online party congress voted for the 59 year old in the second round of the governing party’s leadership contest on Saturday.

Laschet was seen as the favoured candidate of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who is stepping down after the federal election in September. He ended up with 521 delegate votes, compared to 466 for his chief competitor, Friedrich Merz. In the first round, Laschet secured five votes fewer than Merz. But because 224 votes went to the third-placed Norbert Röttgen, a runoff election was necessary which Laschet won.

In several interviews following the party congress, Laschet made clear that under his leadership the CDU would continue and intensify the right-wing course in government it has pursued over recent years. In the ZDF programme “What Next?” he spoke against a “strict shutdown of the economy” and thus in favour of the policy of placing profits before human lives that has cost over 46,000 lives in Germany alone to date.

North Rhine-Westphalia's Governor and leader of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) Armin Laschet in Berlin on January 16, 2021. (Odd Andersen/Pool via AP)

In the same breath, Laschet praised his notoriously right-wing challenger Merz, who as CEO of the German division of Black Rock embodies the interests of the financial oligarchy more than any other. Responding to Merz’s offer to serve as finance minister in the federal government, Laschet said that while he did not see a basis for this at present, he “values him very much as a business figure” and plans to cooperate closely with him.

With regard to foreign and military policy, Laschet made clear that he would do everything possible to reach the “2 percent goal,” i.e., spending more than €90 billion on the military budget every year, as soon as possible. “Germany already promised this to US President Barack Obama. And not just to the president, but to NATO as a whole, and we are bound by that promise,” he said.

Laschet’s narrow victory over Merz, who enjoyed the support of the openly right-wing section of the party, which has close ties to the right-wing extremist Alternative for Germany (AfD), has nothing to do with a rejection of his standpoints. On the contrary, the majority of the party hopes to be able to enforce its anti-worker, militarist agenda more effectively under the leadership of the minister president from NRW in the face of mounting opposition among the population. Like Merkel, he understands how to package the most right-wing policies with a few hollow phrases and a cynical smile.

In his speech to the party congress, Laschet explained his approach, saying, “One needs to expertly use the toolbox of the political centre. The capacity to unite. What does that mean? When everyone talks abstractly about bringing the economy and ecology together, I recall the exit from coal energy. The long nights of negotiations in the Chancellor’s Office, but also the day after, where I had to explain to a workplace meeting of miners, your plant will soon be closed and you will go into early retirement.”

Laschet also promised to implement the policy of strengthening the police state apparatus more effectively than his competitors. “While everyone is talking about internal security, we are enforcing a zero-tolerance policy towards lawbreakers and criminals. Day after day, night after night, when words and deeds go together, trust emerges,” he declared.

He said virtually nothing about the catastrophic consequences of the pandemic. The reason for this is obvious. More than any other minister president, he advocates the ruthless reopening of the economy and schools, a policy that has made Germany an epicentre of the pandemic and mass deaths over recent months. In the process, the CDU/Free Democrat (FDP) coalition government he leads in NRW has from the outset shown callous indifference to the growing number of deaths.

As Laschet’s widely hated Education Minister Yvonne Gebauer (FDP) declared at the height of the first wave of the pandemic last April, “There will be school communities who will have to mourn the deaths of teachers, school directors and relatives, which will in addition permanently influence school life and the typical school day.”

In a comment published in Focus magazine around the same time headlined, “We still have to live with the virus for a long time,” Laschet came out strongly in favour of “consistently fewer regulations” and a rapid end to coronavirus containment measures. He explicitly backed the fascistic concept advanced by his party colleague, Federal Parliament President Wolfgang Schäuble (CDU), who asserted that the dignity of the person does not include the right to life and is therefore not protected absolutely by Germany’s Basic Law.

In his candidacy speech, Laschet attempted to distance himself and his party from the development of right-wing extremist forces in Germany and internationally. He referred to the “shattered windows” in the US Capitol, the German Empire’s military flag on the steps of the Reichstag Building, and the murder of Kassel district President Walter Lübcke (CDU). He told the delegates, “To be clear, we will not allow right-wing terrorists and ideological agitators to break our country.”

This is nothing but empty rhetoric. In reality, the grand coalition bears full responsibility for the dangerous strengthening of the far right in Germany, which will continue still further under his direction as CDU leader.

By continuing the grand coalition after the federal election in 2017, the CDU and Social Democrats made the AfD the official opposition and consciously integrated the party into parliamentary business. Ever since, all of the established parties have adopted the agitation and policies of the AfD, creating the ideological and political climate for the right-wing terrorists.

Among the leading ideological agitators in the country are former CDU politicians, who are now AfD members, like Alexander Gaulland, as well as current leading politicians in the CDU and its sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU). For example, Horst Seehofer (CSU) stated following the far-right rampage in Chemnitz in 2018 that he would have marched himself if he were not a government minister. He subsequently described the immigration issue as “the mother of all political problems” and asserted, “Islam does not belong to Germany.”

Laschet was also a purveyor of anti-immigrant chauvinism during the pandemic. When mass infections broke out at a Tönnies meatpacking plant, he did not criticise the working conditions, which were akin to slave labour, but claimed that Romanians and Bulgarians had smuggled in the virus from their own countries.

The policies advocated by Laschet, including the strengthening of the repressive state apparatus, the rearming of the military, social inequality and “herd immunity,” will not only further strengthen the most right-wing forces in the CDU, but also the AfD and the far-right terrorist networks in the army, police and intelligence agencies. Although they maintain death lists with the names of tens of thousands of people and are preparing for “Day X,” the government allows them to operate virtually unhindered, even after the neo-Nazi murder of Kassel district President Walter Lübcke and the terrorist attacks in Halle and Hanau. Leading right-wing terrorists, like Franco A. and Andre S., remain free men.

No opposition to these dangerous developments should be expected from the nominally left-wing parties in parliament. They are themselves an integral part of the state apparatus and government and are offering their services to impose the ruling class agenda against mounting resistance from the population.

Green Party co-leader Analena Baerbock, who has declared she is striving to establish a CDU/Green coalition after the federal election, congratulated Laschet on Twitter “on the successful election as party leader.” There will be “an exciting political competition to see which force will lead our country bravely, decisively and with new purpose out of the crisis.”

The leader of the Left Party’s parliamentary group in the federal parliament, Dietmar Bartsch, who dreams of a Social Democrat/Left Party/Green coalition, wrote, “I congratulate the new CDU leader Armin Laschet.” At the same time, he sought to downplay the sharp lurch to the right within the CDU and the ruling elite as a whole. “Good that a correction to the right did not succeed in the Union,” he said.

Workers and young people cannot allow themselves to be lulled to sleep with such statements but must look reality straight in the face and draw the necessary political conclusions. The attempted fascist coup in the United States, just like the sharp shift to the right in Germany and Europe, and the mass deaths around the world are serious warnings. As in the 1930s, the ruling elites are relying increasingly on fascism, militarism and dictatorship to enforce their interests at home and abroad. The struggle against this requires the mobilisation of the working class on the basis of a socialist and internationalist programme.

Neo-Nazi arms networks spreading across Europe

Anthony Torres


In the weeks before and since Donald Trump’s January 6 fascist coup attempt in Washington, neo-Nazi circles were trafficking large quantities of weapons in Europe. Stockpiles of weapons seized by police give an idea of the intense paramilitary activity of extreme right-wing forces across the continent. Some are tied directly to senior officials sitting in office.

On Wednesday, January 13, the Paris Banditry Repression Brigade of the police made one of the largest ever national weapons seizures in France. The case involved serving and retired military personnel. They are believed to have supplied weapons to fascist or neo-Nazi groups. A stockpile described as “out of the ordinary,” containing pistols, revolvers, assault rifles, automatic pistols, ammunition and gunpowder, was seized in the search. The investigation is still underway, but sources close to the case have referred to over a ton of material.

According to Le Figaro, ballistic investigations will be used to determine whether the weapons were used in a settling of scores tied to drug deals. The newspaper added: “The network is suspected of having supplied arms to drug traffickers but also to ultra-right-wing sympathizers, sources close to the case have indicated.”

(Photo: St. Louis Circuit Attorney's Office/Wikipedia)

The judicial police of Paris have arrested 10 people in the Ile-de-France region surrounding the city and in the east and south of France, including two soldiers, one currently employed by the Ministry of Defense, and the other currently stationed at a base in eastern France. There was also a weapons enthusiast sympathizing with the extreme right and another person on state watchlists because of his fascist ties. Also arrested were three retired soldiers, who had gone to work in the private sector, including a high-ranking officer and a former security official.

However, seizures of “non-standard” weapons of this kind, involving neo-Nazi circles, are expanding throughout Europe.

In mid-December, 100,000 cartridges, 100 firearms, explosives including hand grenades, drugs and cash, and objects of the Wehrmacht (the army of the Nazi regime) were seized in Austria. The stockpile was intended to “set up an extreme right-wing network” in Germany, Austrian Interior Minister Karl Nehammer said at a press conference in Vienna.

In Spain on December 29, Malaga’s Civil Guard, acting as part of Operation Nongreta, dismantled an international network involved in arms trafficking. A total of 160 firearms were seized, 121 of which were short weapons, along with 22 assault rifles and 8 machine guns. Nearly 10,000 cartridges were also found for different calibers, eight silencers, 273 magazines, and one and a half kilos of military explosives.

Two of those arrested were of German origin, known for their links to neo-Nazi movements; the other was British.

The fact that an employee of the French Ministry of Defense was involved in the trafficking operation only underscores the close links between neo-Nazi armed networks and the armies or paramilitary forces of the European states.

In Germany, according to a Bundeswehr report published in August 2020, at least 60,000 cartridges have gone missing since 2010. The Ministry of Defense reported that the location of 48,000 cartridges and 62 kilograms of explosives belonging to the German special forces KSK is unknown. This unit is known for its links with extreme right-wing networks, which have penetrated it to recruit members to a network led by an ex-KSK member named André S, who has prepared lists of political figures to be assassinated inside Germany.

When asked about this, Tobias Lindner, the Green spokesman for Security Policy in the Bundestag, was forced to admit, “As such, there should be no loss of ammunition if everyone in the Bundeswehr respected the existing regulations. We are probably dealing with a mixture of negligence and sometimes criminal activity.”

Le Monde wondered lamely about the purposes for which the weapons seized in France could have been intended. “The facts have yet to be determined by the police investigation underway, but for some of those questioned, the question arises as to whether these weapons could have been used to supply, in some time frame yet to be established, a plan for violent action.”

It is not credible to assert that the “out of the ordinary” seizures of neo-Nazi weapons stockpiles in Europe, a few weeks before the first fascist coup attempt in American history, is a coincidence. Across Europe, fascist networks with connections at the top of the state apparatus are developing and consolidating stockpiles of weapons. It must be assumed that while some of these weapons have been seized by the police; others are not. These can be used for assassinations or political provocations of all kinds.

In the face of the crisis of world capitalism, the capitalist state apparatus feels itself increasingly besieged by popular opposition to its policy of “herd immunity” and austerity. Sections of the state are beginning to arm fascist gangs violently hostile to the working class. The “out of the ordinary” quantities of weapons available to the far right make clear that an event akin to Trump’s attempted coup could take place in Europe.

Trump’s failed attempt involved sections of the military, police, the Republican Party and the presidential office, who wanted to prevent the counting of votes and acceptance of Biden’s victory on Capitol Hill. The neo-Nazi rioters were found armed, some of them with hand ties to take hostages among the deputies. The attempted putsch was enthusiastically welcomed by European fascist circles, such as the Spanish fascist party Vox and its supporters among Spanish army officers.

In France, after Macron hailed the fascist dictator Pétain as a “great soldier” at the start of the “yellow vests” movement in 2017, former General Pierre de Villiers has been agitating for military rule. In Spain, retired and serving officers have written to the king asking him to support them against the Socialist Party-Podemos government. They call for the murder of “26 million people,” the number of left-wing voters in Spain, according to them.

In Germany, neo-Nazi networks have drawn up lists of politicians to be executed by death squads. In 2019, conservative politician Walter Lübcke was murdered by a neo-Nazi fanatic following death threats against him by far-right networks due to his actions supporting migrants. The accomplices of the murderer, Stephan Ernst, were released.

In the United States, an extreme right-wing network linked to the Trump administration planned to kidnap several governors and execute them. The FBI also prepared notes that armed groups could carry out acts in 50 American states during Biden’s inauguration today.

Like the coup attempt in Washington, events in Europe are a warning that capitalist democracy is rotting on its feet. The only way to defend it and to put an end to the policies of austerity and “herd immunity” is to build a strong international movement in the working class for socialism, and against capitalism, nationalism and fascism.

Court documents detail fascist groups’ advanced planning for seizure of US Capitol

Alex Findijs


On Tuesday, federal prosecutors filed conspiracy charges in relation to the January 6 storming of the US Capitol in Washington D.C. The unsealed complaint alleges that three members of the pro-Trump paramilitary group Oath Keepers planned in advance of the fascist insurrection to break into the building, seize and likely kill elected officials as part of an attempt to prevent Congress from certifying the election victory of Joe Biden and block his inauguration.

A leader of the Oath Keepers, Thomas Caldwell, a 65-year-old Navy veteran from Virginia, was taken into custody early Tuesday morning. Caldwell has been charged with four counts, including conspiracy to commit an offense, unlawful entry of a restricted building and attempting to disrupt the activities of the US Congress.

Trump supporters gather outside the Capitol in Washington on January 6, 2021, file photo, (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta, File)

An affidavit submitted to the US District Court of the District of Colombia accuses Caldwell of organizing a group of eight to 10 people who led the crowd’s charge through barricades manned by Capitol Police to force their way into the building.

These individuals were captured on camera and observed to be wearing Oath Keeper patches. In the video they “move in an organized and practiced fashion and force their way to the front of the crowd gathered around a door to the US Capitol,” the affidavit states.

The video also identifies Army veteran Jessica Watkins, a commanding officer in the so-called Ohio State Regular Militia, a dues-paying arm of the Oath Keepers. Also identified and charged is Donovan Crowl, a former Marine who is also a member of the Ohio State Regular Militia. According to the affidavit, Crowl sent a Facebook message to Caldwell on January 1 referring to him as “Commander” and saying he would call the next day to discuss their plans.

Caldwell was instrumental in booking a hotel room in the capital for Oath Keepers to stay. He noted that the location would “allow for us to hunt at night.”

Court documents include communications between Watkins and an unnamed man, who tells her, “Arrest this assembly, we have probable cause for acts of treason, election fraud.”

In the charging papers, the FBI asserts that during the storming of the Capitol, Caldwell received Facebook messages updating him on the location of lawmakers. When he posted a single-word message, “Inside,” he received directions concerning tunnels, doors and hallways. This strongly suggests that Caldwell was receiving insider information from sources linked to either the police or Republican lawmakers, who were complicit in the attempt to overturn the election and impose a presidential dictatorship under Trump.

One message read, “All members [of Congress] are in the tunnels under capital seal them in. Turn on gas.”

In the course of the insurrection, Caldwell sent a Facebook message describing how the Proud Boys had forced the Capitol Police back into the building, adding, “We need to do this at the local level. Lets [sic] storm the capitol in Ohio. Tell me when!”

“This is the first step toward identifying and understanding that there was some type of concerted conspiracy here,” a senior official in the US attorney’s office for Washington D.C. told the Washington Post .

Over the weekend, federal authorities arrested several other people with alleged ties to far-right groups, including the Oath Keepers, the Proud Boys and the Three Percenters. In his September debate with Biden, Trump called on the Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by” should Biden be declared the winner of the November 3 vote.

Of these fascist paramilitary groups, the Oath Keepers is known for seeking to recruit former military personnel and police. On January 16, founder and leader Stewart Rhodes published a statement on the Oath Keepers’ website calling for Trump to “invoke the Insurrection Act and lets [sic] get to work arresting and removing them all, and putting them all on trial for their crimes.”

The information provided by federal prosecutors is part of an ever expanding body of evidence demonstrating that the Capitol assault was not a spontaneous event, but rather a planned and coordinated coup attempt. The conspiracy is not limited to the mainly middle-class and lumpen elements facing economic ruin who have been whipped into a frenzy by Trump and his co-conspirators, but also high-ranking forces within the state, the corporate-financial elite, the Republican Party and Trump’s inner circle.

Ali Alexander, a leader of the pro-Trump “Stop the Steal” campaign, said in several live stream videos that he planned the January 6 rally with Republican congressmen Andy Biggs of Arizona, Paul Gosar of Arizona and Mo Brooks of Alabama. The latter preceded Trump at the speaker’s rostrum on January 6 and declared, “Today is the day that American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass.”

Alexander has also been in close contact with Trump’s fascistic ally Roger Stone, stating on “Periscope” that “This is something Roger and I have been planning for a long time. And finally he’s off the leash.”

Stephen Bannon organized 400,000 automated text messages encouraging people to attend the rally, according to the Daily Beast. On his “War Room” podcast of January 5, Bannon told his listeners, speaking of the following day’s events in Washington, “All hell is going to break loose.”

He elaborated: “It’s not going to happen like you think it’s going to happen. OK, it’s going to be quite extraordinarily different. And all I can say is, strap in… You have made this happen and tomorrow it’s game day. So strap in. Let’s get ready.”

This unprecedented political crisis and breakdown of American democracy will not end with the inauguration of Biden on January 20. It will continue and intensify. The crisis within the state is indicated by the fact that Army National Guard commanders have thus far removed 12 members of the massive armed force occupying large parts of Washington D.C. for the inauguration and beyond due their connections to far-right organizations.

The response of Biden and the Democratic Party is to step up their efforts to cover up the scale of the conspiracy and the danger to the democratic rights of the population. Biden calls for compromise and unity with the Republicans, a party that serves as the incubator for the growth of a fascist movement. Neither Trump nor his co-conspirators in the Republican Party, the police and the military are prosecuted and thrown into jail where they belong.

The Democrats are instead putting together a right-wing government that will continue the drive to reopen the schools and businesses in the midst of an out-of-control pandemic, provide no serious relief for the millions who are unemployed, hungry and facing eviction, continue the bailout of Wall Street, and intensify the economic and military confrontation with China and Russia. These anti-working class policies, sugar-coated with empty talk of “healing” and “decency,” will only create more favorable political conditions for the growth of fascism.

China’s growth rate increase fuels geo-political tensions

Nick Beams


Under different circumstances, the Chinese government’s announcement that the economy grew by 6.5 percent in the final quarter of the 2020 would have been welcomed as providing a useful boost to global growth. Despite a contraction of 6.8 percent in the first quarter of 2020, output expanded by 2.3 percent overall for the year.

This news was not welcome in many ruling circles today, however. It will lead to increased tensions with the US amid concerns that the expansion of the Chinese economy in the face of a slump in America and other major economies will boost the economic and political power of Beijing, which the US is determined to counter.

Bank of China (boc.cn)

The 6.5 percent growth in the fourth quarter indicates that the Chinese economy is expanding at a faster rate than before the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, exceeding expectations.

The main reason for the rebound was a 7.1 percent rise in industrial production in the fourth quarter, compared to a 5.8 percent increase in the third, as a result of greater state support.

Increased exports were another factor. China recorded its highest-ever monthly trade surplus in December. Exports rose by 18 percent—the third consecutive month of a double-digit percentage increase.

Announcing the figures, Ning Jizhe, head of the National Bureau of Statistics, said the economy had “recovered steadily” last year, but cautioned that the “changing epidemic dynamics and external environment pose a multitude of uncertainties.”

The economic growth was reflected in financial data. The Chinese currency, the renminbi, went over the level of 6.5 to the US dollar for the first time since 2018 and the stock market hit its highest level since the global financial crisis of 2008-09.

The Chinese growth stands in marked contrast to the rest of the world. The World Bank expects the global economy to have contracted by 4.3 percent last year, much of it due to an expected 7.4 percent slump in the eurozone, with the contraction in the US expected to be 3.6 percent.

In reporting the Chinese figures, the Wall Street Journal gave expression to issues that are undoubtedly being discussed in the incoming Biden administration and more broadly within the US political and intelligence establishment.

The newspaper noted that while in per capita terms China’s gross domestic product (GDP) at $10,000 was far below the US level of $65,000, “the sheer size of its market, combined with its weathering of the worst economic downturn in memory, means that China is arguably entering the new year with a stronger hand.” Chinese President Xi Jinping would make use of this in his dealings with the incoming Biden administration.

The article noted that despite the Trump administration’s efforts to slow its rise, China’s economy last year grew to two-thirds of that of the US. In the wake of the pandemic, in which China grew and the US pulled back, “many economists now see China reaching parity with the US by 2028—five years earlier than some pre-COVID forecasts.”

The rise would not stop there as “many forecasters expect the Chinese economy to only widen its gap with the US after overtaking it.”

Without the growth in China, the global economy would have shrunk by 5.7 percent last year, compared to the 4.3 percent contraction estimated by the World Bank. China’s performance means that instead of its usual average annual boost to global GDP of 0.8 percent, its impact last year is likely to have been around 1.5 percent.

The significance of stronger Chinese growth for US-China relations and the overall global position of the US was also the subject of a column by Financial Times foreign affairs correspondent Gideon Rachman, who further drew attention to the global impact of the Donald Trump-incited coup attempt of January 6.

In an article entitled “America’s disarray is China’s opportunity,” Rachman highlighted the incoming Biden administration’s policy of trying to orchestrate a US push against China by organising a coalition against it.

Biden, he wrote, “had planned to call a summit of the world’s democracies.” But after the coup attempt, “America may lack the credibility to act as a convener of the free world.” The Biden “democracy summit” might be quietly shelved in favour of a meeting of 10 “democracies” convened by the UK.

On the economic front, Rachman noted that a large part of America’s emerging battle with China would be for economic influence around the world. At the end of 2019, 128 of the 190 countries in the world traded more with China than they did with the US and the World Bank projected that the Chinese economy would grow by 8 percent this year, compared to 3.5 percent for the US.

Rachman cited a tweet by Richard Hass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, on the night of the coup attempt. Hass wrote: “No one in the world is likely to see, respect, fear or depend on us in the same way again. If the post-America era has a start date, it is almost certainly today.”

American imperialism is not going to quietly fade away, however. As Leon Trotsky noted more than 90 years ago, the US would use its power more openly and violently in the period of its decline than during its rise. There is little doubt that the latest growth figures will be factored into the predatory calculations being made by the incoming Biden administration.

22 workers trapped by blast in Chinese gold mine

Peter Symonds


Rescue operations are continuing at Qixia in China’s Shandong Province after 22 miners were trapped underground on January 10 following an explosion in the Hushan gold mine. The blast cut all communications, which were partially restored with 12 miners this week. The fate of the other 10 workers remains unknown.

The mine is owned by Shandong Wucailong Investment, a subsidiary of Zhaojin Mining. Wucailong had obtained the mineral rights to the site in 2016, but full-scale mining operations were yet to start. Construction was taking place, including of the shaft where the blast occurred.

Oceania Gold Mine Htachi EX3600 (John Welsh/Flickr)

The state-owned Xinhua news agency reported last Sunday that some miners were still alive. Tapping had been heard on a pipe being drilled into the mine by rescuers. A wire was sent down, followed by food, pain killers, paper and pencils.

A handwritten note sent back up declared: “Don’t stop trying to reach us. We hope the rescue continues. We remain hopeful.” The note said four of the miners had been injured and three had high blood pressure. Telephone communication has since been established.

Chen Fei, deputy secretary of Shandong’s Yantai city, told a press conference on Monday the miners were “very weak.” Water levels were rising, the underground smoke-filled air was stifling, and medications were running out.

Speaking to China Daily on Monday, Du Bingjian, chief engineer of the National Mine Emergency Rescue Centre, said rescue teams faced a perilous task in drilling rescue shafts to reach the trapped men. “This mine has the hardest rock I have ever known, along with two strata that contain water, which hinders the drilling,” he said.

Some 500 rescuers are involved in driving six shafts to reach different parts of the mine. The 12 miners are trapped about 600 metres below the surface and the other 10 are believed to be another 100 metres further down.

The accident provoked public concern after it became known that the mining company did not report the disaster for more than 30 hours. Chinese laws mandate that all major mining accidents must be reported within an hour. The hashtag “Qixia gold mine incident” has been viewed 130 million times on social media site Weibo.

In a bid to deflect attention from the underlying causes of mine deaths, the state-owned media has focused attention on the late reporting of the explosion. Xinhua described those responsible for the delay as “enemies of the people.” The broadcaster CCTV said late reporting of accidents was a “taboo for safe production” that could not be tolerated.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) apparatus has begun its usual search for scapegoats. The Qixia party secretary and mayor have been sacked and several unit leaders blamed for the reporting delay have been taken into custody.

Provincial authorities have opened an investigation into the cause of the blast. According to the local emergency management bureau, a dynamite explosion occurred in an area where no miners were working, and the trapped miners were in sections further down.

Just 26 days before the explosion happened, the bureau had conducted a safety check-up at the gold mine. No details of its report are publicly available.

China’s lucrative gold mining industry is the world’s largest. Most of the mines are small to medium in size, but developments in technology have paved the way for deep prospecting.

Zhaojin Mining, the country’s fourth largest gold miner, is headquartered in Zhaoyuan, Shandong, which is sometimes referred to as China’s “gold capital.” It was listed on the Hong Kong stock exchange in December 2006.

The drive for production and profits inevitably leads to the compromising of safety and consequent accidents.

In March 2017, 11 mine workers were killed in two separate incidents in neighbouring gold mines in Henan province. A fire in the Qinling gold mine owned by China National Gold Group—China’s largest gold miner—killed nine workers, while a similar accident in a nearby mine resulted in another two deaths.

At the time, Xinhua reported that the Chinese government aimed to lift annual gold production from 450 to 500 tonnes by the end of the decade. A wholesale restructuring of the industry was projected to close unproductive mines, reducing the number from 600 to around 450.

The drive to open the large Hushan gold mine was part of this push for increased production.

China’s coal industry—also the world’s largest—has long been notorious for its high death toll. In December, 23 miners in the southwestern municipality of Chongqing died from breathing carbon monoxide gas. The accident in the Diaoshuidong coal mine occurred while workers were dismantling underground mining equipment.

Sixteen workers were killed at the Songzao coal mine on the outskirts of Chongqing in September after a conveyor belt caught fire and the resulting blaze produced dangerous levels of carbon monoxide. The mine had previously been cited for safety violations, according to the Chongqing Coal Mine Safety Administration. Just two weeks before the disaster, the company had been fined after inspectors found that monthly safety checks had not been conducted.

More than 400 mining accidents were reported last year, resulting in 573 deaths, the National Mine Safety Administration said on January 11.

In a cosmetic response to the latest disaster at the Hushan gold mine, authorities ordered a spate of inspections.

The Shandong government said officials throughout the province had been told to immediately conduct safety inspections of mines and other major industries, and to focus in particular on any rushing of deadlines in the lead-up to the annual Spring Festival holiday in February.

According to the People’s Daily, China's National Mine Safety Administration has ordered a comprehensive inspection of non-coal mines, which will run until the end of March. There are 32,000 non-coal mines in China, most of which are small. They use outdated technology and equipment, and have poor safety management, the newspaper said, citing an administration official.

None of this will address the root causes of deaths, which lie in the relentless drive to boost production at the expense of the health and lives of workers.

Dutch government falls as deaths mount in COVID-19 pandemic

Alex Lantier & Parwini Zora


On January 15, Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte announced his government’s resignation ahead of national elections scheduled for March 17. He will head a caretaker government until then.

Rutte claimed that his resignation aimed to redress the wrong committed in a 2013-2019 welfare scandal, where the Dutch state falsely accused 26,000 parents of dual-national families of welfare fraud, improperly forcing them to pay back tens of thousands of euros in child benefit. “With this decision, the government wants to do justice to all those parents who have been unprecedentedly wronged,” Rutte said. “The rule of law should protect citizens from the all-powerful government, and that has gone horribly wrong here.”

The welfare scandal is a state crime: tens of thousands of families, selected by Dutch welfare agencies via ethnic profiling of those holding Moroccan or Turkish dual citizenship, were financially ruined and humiliated. This cold-blooded ethnic selection of citizens to be ruined is a disturbing sign of growing fascistic sentiment within the state machine, implicating the entire Dutch political establishment. What is driving Rutte’s resignation is not, however, a national crisis, let alone Rutte’s supposed contrition over his government’s anti-Muslim policies.

Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte (Arno Mikkor/Wikimedia Commons)

Rutte brought down his own government amid mounting anger among workers internationally at the ruling elite’s “herd immunity” policies on the COVID-19 pandemic, and as Dutch deaths in the pandemic hit 13,000. Governments across Europe are tottering after US President Donald Trump incited a mob to storm the Capitol in Washington on January 6 in an attempted fascist coup. Rutte resigned only a few days after Matteo Renzi pulled out of Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte’s coalition government, and Estonia’s government fell over a corruption scandal.

Rutte’s resignation comes as the bourgeoisie internationally debates a turn to authoritarian forms of rule, against mass anger building in the working class at austerity and “herd immunity” policies.

With the resignation, Rutte aims to weather the storm, win re-election and continue his policies, including “herd immunity” and inciting anti-Muslim hatred, with as few changes as possible. Above all, the resignation aims to perpetuate the political fraud that the Dutch bourgeoisie’s policy is liberal and democratic, while it in fact continues a murderous, ever more fascistic policy on the pandemic and against the rights of the working class—especially of immigrant workers.

Rutte’s demagogic claims he is sorry his government “unprecedentedly wronged” immigrants are belied by the political establishment’s defense of successive ministers from various parties who oversaw the persecution of the child benefit recipients.

Economy Minister Eric Wiebes, from Rutte’s own People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), resigned. He brazenly said he did not feel guilty for ruining welfare recipients: “For a long time, I searched for what I could have done differently. I don’t feel guilty, but I do feel extremely responsible. I walk around with that, it won’t leave me anymore. I have not been able to discover what I could reasonably have done differently to prevent this. That only makes it more sad.”

Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra, now an election candidate of the Christian-Democratic Appeal (CDA), shamelessly declared his profound sympathy for the parents: “The conversations with the parents touched me deeply. Through no fault of their own, they have been brought into serious trouble by the government. This cannot and must not happen in our rule of law, and we must ensure that it never will happen again.”

As former Social Affairs Minister Lodewijk Asscher resigned as a Labor Party (PvdA) candidate in disgrace over the scandal, the PvdA hailed him. PvdA chairwoman Nelleke Vedelaar declared, “Lodewijk shows what characterizes a real leader: decisiveness, vision and idealism. On behalf of the entire party, I would like to thank Lodewijk incredibly for his tireless efforts for the party and the future of social democracy.”

As for the Green Left Party and the petty-bourgeois Maoist Socialist Party (SP), they are politically implicated by their decision to join and promote the toothless special parliamentary committee that investigated the scandal in November-December 2020. Green Left parliamentarian Tom van der Lee and SP parliamentarian Renske Leijten sat on the committee and signed its report. While they titled the report “Unprecedented Injustice,” they sent no high-ranking politicians or officials to jail. A better title for their report would have been “Unprecedented Impunity.”

These parties are now working to promote the state machine and whatever illusions can be stimulated that these elections will end state corruption and criminality. Green Left Party chairman Jesse Klaver said: “The House of Representatives must rectify the mistakes it has made in recent years, so that a start can be made on restoring the welfare state as quickly as possible.”

The SP, whose leader Lilian Marijnissen hailed the parliamentary committee report on the scandal as “very tough,” reacted to Rutte’s resignation by issuing a statement titled “Welfare Benefits Scandal: It’s not the End, it’s the Beginning.” It wrote, “In part thanks to SP parliamentarian Renske Leijten, the benefits scandal was revealed. … We are pursuing our fight for a just government.”

In fact, the endless protection of the Rutte government by the Green Left Party, the SP and their various political allies has primarily benefited Rutte himself. He has been prime minister since 2010, including throughout the period when welfare agencies persecuted the parents. His relentless inciting of anti-Turkish sentiment in the 2017 elections—going so far as to order Dutch police to expel visiting Turkish officials from the Netherlands—helped incite the xenophobic climate in which these abuses occurred.

Nevertheless, despite all the coverage of the welfare benefits scandal, Rutte’s VVD leads the polls with between 35 and 43 percent of the vote. Second behind the VVD is the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV) of Geert Wilders at around 25 percent.

More astute sections of the bourgeoisie are speculating that this will allow Rutte to win a second term, despite his utterly reactionary record. The Financial Times of London wrote: “Ironically, a government collapse may end up protecting Mr Rutte by apportioning responsibility [for the pension scandal] on all four coalition parties, rather than just the prime minister. The Dutch go to the polls on March 17. Should Mr Rutte emerge victorious—as polls suggest—the scandal will be yet another political pitfall that he has successfully swerved.”

Above all, this scandal reveals that, throughout the pandemic, as Rutte refused a lock-down and thousands needlessly died, he had the support of virtually the entire political establishment. Apart from neo-fascists like Wilders, the rest—especially the cynical middle class parties falsely marketed by the media and the ruling elite as the “left”—bent over backwards to protect him.

The elections will solve none of the issues facing the working class. Not only have all of the principal parties supported “herd immunity” policies, but all of them are complicit in the stoking of xenophobic and Islamophobic sentiments. The historically unprecedented event of a fascist coup being attempted in Washington is a warning as to the fascistic forces being strengthened not only by those like Wilders, but above all by the policies of the Rutte government and the parties that have protected it.

Fighting this requires a turn to the international working class, and the building of a movement in the working class across Europe for general strike action against “herd immunity” policies, the growing danger of fascism, and the capitalist system, based on a socialist perspective.

Government of Azerbaijan Undergraduate, Masters and Doctoral Scholarships 2021/2022

Application Deadline: 28th February 2021.

Eligible Countries: Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC) & Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) countries 

To be taken at (country): Azerbaijan

About the Award: The Educational Grant Program for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation” and “The Grants Program for the Citizens of the Non-Aligned Movement” were approved by the President of the Republic of of Azerbaijan on December 6, 2017 and on January 10, 2018, respectively. The Educational Grant (hereinafter referred to as “scholarship”) Programs provide a pre-requisite course for undergraduate, graduate, doctoral, general medicine / residency programs.

Programmes provide an opportunity for selected 40 candidates on annual basis to study in the leading universities of Azerbaijan at • Preparatory courses • Undergraduate, graduate • Doctoral • General medicine/residency programmes

Type: Undergraduate, Masters, Doctoral

Eligibility:

  • Citizens of the OIC and the NAM member countries
  • For undergraduate and general medicine programmes – citizens younger than 30
  • For graduate and residency programmes – citizens younger than 35

Selection: The selection process will cover two stages:

  • Review of the relevant documents
  • Interviews (online/Skype)

The candidates will be informed about the results by early July, 2021 Note: only shortlisted candidates will be contacted.

Number of Awards: 40

Value of Award:

  • Tuition fee 
  • International flight 
  • Monthly stipend for meals, accommodation and utility costs ($ 800) 
  • Medical insurance 
  • Visa and registration costs

How to Apply: 

Application form

  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage see link below) before applying

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

“Brazil is Broken”: Bolsonaro, COVID, and the Looming Return to Austerity

Jeremy Ross


As the New Year begins and Brazil officially passes 200,000 COVID deaths, far-right Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro announced with his characteristic bluntness: “Brazil is broken. I can’t do anything.” While blaming the media for exaggerating the threat of the coronavirus, Bolsonaro complained that COVID had prevented him from further pursuing the structural adjustments and austerity policies that characterized the pre-COVID phase of his presidency. At the same time, Bolsonaro’s economic team, led by Chicago Boy economist Paulo Guedes, has been projecting optimism, claiming that the Brazilian economy will recover, thereby allowing the government to steam ahead with plans for further spending cuts and privatizations. The optimism coming from Guedes and his team is, however, fundamentally erroneous. Without a fundamental change in governing priorities, Brazil will enter into a very difficult period in the coming months and years. Indeed, the economic policy “solutions” that Bolsonaro and Guedes are determined to implement are no cause for optimism. Rather, they are likely to lead to far greater levels of suffering for ordinary Brazilians.

The Bolsonaro-Guedes spate of neoliberal economic measures is not unique to this government. Brazil’s recent return to austerity, after more than a decade of relatively robust public sector investment, began decidedly in 2015, following the tight and contested reelection of Workers’ Party (PT) President Dilma Rousseff. Facing a recession and attempting to accommodate her increasingly aggressive opposition, Dilma embarked on “belt-tightening” and wide-ranging austerity programs, by, for instance, cutting unemployment benefits, raising taxes, and postponing a major government housing initiative, leading to an overall and significant decline in public spending. These efforts failed to lift Brazil out of recession before the opposition — unmoved — impeached and removed Rousseff on minor charges of budget tampering, actions which themselves were not of a criminal nature and were widely viewed as spurious and politically motivated (several of her predecessors used the same budget maneuvers without impeachment charges ever having been considered). Even the impeachment’s greatest beneficiary, her successor Michel Temer, later referred to the process as a “coup.” Indeed, those who sought to remove Rousseff did so in part to advance a series of far deeper, significant, and painful series of neoliberal reforms, as well as to try to reverse anti-corruption efforts that Rousseff had allowed to move forward.

Following Rousseff’s removal, Temer launched a significantly more substantial and profound austerity push, freezing Brazil’s discretionary spending levels for 20 years with a constitutional amendment (PEC 241), while enacting sweeping labor reforms that seriously weakened both the labor movement and workers’ rights across Brazil. Bolsonaro and Guedes have only continued this process, accelerating privatizations and enacting a major cut to public pensions. Both have announced their intention to go further: Bolsonaro wants to go so far as to achieve the total privatization of the publicly held oil company Petrobras, not long ago an unthinkable move for any Brazilian leader.

These plans were largely put on hold, however, due to COVID. In fact, Bolsonaro and the Brazilian Congress actually went in the opposite direction fiscally, enacting a monthly payment to the unemployed known as the auxílio emergencial (“emergency aid”), which in its original form paid out R$600 per month (roughly $115 in a country where the minimum wage is about $200 a month). Originally, the auxílio was even more generous than the widely praised Bolsa Familia program instituted by President Lula da Silva in the early 2000s, as it provided over 67 million people with over R$1 trillion ($200 billion) in less than nine months. But, though it was hailed as one of the most generous economic responses to COVID employed by any country, and even referred to as Bolsonaro’s “greatest success,” it has just been allowed to expire.

Bolsonaro’s announcement that “Brazil is broken” comes as Brazil’s debt-to-GDP ratio has jumped over 10 percentage points in 2020 alone, the single largest annual increase in recent memory. Despite calls from legislators within his own party to renew the auxílio, Bolsonaro has said he has no plans to do so, announcing “they want us to renew the auxílio, but our debt levels have reached their limit.” This resistance from Bolsonaro comes at a time when Brazilian interest rates and the cost of borrowing are at their lowest level in decades, while Brazil has roughly $340 billion in foreign exchange reserves. Brazil is not, in fact, literally broken or broke, fiscally speaking, but Brazilian voters will nonetheless be told that redoubling austerity is a solemn and unavoidable imperative.

This ominous change in economic policy comes at a time when the Brazilian government has yet to approve any COVID vaccine nationally (although there are talks to soon begin imports of the Oxford vaccine, and the Sinovac vaccine, despite having lower efficacy rates, has the potential to help fight the pandemic). COVID deaths have just surpassed 200,000 — second only to the US. The lack of a strong and coordinated response to the pandemic by Brazilian authorities has proven nothing short of catastrophic. While the scale of the tragedy is astonishing, it is perhaps unsurprising given that Bolsonaro has downplayed the severity of the pandemic (calling it a “little flu”) from the earliest days of its arrival in Brazil. With the intense international competition that exists for a still very limited supply of vaccine doses, and Brazil being outbid by wealthier countries as well as large developing nations like India, widespread vaccination of the population is a long way off. This comes after months of Bolsonaro casting doubt over both the necessity and efficacy of the vaccines, mocking the use of face masks, and downplaying the severity of the virus at every turn (despite catching it in July of 2020).

Likewise, Bolsonaro has repeatedly claimed that any vaccines from China will be ineffective, casting doubt on the only currently in-use vaccine in Brazil. Just recently, Bolsonaro made a great show of diving into the water at a popular beach on the coast of São Paulo State to wade into throngs of maskless supporters. The fact that Bolsonaro has repeatedly rejected the use of vaccines to combat the pandemic may well have contributed to a huge rise in the number of Brazilians unwilling to take a COVID vaccine, from 9 to 22 percent between August and December 2020.

The Bolsonaro government’s inability to manage the pandemic along with a renewed push to return to austerity together mean that Brazil could soon enter a severe economic, humanitarian, social, and political crisis, one that goes well beyond the economic crisis Brazil has experienced since 2014. If this were to occur, it seems highly unlikely that Bolsonaro could be elected to a second term in 2022. His poll numbers have risen recently — seemingly thanks primarily to the auxilió — but the continued recession, austerity, and vaccine mismanagement can be expected to significantly dampen his popularity.

But, while the prospect of Bolsonaro’s electoral ouster may represent a glimmer of hope for both his domestic and international opponents, there are signs that the incumbent, with inspiration from his ally Donald Trump, may cast doubt on the integrity of the upcoming vote. Bolsonaro is now claiming that “fraud exists” in Brazil’s voting system, and that “without printed ballots … we’re going to have bigger problems than the United States.” These comments, taken in context with Bolsonaro’s prior calls for the military to establish a new dictatorship and shut down Congress, suggest that he is not committed to democracy (to put it lightly), especially if an electoral defeat appears likely. In the face of a protracted and perhaps unprecedented crisis, as well as a leader with authoritarian aspirations, allies of Brazilian democracy — domestic and international — must remain vigilant in the years to come.

Understanding Hindutva Neoliberalism in India

Bhabani Shankar Nayak


Hindutva neoliberalism in India is a specific variant of capitalism that enforces economic and political oligarchy in the name of ethnic and majoritarian nationalism. It liberalises market for few to establish dominant corporate monopoly. It does not allow complete free market competition as a distributive mechanism. It allows few crony corporations to control the production processes, coordinate the distribution mechanisms, and determine the nature of demand and supply in Indian economy. The laissez-faire led ideological narratives of neoliberalism around ‘free individual’, ‘freedom of choice’ and ‘free market’ are absent within ‘Hindutva neoliberalism’. The liberal ideals of market forces within neoliberalism is completely absent within the Hindutva variant of neoliberalism in India. It does not completely break away from the 19th century capitalism but continues with its old foundations. It provides a new but robust direction to 21st century capitalism in which Indian state, BJP as a political party and Modi government work together in pursuit of corporate profit. The cultural nationalism of BJP and RSS is a hoax. It marginalises the masses by spreading false sense of nationalist pride with the help of populist electoral democracy shaped by corporate media.

There is a perceived the distinction between Hindutva neoliberalism and worldwide practice of neoliberalism as an ideological project. But there is no contradiction or any confusion between neoliberalism and Hindutva in India. Both the global and national capitalist forces find Hindutva a convenient cannon to capture Indian natural and human resources. The Hindutva neoliberalism led by the RSS and BJP helps to break away from the ‘Washington consensus’, which advocates the framework of limited ‘capital-labour accord’ for the growth of capitalism. The Hindutva neoliberalism helps in striping away all workers’ rights and all protective measures by reforming labour laws before and during this pandemic. The limited welfare state has no place within Hindutva neoliberalism. It neither believes in minimum governance nor in maximum governance as claimed by Mr Narendra Modi; the poster boy of Hindutva neoliberalism. The fascist and authoritarian character of Hindutva neoliberalism is concomitant with the undemocratic tendencies of neoliberalism. There is absolute corporate consensus between obscurantist Hindutva politics and monopoly capitalism. The Hindutva forces make laws on agriculture, land, labour, water, mineral resources and environment to advance and insulate corporate forces from democratic discontents by declaring all forms of progressive political movements as anti-national.

The Hindutva neoliberalism facilitates capitalism in India by establishing political, social, religious and cultural dominance of Brahminical caste order. The majoritarian social relations controlled by the established caste hierarchy helps neoliberalism to pursue its agendas without any form of political and social barriers. The caste system is not only normalising exploitation but also naturalising all forms of inequalities in India. Such a feudal and authoritarian ideological framework established by caste and its cohesive order provides breathing space to both Hindutva and neoliberalism in India. Deregulation, privatisation, reduction of corporate tax, dismantling the state command economy, and minimise the roles of government are common features between global neoliberalism and Hindutva neoliberalism. The global neoliberalism believes in trade liberalisation, but Hindutva neoliberalism believes in trade monopoly of few compliant corporations.  Both work in unison despite of minor differences between global neoliberalism and Hindutva neoliberalism.

From Hayekians to Keynesians and from the Geneva School of policy making to the Chicago School of economists and policymakers were responsible to shape neoliberalism as an ideological project of capitalist alternative to communism. These ideological adherents have naively believed and afloat the idea that the liberal and welfare path can also defeat fascism and its other authoritarian variants by upholding ‘individual freedom and choice’ as sacrosanct. These neoliberal ideologues have argued that the combination of individual liberties with desire-based capitalist markets can shape the future of democracy and prosperity in society. Such naïve philosophical formulations, economic myopia and political misunderstandings continue to expose itself and its utopian outlook as global neoliberalism continues to assault democracies across the globe.

The global neoliberalism has formed alliance with the most illiberal forces in politics, culture and society today. The Hindutva neoliberalism paves a new path for global neoliberal capitalism, where democracy, state and governments lost their public legitimacy in popular imagination. This is the best recipe to establish absolute control over people, planet and resources without any form of political resistance. The ethnic authoritarianism is an invaluable means for global neoliberal capitalism to survive and expand itself with the growth of ethnic politics like Hindutva forces in India. The ethnic politics of Hindutva is not only destroying the unity of working people but also diminishing citizenship rights by othering religious minorities in India. Such processes weaken the conflicts between labour and capital.

The Karma theory of reincarnation and salvation provides philosophical foundation to Hindutva neoliberalism by shaping ideals and naturalising it in a way in which individual blame their own Karma for their own miseries. Such processes of individualisation of ‘self’ and demonisation of ‘others’ help both Hindutva and neoliberalism in pursuit of their political and economic projects in India. The culture of neoliberal fragmentation and project of identity based political mobilisation provide a coherent framework for Hindutva neoliberalism to establish itself as a formidable force in India. Both Hindutva and neoliberalism disciplines citizens and coverts them as mere customers, who are seeking satisfaction, utility and pleasure as mere consumers of commodities. The wholesale normalisation of culture of consumerism under Hindutva neoliberalism dehumanises and dismantles societies, where unities and solidarities are becoming elusive. Therefore, lynching of Muslims, raping of women, sexual abuse of children, violence against women, Kashmiris, Dalits and tribals are not provoking mass struggles against injustices in India. This callous culture is an outcome of everyday Hindutva neoliberalism, which is practiced and promoted by the Modi led BJP government in India.

The Hindutva neoliberalism marketizes every sphere of life in the name of Hindu cultural nationalism at the cost of India and Indians. Mr Narendra Modi and his party follows market led media mediated management of public opinion as human development index falls to the bottom of international development pyramid. The manipulation of public mind with majoritarian dominance and reactionary values led by Hindutva neoliberalism have failed to obscure the mass miseries and marginalisation in India.  The struggles for citizenship rights, the famers struggles against corporate control over agriculture, the resistance movements against privatisation and liberalisation, the struggle for justice led by women, students, Dalits, tribals and workers are hopes to reclaim India from Hindutva neoliberalism and its dehumanising values. These resistance movements can only help in deepening constitutional democracy. The struggles are the only ways to repair the broken republic shattered by the Hindutva neoliberalism.