20 Apr 2021

Thousands demonstrate in Berlin against end of “rent cap” and real estate swindlers

Gregor Link


The repeal of the Berlin “rent cap” by the Supreme Court means massive rent increases, arrears payments and poverty for hundreds of thousands of people. The ruling, which exacerbates homelessness amid the coronavirus crisis, has a signal effect for the whole of Germany and is emblematic of the inhuman enrichment policies of the ruling elites in Germany and Europe.

Balakrishnan Rajagopal, UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing, spoke on Twitter on Thursday of a “deeply disturbing judgment” and, referring to the pandemic, warned, “The German government still has an international legal obligation to respect the right to housing vis-à-vis tenants.”

Despite the threat posed by COVID-19, more than 10,000 people took part in spontaneously organised protests that same day. In contrast to the state support regularly given to marches by right-wing extremists and coronavirus deniers, Berlin police violently broke up the peaceful main rally in front of Kottbusser Tor at 9 p.m. after only two speeches.

Caption: Spontaneous demonstration on Hermannplatz in Berlin-Neukölln, image: @Montecruzfoto (Twitter), CC-SA

The riot police, dozens of whom were then deployed in full riot gear, used mace against demonstrators and physically injured at least one journalist who had identified himself as such. Other video footage documents a demonstrator lying on the ground being kicked by a police officer, who is then restrained by other police officers.

On social media, broad sections of workers and young people combined their anger about the social conditions in Berlin with a reckoning with the so-called Red-Red-Green senate (the state executive coalition of the Social Democrats, Left Party and Greens) and a determination to oppose capitalist exploitation and enrichment.

Typical of the mood is a viral Facebook entry by Ganden O. “(property company) Deutsche Wohnen earned more on the stock exchange today alone after the ruling than we poor tenants from the former GSW social housing provider have to pay back and can hardly manage, after the rent had already been raised three times in three years before.” The entire political establishment, from the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) to the Left Party, bears responsibility for this, he said.

“Which party represents people like me in the autumn election? All parties have sold and betrayed us to Deutsche Wohnen.” While the governing parties were still “lining their pockets in times of need,” he wrote, “we are losing our homes.” “We citizens have a problem and only the choice between plague, cholera and syphilis.”

Reporters from the World Socialist Web Site and members of the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE) spoke to tenants about the demand for the expropriation of all housing corporations without compensation and circulated the Socialist Equality Party (SGP) manifesto for the Bundestag (federal parliament) elections, which opposes the social inequality agenda of the establishment parties with a socialist perspective.

“I share a one-room flat of 30 square metres with my partner,” demonstrator Tamara, 37, said, who moved to Berlin from Italy 10 years ago. “We needed more space, but first he didn’t have enough money and now it affects me. Many of our friends are looking for a flat, for example, because they have become parents or are living in insecure conditions. A friend of mine has been looking for an affordable flat for two-and-a-half years. Everywhere you look there are only expensive flats. Meanwhile, more and more people are living in tents along the canal. It’s a sight that leaves me stunned in one of the richest countries in the world.”

Tamara, whose partner only found a new job in January, works as a freelance translator and has additionally been looking for work since February. “The court ruling means 100 euros more rent per month for each of us, which we also have to pay in arrears for the last year. For many others, it means 400 to 600 euros per month and thus a total of several thousand euros. We had hoped to finally be able to afford better accommodation.” This particularly affected young people from the working class, she said.

“Many who wanted to start a family, for example, have already rented more rooms, which they now have to pay extra for. We residents were not warned by politicians to put money aside. We now must pay for what they screwed up. Many young families, like students, will have to share their flats—and students themselves will not be able to afford to live here in the first place. It’s exasperating and, to me, emblematic of our bad government here in Berlin.”

That this development was also taking place amidst the devastation of the coronavirus pandemic “is a disaster,” Tamara said. “Many people have lost their jobs in the last year. The owners show no empathy for this. A friend received an email yesterday asking him to pay within seven days—although such a short deadline is illegal. In the last year, many owners have opted to sell—resulting in more flats going to the richest people. This crisis has undoubtedly made me even more aware of issues such as the right to housing, health and workers’ rights.”

Expropriating the rent sharks without compensation “would be a dream,” Tamara said. “You could use the ‘coronavirus effect’ and at the same time convert vacant offices, car parks and shopping centres in the city centre for social housing and other much-needed facilities. Housing is a fundamental right, and no profit should be made on basic housing.”

Tamara also thought that the movement to expropriate the real estate corporations should lead to a broader movement of the working class across Europe, which should also be directed against austerity, climate change, refugee-baiting and fascism: “Until the last homeless person in Europe has a roof over their head!”

“No one should have to live on the street or in a camp,” she said. “Until recently, I thought that my country of origin was much more corrupt than other European countries. Maybe that’s true, but every day I read about scandals everywhere, especially in Germany.” A “revolution” was, after all, “the logical consequence of what we are facing.”

The Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei (Socialist Equality Party) campaign for the federal elections is therefore timely. “The whole system is corrupt,” Tamara added. “Those who don’t want to put profits before lives don’t get to the top in it—I hope your candidates will disprove that rule!”

“I agree one hundred percent that the housing corporations have to be expropriated,” said fellow demonstrator Constance. She came to Berlin two years ago as a refugee from Chicago after being a victim of targeted police violence in the US. “I have had to fight the threat of homelessness myself throughout my life,” she said.

“After I came here, I lived in a refugee hostel for two years, where I was abused several times. The rent of the public flat I live in now is currently paid [from public funds] but from now on it will cost the taxpaying people of Berlin 250 euros more. I would prefer to earn my own money, but with my handicap, I have no chance on the labour market. The rent cap would have allowed me to make my own decisions and finance my rent myself through further education. Thousands in Berlin are in a similar situation to me.

“How many people in Berlin have been harmed or died because they don’t have a safe shelter? And why? Just so the owners of the real estate companies can buy themselves a new Tesla? There must be an end to putting profits before lives. That’s what this is really about.”

“The cause of socialism and affordable rents is very close to my heart,” Constance said. “The motto should be: ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his need!’ If socialist policies had been followed, we wouldn’t have this crisis now. When our human rights are traded as a commodity, decisions are not made for the good of all.” Instead—as in the case of “Deutsche Wohnen und Konsorten”—they speculate on future profits by leaving flats empty. “They don’t mind because they have such a large financial backing. Expropriation would put the responsibility back into our own hands.”

Brazilian workers stage strikes and protests against COVID-19 pandemic and social crisis

Miguel Andrade


Workers have staged strikes and protests across Brazil against the murderous, uncontrolled spread of the COVID-19 pandemic and the ensuing social crisis that has driven tens of millions into poverty.

The weeks-long strikes by teachers in São Paulo against deadly school reopenings are being joined by a growing number of work stoppages by bus drivers, oil and railway workers, delivery app workers and other sectors as Brazil has recorded nearly 14 million coronavirus infections and a staggering 375,000 deaths.

Bus drivers have staged work stoppages in a number of state capitals. While the National Confederation of Transportation and Logistics Workers (CNTTL) union has sought to isolate these struggles, it has been forced to call a nationwide “health strike” today.

Delivery workers demonstrating for better pay and working conditions in São Paulo on April 16. (Twitter)

Meanwhile, some 1,700 oil workers at the President Getúlio Vargas refinery (Repar) in the state of Paraná, went on strike April 12 against a plan to bring in 2,000 workers from the across the country for nonessential maintenance work. A similar operation in March at the Gabriel Passos Refinery (Regap), in the state of Minas Gerais, resulted in a coronavirus outbreak that led to at least 200 infections and five deaths. A study by the National Amazonian Studies Institute (INPA) predicted that, given Brazil’s current infection rates, sending 2,000 workers into Repar would trigger an outbreak resulting in at least one additional death every day in the city of Araucária.

Yesterday, in the face of skyrocketing infections on crowded offshore oil rigs, the São Paulo Coastline Oil Workers Union (Sindipetro-LP) called a “state of strike and permanent assembly,” stopping short of a complete shutdown of rigs. The action was triggered by a planned change in work schedules by the state-run Petrobras energy conglomerate, which is introducing speedups under the guise of reducing infections. São Paulo’s coastline oil operations employ 900 workers and have the capacity to extract more than 1.3 million barrels of oil a day.

Increased militancy fueled by the combined impact of COVID-19 deaths and the social crisis has also brought app delivery workers employed by tech giants such as iFood and Uber Eats into action. Last Friday, thousands of delivery workers stopped work and paraded through the streets of São Paulo, being greeted with applause from truck drivers and hospital workers as they rode down the city’s main thoroughfares.

Bus divers in São Paulo's ABC region demonstrate against high COVID-19 infections and deaths (Credit: Sintetra)

Metalworkers staged a week-long strike against the closing of the LG plant in the industrial corridor along the banks of the Paraíba river connecting the country’s two main cities, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The LG workers returned to work after the local SINDIMETAL metalworkers union announced it was resuming negotiations with the company. As part of global restructuring plans, LG has announced it will cease production of computer monitors, resulting in the layoff of 700 of the 3,000 workers at the plant. Workers at outsourced component factories in the region, employing 430, have been on strike against the LG shutdown since April 6.

The nationwide strike action by transportation and logistics workers follows a week of demonstrations and partial stoppages at shift changes by bus drivers in some of Brazil’s largest cities. Buses were halted on different days in the federal capital Brasília, the third-largest city in the country; Salvador, Bahia, the fourth-largest; Recife-Pernambuco, the ninth-largest and São Luís-Maranhão, the 15th-largest. Buses were also stopped in Vitória, the capital of the state of Espírito Santo. On Monday, an indefinite strike began in Brasília’s subway system.

Today, demonstrations are planned in 14 states, and will for the first time include a halting of rail service in São Paulo, the largest mass transit system in the country, as well as in Porto Alegre. Bus drivers, fare collectors and clerks will stage a 24-hour stoppage in every major region of the state of São Paulo, including the Paraíba valley and other industrial centers such as Sorocaba, Jundiaí and Guarulhos, covering over 80 percent of the state’s population of 44 million.

The militancy of mass transit workers is a direct response to the herd immunity policy adopted by the Brazilian ruling class and all of its representatives, from the fascistic President Jair Bolsonaro, to state governors of the so-called political opposition led by the Workers Party (PT).

LG workers vote to strike against Taubaté plant closure (Twitter)

Excess deaths among bus drivers throughout Brazil in the last year stand at 62 percent, according to a study sponsored by El País based on the National Employment Registry (CAGED). This is triple the national average of 22 percent. Both figures are based on deaths registered in 2020, and have not yet incorporated the horrific toll from the latest COVID-19 surge, which has seen daily deaths rise to 3,000, triple the number recorded during the peak of the first wave in mid-2020. Nor do these figures give any insight into how many family members of transit workers fell victim to infections that they brought home from their jobs.

The numbers in São Paulo expose this reality even more starkly. In the Greater Sorocaba region, the fourth-largest largest metropolitan area in the state with over a million inhabitants, a shocking 10 percent of bus drivers have already lost their lives to COVID-19. Despite all the propaganda claims that the state was keeping only “essential business” open, in the city of São Paulo alone, the mass transit system has registered 3 billion trips during the pandemic—over 1.6 billion on buses, and 1.4 billion on the rail system. In the subway, 22 workers have already died and 1,500 of the 8,000 workers have been infected. In the even more crowded commuter transit system, 50 of the 8,000 rail workers have died, as well as 131 bus drivers.

Mass transit workers have also been hit with over 50,000 layoffs during the pandemic, as transportation companies seized on government propaganda about a vast reduction in circulation resulting from pandemic restrictions to restructure operations and reduce the number of buses and trains.

The transport strike in São Paulo comes as the state government announced the reopening of in-person retail service after a so-called “emergency phase” which saw the state’s ICU beds reduce their occupancy to just under 90 percent for the first time in a month. The move came after the São Paulo Shopping Mall association announced stores would fire 60,000 workers in the city if retail was kept closed for another week. That would represent 1 percent of the city’s workers thrown onto the streets overnight. The state is currently recording over 820 deaths a day.

Mass death has been joined with mass immiseration and an unprecedented growth in social inequality. Tens of millions of Brazilians have been thrown into poverty since the pandemic began, and unemployment is at record levels. More than half the population faces food insecurity. Meanwhile, the number of Brazilian billionaires has climbed over the past year from 45 to 65, while their combined wealth rose by a staggering 72 percent to $219 billion.

The wave of strikes and workers’ protests in Brazil are an expression of the increasing anger and militancy of workers over similar conditions that exist all over the world. After a year that has seen 3 million COVID-19 deaths and immense social deprivation, the conditions are emerging for an eruption of class struggle on a global scale.

In Brazil, as in every country, the ruling class refuses to take measures needed to stop mass death and prevent mass poverty and hunger because they would impinge upon their profit interests. Therefore the battle against COVID-19 cannot be waged successfully outside of a political struggle against the capitalist system.

To wage this battle, Brazilian workers require a new leadership and new organizations of struggle. The existing unions, tied to the Workers Party (PT) and its capitalist program, have refused to fight for measures required to contain the pandemic. Instead, they have promoted the murderous policies of economic reopening and herd immunity, attempting to isolate every struggle, while demanding only that the workers they purport to represent be given priority over other sections of the population for the grossly inadequate supply of vaccines.

Brazilian workers, including bus and train drivers, oil workers, delivery workers and teachers, must form their own rank-and-file committees, independent of the pro-capitalist unions, to wage a united fight for a real shutdown of all non-essential services until the spread of the virus is halted and vaccinations are available for all. They must demand full compensation for workers and ruined small businesses to stop the economic blackmail that forces workers to labor under unsafe conditions.

Mars robot helicopter completes first rotor-powered flight on another world

Bryan Dyne


Early Monday morning, the small robotic helicopter Ingenuity became the first aircraft in human history to successfully make a powered, controlled flight on another planet. The Ingenuity team at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) received data from the successful flight at 6:46 Eastern Time, demonstrating vast technical achievements and scientific possibilities by flying through the atmosphere of Mars.

In this video captured by NASA’s Perseverance rover, the agency's Ingenuity Mars Helicopter took the first powered, controlled flight on another planet on April 19, 2021. Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/ASU/MSSS

“We have been thinking for so long about having our Wright brothers moment on Mars, and here it is,” said MiMi Aung, project manager of Ingenuity at JPL, amid celebrations by her fellow Mars explorers. “We will take a moment to celebrate our success and then take a cue from Orville and Wilbur regarding what to do next. History shows they got back to work—to learn as much as they could about their new aircraft—and so will we.”

Ingenuity took off from the Martian surface, an “airstrip” now dubbed Wright Brothers Field, at 12:33 local Mars time. This time had been previously determined by Ingenuity’s controllers in order to provide maximum sunlight and optimal flight conditions for the solar-powered rotorcraft. Data returned from its onboard altimeter and other instruments confirmed that every aspect of the flight went as planned: over 39.1 seconds, the helicopter spun its rotors up, took off, climbed to its maximum altitude of three meters, hovered, made a quarter turn, continued hovering, descended, and finally touched down on the Red Planet.

This image was captured by Ingenuity's onboard navigation camera while the helicopter was in flight. The aircraft was hovering three meters off the Martian surface and its shadow can be seen in the center of the image. Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech

Imagery from Ingenuity’s parent craft, the Perseverance rover, also confirmed a successful flight. The Mast Cam Z instrument on Perseverance made a short video of the helicopter’s flight, capturing as it happened this new first in planetary exploration.

As with all achievements in space travel, the first successful powered flight on Mars was extremely demanding. One of these difficulties manifested last week, when the craft was first scheduled to fly, when an error was detected during a pre-flight rotor test. After several days carefully studying the issue, updated software was uploaded to Ingenuity, allowing its onboard guidance, navigation and control systems to take off and land flawlessly.

Moreover, Earth and Mars are currently about 288 million kilometers apart, meaning that radio signals take more than 16 minutes to cross that distance. This means that the helicopter can’t simply be flown by joystick in real time and thus the flights must be autonomous. In addition, it had to be designed to fly in gravity that is about one third that of Earth in an atmosphere about one percent as dense as Earth’s.

Perseverance imaged itself and Ingenuity three days after the helicopter had been successfully deployed. Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/MSSS

Ingenuity is one component of NASA’s Mars 2020 mission, which also includes the Perseverance rover. While the main aspect of the mission is the rover and its extensive astrobiological experiment suite, Ingenuity was added as a test bed to provide insight into the difficulties of flying in the Martian atmosphere. In many ways, this is similar to the Mars Pathfinder mission and its accompanying rover, Sojourner, which landed in 1997 and were largely designed to test new technologies and lay the groundwork for future missions. Twenty-four years later, both Perseverance and Ingenuity are a product of and follow in that tradition.

Now that Ingenuity’s basic capabilities have been validated, several more flights will be attempted. The first, scheduled for Thursday, will add a small lateral transfer of two meters while the helicopter is in flight, after which it will move back over its takeoff position and then land. Its third flight will extend this flight distance to 50 meters and back.

The plans for the fourth and possible fifth flight will be finalized after the data from these initial flights is more fully analyzed. All initial indications show that the actual data collected closely matches the many hundreds of simulated test flights Ingenuity’s team performed in the lead-up to this morning’s success, meaning that it is likely that the flight profile will be greatly expanded for those final flights. Aung, during a post-flight press conference, expressed a desire to fly “600 or 700 meters” and fly “higher, faster and farther” to push the new technology as much as possible.

In addition to flying around, Ingenuity is equipped with a high-resolution downward-looking camera for navigation, landing and surveying the Martian terrain. The initial photos sent back were black and white, with color images expected to follow in the coming days. If longer flights are undertaken, subsequent images will be used to scout out possible areas of interest for Perseverance to travel to and further study.

When NASA's Ingenuity Mars Helicopter attempts its first test flight on the Red Planet, the agency's Mars 2020 Perseverance rover was close by, as seen in this artist's concept. Credit: NASA

Such flights, however, will be necessarily limited. Since Ingenuity was set down on Mars’ surface by Perseverance on April 3, the rover’s operations have been mostly focused on providing support for the helicopter, acting as a communications relay between it and Earth, as well as chronicling its flights. In order to ensure the test flights go as smoothly as possible, Perseverance, which is currently parked about 64 meters away at Van Zyl Overlook, is not undertaking its scientific tasks.

As such, the 30-day window for Ingenuity’s operation closes at the beginning of May, when Perseverance is scheduled to resume normal operations. At that time, the helicopter will be decommissioned, possibly by pushing it well beyond its design specifications and crashing it, and the main Mars 2020 mission will continue.

Afterwards, the data collected from Ingenuity’s flights will be carefully studied and analyzed for years to come, both to see what was learned by the craft itself and how it will inform the design of future extraterrestrial aircraft. There are already ideas to make a future Mars aircraft that will be larger and capable of communicating with orbiters without needing to go through a lander, allowing for a much longer and more involved mission.

What is learned from Ingenuity will also provide guidance for Dragonfly, a planned mission to Saturn’s largest moon, Titan. Dragonfly is scheduled to launch in 2027 and is being designed to fly from point to point on Titan’s surface and study that moon’s extraordinarily unique and complex chemistry. It will do so in part based on all that has been and will be learned from Ingenuity.

“Profits before lives” policy leads to 80,000 coronavirus deaths in Germany

Johannes Stern


The official number of coronavirus deaths in Germany surpassed the dramatic toll of 80,000 yesterday. In its daily update, the Robert Koch Institute, the country’s infectious disease agency, reported a total of 80,006 deaths.

It is already clear that many more will follow in the days and weeks ahead. Despite warnings from scientists and virologists, governments at the federal and state levels are refusing to impose a lockdown to close schools and workplaces, which are the main vectors for transmission. As a result, between 20,000 and 30,000 people are getting infected on a daily basis. Hospitals are on the verge of collapse.

Only during wartime has a comparable situation been witnessed. Around the world, more than 3 million people have died from COVID-19, including over 1 million in Europe and almost 600,000 in the United States. On a daily basis, over 10,000 people fall victim to the virus. By comparison, during the First World War, the greatest mass slaughter of humanity at the time in history, an average of 6,000 soldiers died every day.

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, chancellor Angela Merkel and president of the Bundestag Wolfgang Schäuble attend a service at the Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church to mark the central commemoration of those who died in the Corona pandemic in Germany, Berlin, Sunday, April 18, 2021. (Gordon Welters/Pool via AP)

After a year of the pandemic, the official propaganda can no longer conceal the fact that the governments bear full responsibility for mass death. This was underscored by the response to the official commemoration on Sunday in Berlin for those who have died during the pandemic. The sanctimonious speeches and crocodile tears from German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier (Social Democrats, SPD), Chancellor Angela Merkel (Christian Democrats, CDU), and Parliament President Wolfgang Schäuble (CDU) triggered anger and contempt among wide layers of workers and young people.

In response to the suggestion by leading representatives of the state that people place lit candles in their windows to commemorate the dead, a storm of rage erupted on social media. Under the slogan “#Einkerzen statt #Lichtfenster” (a candle instead of lit-up windows) workers and young people called on government representatives to light the candles themselves, since they have the dead on their consciences. “Light your own lamps, they are your dead, at least most of them. Perhaps one of your lights will turn on,” wrote one user on Twitter.

The protests were not confined to social media. Across the country, people placed candles in front of state chancelleries and government buildings to denounce the federal and state governments for their policy of “profits before lives.” “We won’t get used to the numerous deaths. Every candle represents a person who is no longer alive due to your dithering and your policies,” read one placard. Another stated, “You do everything to protect profits, dividends, and surpluses. Shame on you!”

The mass death on the one hand and the profit-making on the other are the direct products of a conscious policy in the interests of the banks and big business that the ruling class as a whole has pursued since the start of the pandemic.

When governments felt compelled during the first wave of the pandemic to implement lockdowns, and temporarily close schools and factories due to the pressure from the population and spontaneous strikes in countries like Italy, Spain and the United States, the stock markets plunged around the world. The ruling class’ response was murderous and brutal. They did not protect lives, but rather profits, and organised the greatest distribution of wealth from the bottom to the top in history.

When the federal government adopted the multibillion-euro coronavirus emergency bailout last spring, with the support of all political parties from the far-right Alternative for Germany to the Left Party and the trade unions, the World Socialist Web Site wrote, “the class character of the measures adopted is obvious. Their main goal is to protect and increase the wealth and profits of the major corporations and financial oligarchy.”

The funds had hardly reached the bank accounts of the major corporations and super-rich when the stock markets began to rise rapidly. This enrichment was accompanied by an essentially fascist campaign to open schools and workplaces as soon as possible in spite of the raging pandemic so that the funds used for the bailout could be squeezed out of the working class.

This campaign was led by the same Schäuble, who stood in the Kaiser Wilhelm Church on Sunday and claimed to be affected by the deaths. In an interview with the Tagesspiegel, he declared in April 2020 that it was not correct for everything else to take second place to the protection of life. The right to life is not protected “absolutely” by Germany’s Basic Law, he added.

One year later, 80,000 people are dead and the profits of a tiny layer at the top of society are growing immeasurably. With a peak of 15,500, Germany’s DAX stock exchange reached a record high yesterday. The financial oligarchy is doing better than ever. According to the latest list of billionaires published by the US magazine Forb e s, the number of billionaires increased in Germany during the first year of the pandemic by 29 from 107 to 136.

While millions of workers suffered severe wage cuts and lost their jobs, the super-rich increased their wealth over the past 12 months by $178 billion and now possesses over $625 billion. This amount is much more than the 2021 federal budget (€498 billion).

The World Socialist Web Site described the pandemic from the outset as a “trigger event” that not only laid bare the economic, social and political crisis of the capitalist system, but enormously accelerated it. Over the past 12 months, the ruling elite has intensified its social spending cuts and exploited the situation to stuff their pockets full at the expense of the workers, and carry out long planned restructuring.

The war drive and the vast expansion of the domestic apparatus of police-state repression have also been massively accelerated. The US government, first under Trump and now Joe Biden, is accusing China of being responsible for the pandemic and preparing ever more directly for a military conflict with the nuclear-armed power. The European powers, with Germany in the lead, are exploiting the crisis to rearm massively in order to enforce their own imperialist interests against Russia and China, and, ever more openly, against the United States.

In his opening address to the digital congress held by the right-wing daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Steinmeier said on March 12 that the pandemic is a “geopolitical moment—a moment that other powers are using in a cool, calculated manner for themselves. It should be clear to us that our actions towards our neighbours today will influence the world that the new federal government will find when it takes power in the autumn. As a power at the heart of Europe, we should not forget to look at ourselves through the eyes of our neighbours.”

What is in fact concealed behind Steinmeier’s altruism is the old great power ambition of the German elites, who after two lost world wars are once again setting themselves the goal of dominating the world. “Germany’s destiny: Lead Europe in order to lead the world” was the title of an essay posted on the website of Review 2014 run by the Foreign Ministry in 2014. These plans are now set to be put into practice.

Just a few weeks ago, the federal government increased the military budget by another 5 percent, bringing it close to €50 billion. At the same time, hardly a day passes without CDU Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer agitating against Russia.

This course is supported by all political parties in parliament. In its election programme for the vote in September, the Greens called for the major rearmament of the German armed forces and NATO, and issued threats against Russia and China. The officially crowned chancellor candidate for the Greens, Analena Baerbock, is more closely associated perhaps than anyone else with the Greens’ aggressive militarist policy. “We have to be honest. Yes, in some areas, more has to be invested. So that rifles shoot,” she told the Süddeutsche Zeitung .

The new leadership of the Left Party has also made clear in recent weeks that as a member of an SPD/Left Party/Green coalition government, the Left Party would fully support its militarist agenda. At the state level, the Left Party is already implementing the “profits before lives” policy in partnership with the SPD and Greens, most aggressively in Thuringia where the Left Party’s Bodo Ramelow is minister president.

In opposition to the entire ruling class’ reactionary policies, opposition is growing. Workers and young people are being radicalised around the world, and are organising strikes and protests against the spread of the pandemic, police violence, and the attacks on jobs and wages.

US, EU step up campaign over right-wing Putin critic Navalny

Clara Weiss


Amid mounting military tensions in the Black Sea region and a diplomatic crisis between the US and Russia, the EU and the Biden administration have stepped up yet again the campaign over the right-wing anti-Putin oppositionist Alexei Navalny.

Navalny was sentenced to over two years in prison in February after he returned to Russia from Berlin where he had spent several months after allegedly being poisoned in August. Between August and January, the American and German press was filled with ongoing reports about the alleged attempt of Russian President Vladimir Putin to murder him with the nerve agent Novichok. These allegations, presented as fact by the Western media, were, in fact, never proven and have been riddled with contradictions.

Alexei Navalny (Wikimedia Commons)

Now the US and EU have stepped up the campaign over Navalny again. For the past three weeks, he has been on a hunger strike. His doctors now claim that his blood chemistry is so concerning that they believe that he could “die any moment.”

On Saturday, US President Joe Biden described the treatment of Navalny as “totally, totally unfair” and “totally inappropriate.” The White House said that there would be “consequences” should Navalny die while in detention. On Monday, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki again emphasized, “What happens to Mr. Navalny in the custody of the Russian government is the responsibility of the Russian government. They will be held accountable by the international community.”

According to US Ambassador to Russia John Sullivan, “communication to the Russian government on this issue” would primarily proceed “privately and through diplomatic channels direct to the uppermost levels of the Russian government.”

The New York Times also published an editorial on Saturday, demanding that Putin allow Navalny to see his doctors in order to “save his life.”

Senator Bernie Sanders lost no time to line up behind the renewed campaign over Navalny, tweeting, “Make no mistake about what is happening here: activist Aleksei Navalny is being murdered in front of the world by Vladimir Putin for the crime of exposing Putin’s vast corruption. Navalny’s doctors must be allowed to see him immediately.”

In a similar vein, the high representative of the European Union, Josep Barrel, called upon the Kremlin to provide Navalny with the necessary medical treatment. Barrel said the EU was “very concerned” about his condition and that they held Russia “responsible” for it.

On Monday, it was reported that Navalny has now been transferred to a prison hospital but his staff insists that he was only transferred to a different penal colony.

Workers should reject the hypocritical campaign by the imperialist powers over the alleged mistreatment and “murder” of Navalny with the contempt that it deserves. The same politicians who now attack the Kremlin for alleged mistreatment of Navalny bear full responsibility for the year-long torture and illegal detainment of Julian Assange, a journalist and publisher who has exposed historic war crimes of US imperialism in the Middle East. If there is any political prisoner in the world who has been documented to really be tortured and murdered in slow motion by the state, it is Assange, and it is the US government that is primarily responsible.

The reality is that none of these imperialist politicians would care about Navalny if he had not been built up for more than a decade as a pro-capitalist opposition figure, capable of mobilizing layers within the Russian oligarchy, the state and upper middle class against Putin. While the New York Times and American and EU politicians present him as a “democratic” oppositionist, Navalny has well-documented connections to the Russian neo-Nazi scene.

He co-organized the notorious annual far-right Russian March for several years in a row and published rabidly racist propaganda videos on his YouTube channel, denouncing immigrants from the Caucasus as “cockroaches” that had to be “removed” like rotten teeth. He never apologized for or distanced himself from these far-right views and activities. In February, Amnesty International, no doubt facing enormous public pressure, felt compelled to revoke his status as a “prisoner of conscience” because of what they acknowledged was “hate speech.”

The renewed campaign over Navalny comes amidst mounting tensions between NATO and Russia over the conflict in Ukraine in the Black Sea region. Last week, the US recalled the planned deployment of two warships to the Black Sea. A Kremlin representative had earlier warned the US to “stay away from the Black Sea … for their own good.” However, shortly thereafter, on Thursday, US President Joe Biden announced new sanctions against Russia and the expulsion of 10 Russian diplomats.

The Kremlin has since expelled 10 US diplomats in response. The Czech Republic, using a dubious explosion at an arms factory seven years ago as a pretext, has now also expelled 18 Russian diplomats as “spies,” the Kremlin retaliating by expelling 20 Czech diplomats. On Sunday, the UK announced that it would send two warships to the Black Sea.

Commenting on the rapid deterioration of US-Russia relations, Fyodor Lukyanov, one of the main foreign policy pundits in Russia with close ties to the Kremlin, wrote on Monday that “between Russia and the US there is basically no common agenda left apart from what they call ‘deconflicting’ [Syria, Ukraine] which is something that the military must take care of.” He noted that the back and forth in Washington with regard to Russia, including the proposal by Biden for a bilateral summit, indicated “chaos.” Lukyanov wrote, “we are witnessing the final demise of the relations between Moscow and Washington as they have existed” over the past decades. Moscow’s response, he argued, had to be an ever-stronger orientation toward an alliance with China.

As Russian-US relations have been breaking down rapidly, the Kremlin has been particularly concerned about Berlin’s heavy involvement in the campaign over Navalny. When Navalny fell ill on a plane in August, he was transferred to the Berlin hospital Charité following the direct intervention of Chancellor Angela Merkel. Last week, the Spiegel magazine revealed that several leading German politicians, including Jürgen Trittin (Greens) and Nils Schmid (SPD), had written a letter to Navalny accusing the Russian government of “targeted torture” and expressing their “complete solidarity” with him.

The Spiegel also reported that the Russian ambassador to Germany Sergei Nechaev made a formal visit to the German foreign ministry on February 16 to accuse the German government of having assisted Navalny in the production of a two-hour-long video which details corruption allegations against Putin. The video deliberately tapped into mass discontent over social inequality which, thirty years after the destruction of the USSR by the Stalinist bureaucracy, is higher in Russia than in any other major economy in the world. It has been watched by 116 million people.

On Monday, the Tagesspiegel published an interview with Alexei Gresko, a member of Navalny’s staff. Acting as if his team had not warned the world almost daily about Navalny’s imminent death from Novichok just months ago, he said, “We previously never dared speak about the possibility of his death. Now we are openly discussing that he might die.” He called upon the West to respond by showing “strength.” “There has to be a response with financial consequences: The bank accounts of Putin’s supporters must be frozen. This is the only language that he and those he trusts can understand.”

These appeals make very clear what stands behind the campaign over Navalny: It is aimed at destabilizing the Putin regime by pressuring the oligarchs that still overwhelmingly back Putin, while mobilizing right-wing layers of the middle class behind a rival section of the oligarchy and imperialism. It is a part of a regime-change operation which is aimed at installing a right-wing, pro-Western government. The working class can only advance its own interests by basing its opposition to the oligarchic Putin regime on a socialist basis, completely independent from the machinations of imperialism and sections of the oligarchy.

Australia announces withdrawal from Afghanistan

Oscar Grenfell


Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced last Thursday that the country’s remaining 80 troops in Afghanistan will be withdrawn by the end of the year, bringing to a close Australia’s continuous involvement in the longest-running war of recent history.

The announcement underscored the extent to which Morrison’s Liberal-National Coalition government, with the full support of the Labor opposition, is marching in lockstep with the US administration of President Joseph Biden. It came a day after Biden had declared that American troops would leave Afghanistan by the end of the year.

Australian Special Air Service (SAS) soldier murdering unarmed Afghan civilian (Screenshot from video leaked to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation in March 2020)

As the WSWS has noted, the withdrawal will not end the decades of imperialist criminality visited upon the Afghan people. The Central Asian nation will still be ruled over by a US-aligned puppet government, thousands of American military advisors and intelligence operatives will remain, and murderous drone warfare is to continue.

Morrison, like Biden, presented the invasion and occupation, which has claimed at least 100,000 Afghan lives and further laid waste to one of the poorest countries on earth, as a noble exercise in philanthropy.

The PM affected emotion as he read out the names of the 41 Australian military personnel who died in the conflict. The war had taken a heavy toll, Morrison said, but “freedom is always worth it…That is why Australians who have served in our defence forces have always pulled on that uniform.”

One reporter pointed to the elephant in the room, referencing the official Brereton report, released last November. It found credible evidence that Australian troops had committed war crimes in Afghanistan, including at least 39 murders, torture, and a redacted incident described as “possibly the most disgraceful episode in Australia’s military history.”

Morrison was having none of it. “There will be time to talk about those things. Today is not that time,” he replied.

In fact, the government and Labor opposition do not want to talk about the atrocities at any time. Five months after the Brereton report appeared, an official investigation into whether criminal charges can be brought against any of the perpetrators is proceeding at a snail’s pace.

Despite the fact that no one has been held accountable, Defence Minister Peter Dutton has insisted that it is time to move on and for the military to “get back to business.” His assistant minister Andrew Hastie, a former special forces captain in Afghanistan, was more explicit, declaring last week that the military had to focus on its “core business,” which was the “application of lethal violence in the defence of our values, sovereignty and interests.”

Liberal backbencher and Afghan veteran Phillip Thompson, who is collaborating closely with Dutton and Hastie, added that the military had been beleaguered in recent times by a culture of “woke” political correctness. When soldiers were deployed on operations, Thompson said, they needed to “have an unapologetic aggression and violence to get the mission done.”

Dutton put this line into practice yesterday, overruling a recommendation from the Brereton Inquiry for the removal of a “meritorious citation” awarded to the Special Operations Task Group. The award honoured the group for its activities over the same period that some of its members were accused of murdering, torturing and otherwise terrorising the Afghan population.

In other words, the capstone of Australia’s involvement in Afghanistan is a more or less open defence of shock troops accused of the gravest violations of international law. This underscores the criminality of Australia’s participation in the war, and the fraudulent character of the paeans to a supposedly “humanitarian mission” by virtually the entire political and media establishment.

Australia’s two decades in Afghanistan implicate the ruling class in all of the crimes committed by the US and allied forces against the oppressed nation.

This began with the 2001 invasion itself. The Coalition government of Prime Minister John Howard was among the most enthusiastic participants in the launching of a war of aggression.

Together with Labor leader Kim Beazley, dubbed “bomber Beazley” because of his promotion of imperialist interventions, the Howard government touted the fraudulent claim that the conflict was a legitimate “war on terror” prompted by the 9/11 attacks, and immediately committed troops. In reality, the US had long been preparing a war aimed at securing greater dominance over the geo-strategically crucial Central Asian region.

Australian troop numbers ebbed and flowed over the course of the conflict, in line with the requests of the US, but the unconditional support for the occupation, on the part of Labor and the Coalition, has been a constant.

The first public allegations of Australian war crimes, date from 2006, and involve reports of unarmed civilians being shot dead. Between 2001 and 2009, the Australian authorities paid some $120,000 in compensation to Afghan civilians—a tacit admission that such events did take place. Every military force involved in the occupation has had similar charges laid against it.

The most-heavily documented Australian war crimes, covered in the Brereton report, span from 2009 to 2013. The timing is hardly an accident, coinciding with the most active combat role that Australian troops took at any point during the occupation. While Australia’s troop deployment may not have been as large as other US allies, it played a crucial role in the illegal war, stepping in precisely when the US occupation was under challenge.

In 2010, as Afghan militias stepped up their struggle against the occupation, the US intensified a “counter-insurgency” operation, including through a massive troop surge overseen by the Obama administration. The Labor government of Prime Minister Julia Gillard fully supported this effort, presiding over a dramatic increase of Australia’s participation in US “kill or capture” operations targeting alleged Taliban commanders.

Contemporaneous press reports revealed that between December 2010 and September 2011, Australian troops had played a central role in more than 30 of these decapitation raids.

During this period, Australian forces took a lead role in Uruzgan province, following the withdrawal of troops by the Netherlands. There they partnered with Matiullah Khan, a warlord involved in drug-running, extortion and the murder of his political rivals.

The actions of the Australian special forces, as documented in the Brereton report and whistleblower exposures, themselves resemble those of a criminal gang. Junior soldiers were “blooded” by murdering civilians; illegal killings were covered up by planting weapons on the victims, detainees were routinely tortured, if not done away with altogether.

While the Brereton report states that there is evidence of 39 murders, it acknowledges that there were likely more. There is good reason to believe that the figure is a significant understatement. A preliminary 2016 report heard accounts of My Lai-style massacres. When they raided a village, Australian troops “would take the men and boys to these guest houses and interrogate them, meaning tie them up and torture them.” After the soldiers left, “the men and boys would be found dead, shot in the head, sometimes blindfolded and throats slit. These are corroborated accounts.”

The entire Australian establishment is implicated in the atrocities. This includes various Greens and left-liberals, who promoted the Afghan occupation as the “good war,” contrasting it with the “quagmire” in Iraq and even claiming that it was being waged to advance the rights of women as such crimes were taking place.

The official haste to move on from the war crimes is a continuation of a protracted cover-up. It is motivated by the untenable character of the central claim of the Brereton report, namely that no one in government or military command was aware of the crimes as they were being carried out. In reality, the atrocities flowed directly from the “counter-insurgency” operation presided over by governments and army headquarters, and the predatory nature of the entire war.

The attempts to downplay the war crimes, coupled with the promotion of an “aggressive” military oriented to the “application of lethal force,” are also bound up with Australia’s central role in the US preparations for war against China. Biden’s withdrawal is explicitly aimed at concentrating American forces in the Indo-Pacific, to target China, and in eastern Europe, where they are directed against Russia.

Australia has been aligned with the US “pivot to Asia,” since it was announced by Obama in 2011. Dutton and Morrison, with the backing of Labor have signaled a further intensification of Australian involvement, backing all of the provocations and threats against Beijing by the Trump and Biden administrations over the past year. Dutton’s recent installation as defence minister has coincided with the announcement of plans for a further Australian military build-up, including through a domestic program to construct missiles for the first time since the 1960s.

An article in the Murdoch-owned Australian last week, hailing Dutton’s “support” for soldiers and his opposition to the revocation of the special forces meritorious citation, bluntly declared: “Heightened security threats, including the possibility of a great power conflict over Taiwan, mean Australia’s service men and women must be ready for whatever lies ahead.”

Sri Lankan minister urges President Rajapakse to act like Hitler

K. Ratnayake


In extraordinary remarks at an April 12 press conference in Colombo, Sri Lanka’s state minister of transport, Dilum Amunugama, declared: “If the public are blaming the government for its lack of progress then they do so because the people voted [President] Gotabhaya Rajapakse into power expecting him to play the part of the dictator and get things done.”

Screenshot from video of State Minister Dilum Amunugama (YouTube)

Amunugama said Buddhist monks also wanted Rajapakse to act like Hitler. “If he is pushed to become like Hitler through the action of various groups, if he will turn to Hitler, then no one will blame him. Everything will be fine.”

Significantly, Rajapakse did not distance himself from his state minister’s sinister remarks. Government spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella attempted to gloss over the comments, saying they were just Amunugama’s “personal opinion,” not the government’s “collective stance.”

The Nazi dictator, Adolf Hitler, was brought to power in 1933 by the German imperialism amid a profound economic and social crisis. Having been assisted to power by the disastrous policies of the Soviet Stalinist regime, the Nazis crushed the working class and smashed its organisations, carried out the systematic murder of six million Jews and other minorities, and paved way for the catastrophic World War II between Germany and the other imperialist powers.

Sri Lanka is not an imperialist country. However, Amunugama’s statements urging Rajapakse to become a Hitler are part of a campaign by sections of the ruling elite for a ruthless presidential dictatorship amid a deepening political crisis intensified by the global pandemic.

Amunugama’s claim that 6.9 million people voted for Rajapakse because they wanted him to act like a dictator is utterly false. Lacking any alternative, many voted for him to express their opposition to the previous “national unity” government of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, which implemented hash austerity measures dictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Rajapakse and his Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) exploited this opposition by making phony promises to improve living conditions. In the same breath, he pledged to the ruling class to establish a “stable and strong” government. He rallied Sinhala extremist groups, the Buddhist clergy and sections of military by whipping up anti-Tamil and anti-Muslim chauvinism and promoting Sinhala Buddhist supremacism.

It is these extreme right-wing, chauvinist layers for whom Amunugama is speaking. At a ceremony for Rajapakse’s 69th birthday in June 2018, Vendaruvey Upali, a chief prelate of one of the prominent Buddhist sects, advised him: “If they call you a Hitler, then be a Hitler and build the country.” Far from condemning Vendaruvey Upali, Rajapakse denounced those who criticised the prelate for his comments. After coming to power, Rajapakse rapidly began to install former and serving senior military officers in key administrative positions, including retired Major General Kamal Gunaratne as defence secretary. Using the pandemic as a pretext, he accelerated the militarisation, appointing two dozen or more officers to top posts.

Last November, parliament passed the 20th amendment to the constitution, giving autocratic powers to the executive president, including to appoint senior state officials and judges, to dissolve parliament and impose emergency bills. These powers go beyond even the anti-democratic 1978 constitution.

The push for dictatorial measures takes place amid fear in ruling circles of a mounting crisis. The Sunday Times political columnist wrote on April 11 that the government, “now 17 months in office, is plunging catastrophically from one crisis to another… The economy received a devastating blow from COVID-19. Businesses, both big and small, were hit triggering large-scale unemployment. The bigger ones received relief packages and not the others…”

The column noted the emergence of mass anti-government opposition over the skyrocketing price of essentials, the shortage of vaccines, rampant corruption and environment destruction. It made no mention of the main factor intensifying the government’s crisis—the eruption of class struggles as part of a global upsurge of the working class amid the devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

From 2018, the previous Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government confronted a growing movement of the working class against its austerity measures. Now working-class struggles are re-emerging. During the first two weeks of April, thousands of state sector employees, including in education, health, water, electricity and the banks, held one-day strikes or demonstrations demanding higher salaries and better conditions.

In response, the Rajapakse regime is intensifying its anti-Tamil and anti-Muslim campaign to divide the opposition. On Friday, the police arrested five Tamil youth, accusing them of seeking to “revive terrorism”—that is, the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam that was militarily defeated in May 2009. Several Muslim leaders have been arrested under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Rajapakse has introduced into parliament the recommendations of the presidential commission on political victimisation. If passed, many of those in the ruling party who have been convicted or face court cases will go scot-free. At the same time, those who made complaints against the so-called victimised persons, including political opponents, will face charges.

Last week, the justice minister told Aruna that he would soon submit a cabinet paper on sweeping new censorship laws to curb “false news,” including related to national security, public health, law and order, state finance and relations with other countries. Also banned will be any “false news” allegedly aimed at undermining confidence in the government’s actions.

Amunugama’s remarks are a warning that the ruling class is pushing for dramatically increased dictatorial measures to crush opposition, particularly in the working class. This is part of the promotion of extreme-right forces internationally, including the fascistic Alternative for Germany party and neo-Nazi groups in Germany. In the US, the centre of world capitalism, former President Donald Trump instigated a fascist coup on January 6 in a bid to prevent the inauguration of Joe Biden as president.

19 Apr 2021

Libya: What a Khazi

John Clamp


Just in case they’re short on historical examples of Western perfidy, the leaders of ‘rogue states’ around the world need remember just one name when they’re courted by the ‘civilized’ West: Gaddafi. The deceased Libyan ruler’s downfall has been an axiomatic argument against making concessions ever since.

The lawless Libyan mess has turned into a highly efficient migrant funnel which has facilitated right-wing rhetoric in a Europe that appears to have forgotten why the UN refugee conventions were instituted. No doubt Europol focus groups are telling representatives that ethics don’t sell. Libya is a textbook example of Western hubris, where ‘decisive’/’surgical’ violence is labelled ‘humanitarian’, though followed by Stone-Age living conditions and warlordism. It’s taken ten years to finally fix an agreed a date for new elections, due in December, but the social legacy of the Western intervention will take much longer to heal.

In the decade that Libya has been a deadly place to live, migration from Africa to Europe has risen sharply. Sub-Saharan applications for asylum in Europe were barely 50,000 in 2010, but close to 170,000 in 2017. Most transited via Libya. Libya’s hundreds of miles of coastline, effectively unpoliced, was an own goal in the classic Western mold: (‘We had to destroy the town to save it.’).

Gaddafi’s regime’s brutality held together its fissiparous regional factions and tribes. It’s these which have generated the Scrabble bag of militia handles that litter today’s situational maps of the country.

Everyone and their mother seems to want to find and sponsor (or create) a proxy in this civil conflict. Qatar and the United Arab Emirates sponsor rival groups, and even ISIL (funny how the Wahhabists turn up wherever there’s oil and gas in the mix, isn’t it?) has had a presence. The new coyotes were former logistics people forced to swap cargoes or fail to feed their families. They borrowed the old oil smuggling routes to get their human charges to the coast. The competition burgeoned; prices tanked from a thousand bucks to just 90 in a few years.

The real idiocy of the forced endgame of Gaddafi’s regime was the yawning chasm of a power vacuum it created. The ‘humanitarian’ bombing campaign led by the U.K., France, and the U.S., was Iraq-thorough, destroying not just military but also civilian infrastructure. For the air forces concerned, it was like Yemen today for the Saudis: target practice.

European policies towards Libya were the proximal cause of the migrant flows to Sicily and Italy. They’re still leaving, and sinking, and drowning in their hundreds. All the Libya crisis has done is create a North African escape hatch from the continent for the millions of migrants mired in sub-Saharan resource wars and poverty.

This was an entirely avoidable tragedy. Gaddafi offered to mount elections by the end of 2011 and accept the results. His offer was ignored. One recent NGO report advised the international community to ‘prioritize economic development’. Better advice would have been not to destroy it in the first place.