17 Jun 2022

Ambulance services at breaking point across Australia

Clare Bruderlin


The impact of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic in Australia, coupled with influenza and widespread understaffing, threatens to catastrophically overwhelm a health system already in crisis. New reports emerge every week of overflowing emergency departments and record ambulance delays in every state and territory.

An ambulance in Sydney in 2020 (Credit: Wikimedia, Helitak430)

Hundreds of deaths from COVID-19 are being recorded each week and hospitalisations continue to grow. The official death-toll is now over 9,000. This is entirely the result of the “let it rip” policy, enforced by state and federal governments, Labor and Liberal-National, which have sacrificed lives for corporate profits.

The New South Wales (NSW) Bureau of Health Information’s “Healthcare Quarterly,” released on Wednesday, provided a glimpse of the deteriorating conditions.

In NSW, ambulance response times are at their worst recorded levels in the period from January to March this year. Ambulances did not arrive to 63.3 percent of emergency priority cases within 15 minutes. More than 20 percent of those in this category, requiring the most urgent care, waited for over 30 minutes.

A shortage of beds means that ambulances are frequently forced to “ramp” with patients outside of hospitals for hours on end. At times, the entire ambulance fleet at country centres such as Gosford and Wyong will be stuck outside the regional hospitals waiting for beds in emergency departments.

There are also occasions when there are no available ambulances whatsoever in the large regional centres of greater Newcastle and Illawarra.

Before the pandemic, NSW Ambulance, the employing authority, would attend about one million calls a year. However, in 2021 there were 1.43 million Triple-0 calls. Before the pandemic there were an average of 3,300 calls a day. In April this year there were 116,000 calls. This is an average of 3,860 a day, an increase of 500 every day.

With no boost to resources, paramedics are being asked to fill the shortfall. The Sydney Morning Herald reported that NSW Ambulance has asked crews to work overtime and start day shifts early to “assist with backlog.” One manager admitted to the paper that paramedics are being asked to work up to 16 hour shifts to “mop up all the calls ambulances haven’t been able to get to overnight.”

NSW Ambulance also moved at the behest of the state Liberal-National government to provide a short-term fix, which would see a sifting process to avoid an ambulance response for non-emergency calls to Triple-0. This would divert some callers to general practitioners or pharmacists or advise them to make their own way to hospital rather than relying on an ambulance.

Medical experts have warned that this could result in numerous tragedies, with ill patients effectively denied an ambulance and hospital admission.

Earlier this month, the NSW government announced a measly $1.76 billion over four years for “frontline emergency care.” It claimed that this would include the hiring of some 1,850 additional paramedics over four years and the construction of 30 new ambulance stations.

The Health Services Union ambulance division (ADHSU) which, along with the Australian Paramedics Association (APA), has repeatedly rejected calls from paramedics for united action, immediately welcomed the announcement. This was despite national president Gerard Hayes stating last month that there would need to be “at least 2,000 extra paramedics to be able to cope with rising demand.”

Workers have rightly asked, where will these paramedics come from? But even if the number of paramedics is increased, it will not alleviate the crisis.

Productivity Commission figures show that there are 48.6 ambulance officers, including students and qualified paramedics, per 100,000 people in NSW. This is compared to a still inadequate ratio of 61.7 per 100,000 in Victoria, 71.3 in Queensland and 61.1 in South Australia, where ambulance services are also buckling under the strain of rising COVID-19 and influenza cases, as well as staff illness.

In Victoria there have been two Code Reds called this year when there were no ambulances available at all to respond to emergency calls. A recent budget estimates hearing heard at least twenty-one Victorians have died waiting for an ambulance in the past six months.

In Queensland, in events that are becoming typical, 170 patients were left waiting for ambulances ramped elsewhere on May 16. Figures for the month of March showed that almost 50 percent of Queensland patients who had arrived at hospital by ambulance, waited more than 30 minutes to be admitted.

Hospital emergency departments are so overcrowded that patients are reportedly being treated in corridors as ambulances are routinely ramped for hours outside, waiting to offload patients.

Only Western Australia had a ratio worse than NSW, with 34 paramedics per 100,000 people. In June, St John Ambulance WA said roughly 22 percent of the Perth metropolitan fleet was ramped at any given time. Figures for May showed paramedics spent 5,252 hours ramped outside hospitals, the highest-ever total recorded for that month.

There is a growing gulf between the anger and frustration of paramedics and other healthcare workers, and the limited and isolated actions promoted by the unions. On the Facebook page of the Australian Paramedics Association, which recently ended workers’ five-day work bans without their demands being met, comments indicate that paramedics are being driven to the end of their tether.

One, forced into resignation wrote: “Got pulled into the office for a ‘chat’ for taking ‘too much sick leave’ even though I hadn’t actually used all my sick leave. Dangerously fatigued? No one cares. Haven’t eaten for 8 or 10 hours? No one cares… Thank god I got out when I did. I would’ve had a nervous breakdown or be dead by now.”

Another, pointed towards the heart of the problem, writing: “Sorry but I have to disagree with ‘the power is within our hands.’ If it WAS in Paramedics’ hands it would not be happening year after year & getting worse. If it WAS in Paramedics’ hands we would know that we were supported by upper management and both unions when we say we’re exhausted and need a break, not just supported but met with action… 

“If it WAS in Paramedics’ hands it would not have gotten to the point of collapse. These issues are not new, they have not magically materialise[d] due to CoVid. They are historically endemic within a broken system, a pandemic in its own right with a history of misuse, mismanagement by government, & yes complacency by those that are supposed to support & fight for us…”

The new federal Labor government, which has been welcomed by the health unions, has declared that “sacrifices” are needed in order to repair a “dire” budget situation. In its submission to the Fair Work Commission, the Labor government opposed any “across the board” pay rise for workers in line with inflation, regardless of the sky-rocketing cost of living.

Workers have demonstrated their willingness to fight these attacks. In recent months health workers have gone on strike, as well as teachers and other public sector workers, often in defiance of orders by the industrial courts.

These actions by workers in the face of prohibitions from the industrial relations regime have urgently alarmed health union bureaucrats who work constantly to subordinate their members to the orders of the industrial courts and prevent challenges to its legitimacy.

The unions act as a police force for governments and big business, and have presided over historic cuts to real wages and working conditions, attacks on jobs and the privatisation of healthcare, over decades.

Health workers everywhere are confronted with deep-seated systemic problems bound up with the prioritising of profits over lives, the decades of funding cuts and the privatisation of healthcare under Labor and Liberal-National governments alike.

UK Home Secretary Patel approves extradition of Julian Assange to the United States

Robert Stevens


UK Home Secretary Priti Patel has approved the extradition of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange to the United States. If extradited, he faces life imprisonment on charges under the Espionage Act for journalism exposing US war crimes, coup plots and human rights abuses and the complicity of the UK and other imperialist allies.

Britain's Home Secretary Priti Patel walks through the Central Lobby at the Palace of Westminster, during the State Opening of Parliament, in the Houses of Parliament, in London, Tuesday, May 10, 2022. [AP Photo/Justin Tallis/Pool Photo]

After over 11 and half years since he was first arrested in London in December 2010, kept in arbitrary detention and then imprisoned in London’s maximum security Belmarsh, the British government has dispensed with all legal norms and signed an order that could well result in Assange’s death.

A Home Office spokesperson said, “Under the Extradition Act 2003, the secretary of state must sign an extradition order if there are no grounds to prohibit the order being made.

“Extradition requests are only sent to the home secretary once a judge decides it can proceed after considering various aspects of the case.

“On 17 June, following consideration by both the magistrates court and high court, the extradition of Mr Julian Assange to the US was ordered. Mr Assange retains the normal 14-day right to appeal.

“In this case, the UK courts have not found that it would be oppressive, unjust or an abuse of process to extradite Mr Assange.”

Patel’s decision obliterates any notion of democracy and due process. WikiLeaks denounced the decision as a “dark day for Press freedom and for British democracy”. It announced it would appeal the decision to the UK High Court.

WikiLeaks stated, “This is a dark day for press freedom and for British democracy. Anyone in this country who cares about freedom of expression should be deeply ashamed that the Home Secretary has approved the extradition of Julian Assange to the United States, the country that plotted his assassination.

“Julian did nothing wrong. He has committed no crime and is not a criminal. He is a journalist and a publisher, and he is being punished for doing his job.

“It was in Priti Patel’s power to do the right thing. Instead she will forever be remembered as an accomplice of the United States in its agenda to turn investigative journalism into a criminal enterprise.

“The Home Secretary is condoning not only the criminality committed by the US government against Julian, but also those US government crimes exposed by WikiLeaks.”

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange greets supporters from a balcony of the Ecuadorian embassy in London on May 19, 2017 [AP Photo/Frank Augstein]

The statement finished with the pledge, “The path to Julian’s freedom is long and tortuous. Today is not the end of the fight. It is only the beginning of a new legal battle. We will appeal through the legal system, the next appeal will be before the High Court. We will fight louder and shout harder on the streets, we will organise and we will make Julian’s story be known to all.

“Make no mistake, this has always been a political case. Julian published evidence that the country trying to extradite him committed war crimes and covered them up; tortured and rendered; bribed foreign officials; and corrupted judicial inquiries into US wrongdoing. Their revenge is to try to disappear him into the darkest recesses of their prison system for the rest of his life to deter others from holding governments to account.

“We will not let that happen. Julian’s freedom is coupled to all our freedoms. We will fight to return Julian to his family and to regain freedom of expression for us all.”

If Assange is not successful with his legal appeals, he will be handed over to the Biden administration. In 2010, amid a global manhunt orchestrated by the imperialist powers, Biden, then vice president to Barack Obama, described Assange as a “hi-tech terrorist”.

The decision of Patel, a political sadist, to sign the order was a foregone conclusion, assisted by a judiciary determined to ensure his extradition. In January 2021, district court judge Vanessa Baraitser ruled that Assange could not be extradited to the US on mental health grounds, acknowledging that the WikiLeaks founder was at severe risk of suicide. But her decision was  overturned after an appeal by the US government, with Britain’s High Court judges accepting empty “assurances” that Assange would not be subject to oppressive prison conditions.

Patel’s decision came just one week after more than 300 doctors from 35 countries wrote to the home secretary calling on her to block Assange’s extradition, demanding his release. In signing the order Patel dismissed their grave concerns over Assange’s health.

Their letter declared, “In October 2021 Mr. Assange suffered a ‘mini-stroke’. This dangerous deterioration of Mr Assange’s health underscores the medical concern that the chronic stress caused by his harsh prison conditions, as well as his justified fear of the conditions that he would face in the case of extradition, leaves Mr Assange vulnerable to cardiovascular events.”

The doctors continued, “This dramatic deterioration of Mr Assange’s health has not yet been considered in his extradition proceedings. The US assurances accepted by the High Court, therefore, which would form the basis of any extradition approval, are founded upon outdated medical information, rendering them obsolete.”

Since taking over the Home Office under Conservative government Prime Minister Boris Johnson—who celebrated Assange being illegally dragged out of the Ecuadorian Embassy where he was seeking refuge in 2019—Patel has authored a raft of ever more draconian legislation. Her latest assault on democratic rights is the National Security Bill. It is a charter designed to criminalise protest at military sites and journalism exposing government lies used to prepare and justify military aggression.

As it passed its second reading on June 6, a major step to becoming legislation over the next six months, Assange and WikiLeaks were the targets of frenzied denunciations in parliament by Tory MP’s. The government was backed by Labour’s Shadow Home Secretary Yvette Cooper. When asked by Tory MP Theresa Villiers if she would “condemn the WikiLeaks-type mass dumping of information in the public domain,” Cooper replied, “Yes, I strongly do, because some of the examples of such leaks that we have seen put agents’ lives at risk, put vital parts of our national security and intelligence infrastructure at risk and are highly irresponsible.”

The WSWS noted that enacting the legislation demonstrated that “the persecution of Assange is setting the precedent for an unprecedented assault on freedom of speech, protest and the media, in line with escalating plans for imperialist war abroad and social counterrevolution at home.”

Patel’s order means that Assange is a major step closer to being extradited to the United States. And given the record of the British judiciary and its contemptible treatment of the heroic journalist since 2010, there is no reason to anticipate a positive outcome to a High Court appeal.

16 Jun 2022

Alfred Friendly Press Partners Fellowship 2023

Application Deadline: 31st August 2022

Eligible Countries: Developing Countries

To be taken at (country): Missouri School of Journalism and U.S. newsrooms, USA

About the Award: The Alfred Friendly Press Fellowships are aimed at providing fellows with experience in reporting, writing and editing that will enhance future professional performance; transferring knowledge gained during the program to colleagues at home; and fostering ties between journalists in the United States and other countries.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: To be eligible, candidates must be:

  • Early-career professional journalists from developing countries with proficiency in English
  • 25-35 years old
  • have at least three years of experience as a journalist at a print, online or broadcast media outlet.
  • Participants who work as staff reporters in their host newsrooms are required to develop training plans that they implement when they return to their home newsrooms. ​

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Program: Fellows receive travel, health insurance and basic living expenses.

Duration of Program: 6 months. The ​all-inclusive ​fellowship starts in mid-March and ends in early September.

How to Apply: Click here to apply 

Visit Programme Webpage for details

Stanford Biodesign Innovation Fellowship 2023/2024

Application Deadline: 12th August 2022

About the Award: The Biodesign Innovation Fellowship is a 10-month experience that equips aspiring innovators with a proven, repeatable process to identify important healthcare needs, invent novel health technologies to address them, and prepare to implement those products into patient care through start-up, corporate channels, or other channels. In addition, the Innovation Fellows become part of the Stanford Biodesign community, which is a life-long, worldwide network of innovators passionate about improving healthcare.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: Individuals with advanced degrees and/or substantial work experience in the engineering, science, computer science, business, product design, law, medical, or nursing fields are encouraged to apply. Fellows will be selected based on their experience, passion, and drive, as well as their potential to become leading innovators in the health tech field. Applicants are welcome from any country.

Eligible Countries: Any

To be Taken at (Country): Stanford Biodesign Fellows become members of the Stanford Biodesign team at the James H. Clark Center on the Stanford University campus. Clinical immersion is completed at Stanford Health Care, as well as a variety of other settings across the continuum of care.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The Stanford Biodesign Innovation Fellowship is a launch pad for initiating, redirecting, or accelerating a career in health technology innovation. Stanford Biodesign graduates apply their talents to:

  • Catalyzing innovation inside major health technology companies
  • Building their own health technology start-ups
  • Teaching and/or leading translational research programs for world-class universities
  • Driving innovation initiatives within academic or private medical centers
  • Becoming specialists in design, investing, or other aspects of the health technology innovation ecosystem

They also become part of the Stanford Biodesign community, which is a life-long, worldwide network of innovators passionate about improving healthcare.

Duration of Award: 10 months. The fellowship is a full-time, intensive experience that runs from the beginning of August through early June each year. Stanford Biodesign Innovation Fellows receive a monthly stipend and health benefits during their fellowship period.

How to Apply: Apply here

  • It is important to go through all FAQ in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

DAAD Postdoctoral Researchers International Mobility Experience (PRIME) 2022

Application Deadline: 31st August 2022.

Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): Germany

About the Award: With co-funding from the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and the European Union, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) gives young postdocs the chance to spend a period of time researching abroad, in combination with a research phase in Germany. What is special about this programme is that is provides jobs, not scholarships. Applications are invited from postdoctoral researchers of all nationalities and subjects.

Type: Research

Eligibility: Requirements for applicants include the following:

  • PhD completed before the start of funding
  • free choice of country for the research phase abroad, providing that the candidate did not spend a total of more than twelve months there in the previous three years
  • agreement of host institutions in Germany and abroad
  • confirmation from the German host that it is willing to employ the postdoctoral researcher for the entire funding period if funding is approved

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Program: 

  • basic salary and international allowance, plus travel allowance for the researcher, spouse/partner and children
  • invitation to attend an orientation seminar before programme begins

Duration of Research: 18 months

  • twelve months spent abroad
  • six months spent in Germany

How to Apply:

  • The application form is available in the application portal. To get to the portal please click on Stipendiendatenbank für Deutsche, fill in Fachrichtung (subject of your research), Zielland (country of the period abroad) and Status “Promovierte” (position), and select the programme.
  • Please mind the instructions on registering on the portal, choose English as portal language, activate, if necessary, the compatibility view of your browser and choose English as browser language. After registration in the portal, please click on the tab “personal funding“.

Call for applications 2022/23 (German) [pdf-file]
Call for applications 2022/23 (English) [pdf-file]

Visit Research Webpage for details

Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) Fellowship 2023

Application Deadline: 30th June 2022

About the Award: MOFA Taiwan Fellowship is established by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) to award foreign experts and scholars interested in researches related to Taiwan, cross-strait relations, Asia-Pacific region and Sinology to conduct advanced research at universities or academic institutions in Taiwan. Up to now, there have been 1117 scholars from 83 countries accepted by this program. MOFA Taiwan Fellowship, echoing the APEC Scholarship Initiative, provides 12 Chinese Taipei APEC Fellowship openings per year exclusively for scholars and experts from developing APEC economies. MOFA Taiwan Fellowship is open for application in May and June every year and recipients will conduct their research in Taiwan as early as January the next year.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: Recipients shall be foreign professors, associate professors, assistant professors, post-doctoral researchers, doctoral candidates, or doctoral program students at related departments of overseas universities, or are research fellows at an equivalent level in academic institutions abroad.

Eligible Countries: International

To be Taken at (Country): Taiwan

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value & Duration of Award:

(1) Monthly grants are paid at the beginning of every month.

           a. Professors, associate professors, research fellows, or associate research fellows: NT$60,000

           b. Assistant professors, assistant research fellows, or doctoral candidates: NT$50,000.

(2) One round-trip, economy-class ticket for the most direct route to Taiwan (The subsidy will be decided by MOFA in accordance with the relevant regulations).

     (3) The terms of fellowship are 3 to 12 months.

     (4) Accident insurance (plus a medical insurance for accidental injuries) coverage of NT$1 million.

How to Apply:

 (1) Fellowship administrator: Center for Chinese Studies at National Central Library: http://ccs.ncl.edu.tw/

      (2) The year of 2023 online application period is from May 1 to June 30, 2022.

      (3) Contact person: Ms. Elaine Wu

Tel: +886-2-2361-9132 #317

Fax: +886-2-2371-2126

Email: twfellowship@ncl.edu.tw

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Turkey Government TÜBİTAK International Fellowship 2023

Application Deadline: Application opens 15th June 2022 and will stay open all year long.

About the Award: The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK) is the leading R&D funding agency in Turkey and an internationally renowned organization that supports and coordinates scientific research, provides scholarships to researchers and supports R&D activities and innovation in industry by promoting university-industry collaborations.

Type: Research

Eligibility: TÜBİTAK aims to attract leading researchers, espTurkish researchers, with international working experience to come to Turkey and conduct their research in leading Turkish academic, industrial or public institutions through its BİDEB 2232 programmes.

Eligible Countries: International & Turkey

To be Taken at (Country): Turkey

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • Outstanding Researchers Programme : 24.000 Turkish Lira/month
  • Early Stage Researchers Programme: 20.000 Turkish Lira/month

How to Apply: Application is open as of 15.06.2022 and will stay open yearlong.

BİDEB 2232-A International Fellowship for Outstanding Researchers and

BIDEB 2232-B International Fellowship for Early Stage Researchers programmes

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

If Poverty is a Moral Issue, Then the U.S. is Bankrupt

Sonali Kolhatkar



Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

Newspaper headlines are warning of rising inflation and the possibility that voters will respond to it by punishing Democrats in the midterm elections this fall. But there are few, if any, headlines about the enormous numbers of Americans who are low-income and poor—a travesty in one of the world’s wealthiest nations.

The problem of poverty is marked by several factors, the first of which is a deeply flawed government indicator of who qualifies as poor. Measured by the federal poverty line, about 37 million Americans live below the poverty line—that’s about 11 percent of the population.

But this leaves out many millions more Americans who live one emergency expense away from poverty. The Poor People’s Campaign (PPC): A National Call for Moral Revival relies on economic calculations showing that 140 million Americans—which is more than 40 percent of the population—are poor or low-income.

The second factor is mainstream media coverage that routinely skews in favor of wealthy elites by downplaying the extent of poverty. For example, when President Joe Biden cited the PPC’s estimate in an address in June 2019, the Washington Post engaged in a lengthy fact-checking investigation, interviewing numerous analysts who nitpicked over the difference between “poor” and “low-income” people, saying, “The two terms sound alike, but they describe different economic conditions.”

A third obstacle is corporate greed and how wealthy elites are vacuuming up every dollar they can into their own pockets, taking advantage of an economic system they helped to build in order to benefit themselves. For example, the investment giant Morgan Stanley released a report recently complaining about how rising wages were eating into corporate profits.

But of course, any wage increases are dampened by inflation rates rising much faster. This is a decades-long trend, not a new phenomenon, as any honest economist would explain.

But now that inflation is rising faster than it was before, media pundits and news outlets suggest that the fault lies with Americans earning higher wages and spending too much money.

There is evidence to the contrary—that inflation is rising because of bloated corporate profits, not an increase in wages and consumer spending—a point that the corporate media has failed to elevate or investigate with the same enthusiasm with which it has decided poverty is not a serious national problem.

When Biden was running for president, he addressed the PPC in September 2020, affirming the moral necessity of eradicating poverty and promising to do what he could to end it. The message was consistent with his platform to “Build Back Better,” a slogan that became the name of his ambitious anti-poverty legislation.

In December 2020, after it was clear that Biden had won the election, his transition team reached out to the PPC for a meeting and discussed a list of 14 policies that the organization laid out for his first 100 days in office that included COVID-19 relief for low-income Americans, guaranteed health care for all, a $15 per hour federal minimum wage, and more.

In June 2021, once he was elected, Biden once more reached out to the PPC with a recorded message for the PPC ahead of its annual national gathering affirming his alignment with its goals.

But in spite of Biden’s numerous nods to the PPC and its agenda to eradicate poverty, few, if any, of the organization’s demands have been met. Biden’s Build Back Better bill is languishing, stymied by the stubborn refusal of two corporate Democrats, Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ), to support most of their party’s progressive legislative proposals.

Bishop William Barber II and Rev. Liz Theoharis, the PPC’s co-chairs, recently wrote a letter to Biden requesting another meeting with the White House ahead of their June 18 March on Washington.

In their letter, the two progressive leaders reminded Biden that when he addressed their gathering as a candidate running for office, he “promised that ending poverty would be more than an aspiration.”

According to Barber and Theoharis’ letter, it’s not enough to aspire to enacting anti-poverty measures. They wrote, “We have offered a moral narrative that refuses to accept the lies of scarcity or partisan gridlock as excuses for taking action. We are determined to change the conversation about what is possible, so that we can ensure all of our justice, here and now.”

It’s a call for the president to engage directly with what matters most: not economic phenomena like inflation, not politics and the midterms, but that which impacts more than 40 percent of the nation’s population—poverty and financial precarity.

Rev. Theoharis told me in a recent interview that Biden had made a “commitment to ending poverty, not managing, not ameliorating, to actually looking at the policies that could lift people up.” Still, Theoharis said, “we’ve been pushing and will continue to push Congress because we know that those two Democratic senators [Sinema and Manchin] and 49 Republican senators have stood against living-wage jobs and voting rights.”

Among the anti-poverty measures that the Build Back Better bill would have enacted was the renewal of an expanded child tax credit. During the brief time that an increased child tax credit was in effect, it helped to push millions of American families out of poverty.

Theoharis said that the challenge of making headway on poverty lies in the question of, “how can the president be able to use the microphone that he has to turn it toward poor and low-income people, low-wage workers?” In other words, how can Biden use his bully pulpit to pressure the media and congressional lawmakers into taking seriously the needs of 140 million Americans?

“Any nation that has 43 percent of its population living in poverty or one couple-hundred-dollar emergency away… from absolute economic ruin is an impoverished democracy,” said Theoharis. The PPC has for years been trying to shift the culture and the national conversation away from the pro-business mentality that measures economic health by stock prices and Wall Street’s profits rather than by whether or not most Americans are financially stable.

But Morgan Stanley had it right when it pitted corporate profits against rising wages. There cannot be both rising profits and rising wages. Corporate profits depend on keeping wages low. In order to lift most Americans out of poverty, we need higher wages that will necessarily cut into corporate profits. If Wall Street sees such logic as class warfare, so be it, for Wall Street has been waging just such warfare on the American people for far too long.

“What happens when you actually provide for the people, when you actually ensure that people are making living wages and have housing, is that that actually saves the nation, both spiritually and morally,” said Theoharis, reminding us that what matters much more than the unquenchable thirst of a handful of wealthy elites is the well-being of all Americans.

Somalia pushed closer to famine by US/NATO sanctions on Russia, international speculation and drought

Jean Shaoul


Last week, UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia Adam Abdel Mawla warned that Somalia was “on the brink of a deadly famine that could kill hundreds of thousands.” He said that 213,000 people face starvation by next September as global food prices hover near record highs and drought worsens.

The price of imported foodstuffs in Somalia has reached record levels, jumping by up to 160 percent. The price of a kilo of rice has more than doubled, rising from $0.75 to $2, while three litres of cooking oil has gone from $4.50 to $9.50, making it impossible for people in one of the world’s poorest countries—it’s GDP is just $7 billion, and more than 70 percent of the population live on less than $1.90 a day—to feed themselves and their families.

Mawla said that some 7.1 million of the country’s 16 million population face catastrophic levels of food insecurity and disease. Nearly one third of the country’s population are hungry. About 1.5 million children under five are suffering from acute malnutrition. At least 448 children have died since January. Many more are malnourished, with scaly skin and hair that has lost its natural colour, while others are sick with illnesses such as measles and cholera.

These appalling numbers are nearly three times the levels expected just two months ago, according to a joint statement issued by the various UN humanitarian agencies: the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Young girls line up at a feeding centre in Mogadishu (UN Photo/Tobin Jones) [Photo by UN Photo/Tobin Jones / CC BY-NC-ND 4.0]

This latest disaster to affect the war-torn country comes 11 years after the famine of 2011 fueled by soaring food prices in 2008 that killed around 250,000 people in Somalia, half of whom were children under the age of six. Now once again, the Somali people are the collateral damage of the crisis of the global economic system.

Skyrocketing food, fertiliser and fuel prices have been driven by the billions of dollars poured into the world’s stock markets, the failure of governments around the world to pursue a coronavirus elimination policy and thereby prolonging the pandemic and disrupting food supply chains, and the US/NATO sanctions on Russia that have included banning the country from the SWIFT money transfer system.

As the US Federal Reserve and other central banks raise interest rates to choke off inflation and increase the value of their currencies, investors are moving funds away from the world’s low and middle-income countries, in turn pushing down the value of their currencies and making their imports more expensive, while tighter credit is increasing borrowing costs for heavily indebted governments.

At the same time, financial speculation is driving food prices ever higher, with a Lighthouse Reports investigation, The Hunger Profiteers, concluding that in April speculators were responsible for 72 percent of the buying activity on the Paris wheat market, up from 25 percent before the pandemic.

These external pressures have exacerbated the impact of the Horn of Africa’s extreme weather events, some linked to climate change, that have brought flash floods, cyclones, rising temperatures, a devastating locust infestation and now the worst drought in 40 years. Up to 20 million people in Kenya, Ethiopia and Somalia face the risk of starvation by the end of this year, according to the World Food Programme. Somalia, which like 14 other African countries imports over half of its food, has been particularly badly affected.

Four consecutive rainy seasons have been dry, amid unprecedentedly high temperatures. When the rains did come—October to December 2019 saw the wettest period—they were torrential and short-lived, causing flooding and breeding swarms of locusts. The drought drove 3.4 million people from their homes in Somalia in search of food as their crops failed and around three million livestock—up to 30 percent according to the FAO—perished, nothing short of a disaster in a largely pastoral country where families rely on their herds for meat, milk and trade.

A further 850,000 people have been driven from their homes since the beginning of the year, with increasingly desperate families fleeing the drought-stricken areas and making their way on foot or on donkeys to emergency centres, healthcare facilities and camps in towns and cities, including the largest on the outskirts of the capital, Mogadishu, that likewise struggle to afford food.

Somalia’s 2,400 settlement camps for internal migrants, now home to around one fifth of Somalia’s population, are overcrowded and chronically short of resources, with many residents living in makeshift shelters consisting of just plastic sheeting and poles. More than a few are on the point of death.

Climate experts expect that this October to December’s rainy season may well fail, pushing the drought into 2023. It means that with supply routes cut and local harvests wiped out by the drought, there is simply no prospect of affordable food and other basic commodities.

The drought follows decades of conflict that started in 1992 after the overthrow of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre when the US intervened, under the pretext of protecting United Nations aid workers, to establish US control over the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Somalia occupies a strategic position straddling both the Indian Ocean and the entrance to the Red Sea through which around $700 billion in maritime shipping passes every year, encompassing nearly all trade between Europe and Asia, including from Washington’s arch-rival China. While the US was forced to withdraw after the “Black Hawk Down” incident in 1993, it continued its operations covertly through proxies.

In 2007, Washington resumed its military operations after the emergence of the Al-Shabab movement that now controls much of the southern part of the country, and since then has launched repeated airstrikes, including targeted drone strikes and missiles launched from naval ships, alongside special forces raids. Last month, President Biden approved the deployment of nearly 500 US troops in Somalia.

US operations have served only to intensify the conflict, compound the suffering of the Somali people and decimate the financial resources of its barely functioning, corrupt government. The newly installed regime, headed by Washington’s man in Mogadishu President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, has no political or popular legitimacy. Heavily indebted and beholden to the International Monetary Fund, it struggles to pay its workers on time and has no plans to manage the crisis.

Despite the gravity of the crisis, the US, other major powers and financial institutions have ignored the UN’s humanitarian appeal as they turn their attention and resources to the war in Ukraine. They have pledged only about 18 percent of the $1.46 billion needed for the Somali people, forcing the UN to cut its rations to those in dire need of aid. The amount needed pales into insignificance beside the imperialists’ expenditure on war and militarism that they like to justify in the name of humanitarianism. The US Pentagon alone spends more in one week than the amount sought by the UN agencies for Somalia.

So great is the threat of hunger, not just in Somalia and the Horn but across Africa, that President Macky Sall of Senegal, the head of the African Union, called for the lifting of restrictions on exports of Russian wheat and fertilizer. Speaking at a joint press conference in the Black Sea resort of Sochi, Sall said that Western sanctions on Russia had compounded Africa’s lack of access to grain.

While the UN’s General Assembly voted in March to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the African continent was far less supportive of the US/NATO position: only 28 of Africa’s 54 countries supported the resolution, while 17 abstained, eight failed to vote and one voted against the resolution, reflecting Russia’s longstanding ties to many African countries, its position as Africa’s largest supplier of arms and their efforts to evade the suffocating clutches of the imperialist powers.