25 Jun 2022

Wave of protests against India’s new military recruitment scheme driven by anger over mass unemployment

Wasantha Rupasinghe


Mass protests erupted across India in response to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government’s June 14 announcement of a new four-year, “merit-based” military recruitment scheme—Agnipath or Tour of Duty—aimed at slashing the military’s expenditure on personnel.

To the dismay of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, the protests, which were organized by young people via social media, persisted for days. They are an expression of mounting social anger over mass joblessness, especially in north India, the BJP’s traditional political stronghold.  

Protest against Agnipath military recruitment scheme. (Photo Credit: Newsclick)

Under the new recruitment scheme, all non-officer recruits or jawans will henceforth be denied pension and other social security benefits.

Indian military and geopolitical experts have long called for action to curtail the salary and pension costs of India's 1.38 million-strong armed forces, so that more of the mammoth military budget can be devoted to buying advanced weapons systems.    

The 2022-23 Union Budget allocated 5.25 trillion rupees to defence. Of this, the pension bill represented more than 20 percent, 1.19 trillion rupees.

For the past two decades, India’s governments, whether led by the BJP or the Congress Party, have rapidly built up India’s armed forces, including pressing forward with the building of a “blue water navy” and developing a nuclear triad—that is the capacity to carry out nuclear strikes from land, air and underwater.

Developing India’s military prowess through the acquisition of new weapons systems and the “indigenisation” of armaments production is seen as crucial to aggressively pursuing India’s great-power ambitions, countering its principal rivals—China and to a lesser extent Pakistan—and deepening its reactionary “global strategic partnership” with Washington.

These considerations were summed up in remarks by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on June 13, the day before he announced the Agnipath recruitment scheme. Singh told a class of Indian Administrative Service personnel who had just completed a joint civilian-military training program, that India must be ready to wage “full-scale war.” He cited the US-NATO war with Russia in Ukraine to argue that India is facing a more turbulent geopolitical environment, marked by cyber- and proxy wars, and referred, albeit obliquely, to the need for India to prepare for war with nuclear-armed China. “Considering the machinations of our neighbours, especially one, as you know, India needs to keep itself ready for a full-scale war in the future,” declared India’s Defence Minister.

India is already the third-largest military spender in the world, trailing only the US and China. According to data released by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) in April, India's military spending amounted to US $76.6 billion in 2021, an increase of 0.9 percent from 2020 and 33 percent from 2012. Indicating India's preparation for military confrontation with China and Pakistan, SIPRI noted: “India has prioritized the modernization of its armed forces and self-reliance in arms production.”

Under the Agnipath scheme all jawans recruited to the military’s three wings–Navy, Army and Air Force—will receive four-year contracts. This includes a six-month training period. At the end of the four years, only 25 percent will be re-enlisted for regular military service.

The first allotment of Agnipath recruits, Agniveers, are to be enlisted over the next 18 months, with 46,000 youth inducted. Initially the government limited Agnipath recruitment to those aged between 17.5 and 21. But in an attempt to placate the protesters—some of whom had enrolled in private “military training courses” during a COVID-19 pandemic freeze on recruitment to better their chances of being selected—the government has now raised the age limit to 23.

Of the 46,000 only 11,500 will be retained at the expiry of their four-year contracts. The remaining 34,500 recruits will be discharged with a contributory severance package of 1.17 million rupees ($14,955) each. There are also provisions for non-contributory death and disability compensation. During the 4-year period, the salary package of an Agniveer will be around 476,000 rupees ($6,083) in the first years, rising to 692,000 rupees ($8,845) in the fourth year.

Unlike under the existing military recruitment framework, however, these short-term soldiers will not be eligible for pension or gratuity. And when their four years as potential cannon fodder for the Indian ruling class comes to an end, they will be pushed into India’s massive army of unemployed, under-employed and precariously employed.

The vast majority of Indian workers are employed in the so-call “informal sector,” with no social security, and pension or health benefits. Even in the so-called formal sector (large private firms, the state sector and government-owned firms) contract-labour has become increasingly pervasive.

Under these conditions, the BJP government’s decision to greatly restrict the possibility of finding permanent employment in the military, with access to pensions and other benefits, led to an explosion of frustration among a section of youth, especially in rural villages and smaller towns and cities.      

Rohit Kumar, a farmer's son from Anandpur village in Bihar's Begusarai district, who has been waiting for four years to join the Army, told The Wire: “According to the new scheme I will work in the army for four years and get a salary of Rs. 25,000-30,000 a month. After four years, I may be thrown out of the army. What will I do then? After four years, I will have to sell pakodas (street food)! It would be better if I take a private job somewhere else.”

Eighteen-year-old Shailesh Kumar Rai from Makhdumgani in Bihar's Chhapara district had also set his sights on a military career. “I have been preparing for two years,” he said, “with the hope that I will have a stable career after joining the Army and not that I will become unemployed after just four years.”

Because of the Modi government’s ruinous mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, millions of Indians, particularly migrant workers from rural areas who had gone to major cities in search of employment, lost their livelihoods overnight. India's unemployment rate in last December stood at 7.91 percent, compared with 6.3 percent in 2018-19 and 4.7 percent in 2017-18.

India's youth make up more than one-fifth of the country's 1.4 billion people. Every year, the labour force grows by more than 5 million people. According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), nearly 30 million Indians aged 20-29 were jobless and looking for work in 2021. Statistics from the International Labour Organisation showed that in February this year, one in every four youths aged between 15 and 24 was out of work. Meanwhile, according to CMIE's April 2022 data, 42 percent of the 20-24 age group and 12.7 percent of the 25-29 age group are jobless.

The outrage over the recruitment scheme triggered angry protests by tens of thousands of military job aspirants in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Haryana and Telangana. These states, which have some of India's highest unemployment and poverty rates, contribute a substantial portion of the Indian armed forces’ manpower. The protesters demanded the government withdraw the Agnipath scheme and retain the old recruitment process. They blockaded major highway and railway lines, leading to violent clashes with police and security forces. In some places, buses were set alight.

At least one person died in southern Telangana when police opened fire after a crowd gathered at Secunderabad railway station and torched train coaches. Scores of people, including police officers, were injured.

As the protests grew, a number of states invoked Section 144 of India’s Criminal Code, banning gatherings of more than four people. Police arrested hundreds of protesters, including over 700 in Bihar alone.

The government, backed by big business and the corporate media, has remained firmly committed to the new recruitment scheme and declared that it will not be rolled back. Addressing a joint press briefing with officers from the Indian Navy and Air Force, Lt. General Anil Puri from the Ministry of Defence’s Department of Military Affairs announced that those wanting to join the military will have to present a certificate, subject to police verification, showing “they were not part of anti-Agnipath protests or vandalism.

Various opposition parties, including the Congress Party and Stalinist Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPM, have rushed to declare their support for the protests against the Agnipath recruitment scheme. However, their opposition to the Modi government’s policy is from the right, from the standpoint that it will weaken the armed forces. Moreover, they have nothing to propose in regards to the real issue—the calamitous economic crisis and the determination of the ruling class to place its full burden on the working class and rural toilers.

Former Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, a Congress leader, criticized the scheme at a press conference for making a “mockery of [military] training” and because it “inducts into the defence forces an ill-trained and ill-motivated soldier.” In other words, his concern with the new scheme is that it will undermine India’s military, which would cut across Congress’ demand for a more bellicose stand against China.

The CPM, which has been promoting the Congress Party for decades as a “secular” alternative to the BJP, is even more explicit. In a June 16 statement, the Stalinist party said that it “strongly disapprove(s)” of the scheme because it “does disservice to India's national interests”—that is the reactionary interests of the Indian bourgeoisie—and “severely compromises the quality and efficiency of our professional armed forces.” In a revealing line, the CPM statement declares: “It is criminal to call upon our youth to be prepared to make the supreme sacrifice without the minimum protection of job security.”

US doubles long-range missile shipments to Ukraine in war with Russia

Andre Damon


The US will double the number of medium to long-range missile launchers being sent to Ukraine in the US/NATO war against Russia, the Defense Department said Thursday.

The US will send four more High Mobility Artillery Rocket (HIMAR) systems, in addition to the four that have already been deployed there, as part of yet another weapons package announced this week.

The package includes, according to the Pentagon, “four high-mobility artillery rocket systems, 36,000 rounds of 105 mm ammunition, 18 tactical vehicles to tow 155 mm artillery, 1,200 grenade launchers, 2,000 machine guns, 18 coastal and riverine patrol boats, spare parts and other equipment.”

The latest package is the thirteenth shipment of weapons to Ukraine since February. Since the outbreak of the war the US pledged $6.1 billion in arms shipments.

The renewed escalation of US involvement in the war comes amid a series of significant military setbacks for Ukraine.

On Friday, the Ukrainian military ordered its troops to withdraw from the city of Severodonetsk (or Sievierodonetsk), the main focus of the Russian offensive in East Ukraine. The city is the capital of the Lugansk (Luhansk) region, which is already more than 90 percent under Russian control.

The nearby town of Lysychansk is the only remaining large settlement in the region not under Russian occupation. Russia is now in control of one fifth of Ukrainian territory, and Ukraine is suffering as many as 500 to 1,000 casualties per day.

“Unfortunately . . . it will be necessary to withdraw,” said Serhiy Hayday, regional governor of the eastern Lugansk region, according to the Financial Times.

“We now have a situation where holding on to destroyed positions for many months just to be there makes no sense. Because with each passing day, the number of deaths in unsecured positions can grow proportionally,” Hayday added.

The New York Times reported that “Ukrainian soldiers have been shuttling people across the river in small boats. Some soldiers have had to swim.”

But these military setbacks have only prompted the US and its NATO allies to redouble their involvement in the war. On Thursday, the European Union made Ukraine a “candidate member.”

It will be joined by Moldova, home to a Russian-controlled breakaway enclave known as Transnistria.

Next week, US President Joe Biden will attend the NATO Summit in Madrid, Spain. At the summit, “Leaders will announce new force posture commitments to strengthen NATO's defense and deterrent posture,” Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said.

'The U.S. will announce steps to strengthen European security alongside expected major new contributions from allies,” Kirby added.

In the face of a series of disastrous setbacks in the war, the United States is planning to intensify the conflict, expanding both the scale of weapons shipments and the geographic scope of the war.

Kirby said that, for the first time, the NATO summit will include official leaders from Australia, Japan, New Zealand and the Republic of Korea. Kirby stated that “whether it's in Europe or the Indo-Pacific region, the United States and our allies and partners will defend the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

The transformation of NATO from a European anti-Russian alliance, to a full scale fighting force operating in the Pacific as well points to the rapid acceleration of the US conflict with China even as the Ukraine war surges out of control.

A central aim of the summit will be to fast-track the application of Sweden and Finland, which share a vast land border with Russia, into the alliance. Noting the objections from Turkey to the countries’ membership, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg declared, “My aim is to find a common way forward so that both countries can join our Alliance as soon as possible.”

Stoltenberg said the summit would focus on expanding the share of economic output devoted to military spending by member states. “We must continue to invest more. And invest more together in NATO,” he said.

Amid the relentless military escalation by the United States and its allies, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov this week issued what was perhaps the most blunt assessment by any Russian official to date of the efforts of the US and NATO to intensify the war against Russia.

Lavrov warned that the moves by the EU to accept Ukraine and by NATO to accept Finland and Sweden as members represent the formation of a “new coalition” targeting Russia.

“Hitler rallied a significant part, if not most, of the European nations under his banner for a war against the Soviet Union,” Lavrov said. He continued, “now, the EU together with NATO are forming another – modern – coalition for a standoff and, ultimately, war with the Russian Federation.”

Meanwhile the economic consequences of the war continue to reverberate. The German public could face a tripling of energy prices in the coming months if Russia completely shuts off gas deliveries to the country, Klaus Müller, the head of  Germany’s federal network agency, said in an interview.

Russia has already slashed output from the Russian-German Nord Stream 1 gas pipeline, and there is growing speculation that it could shut off gas exports to Germany completely.

Müller warned of “enormous leaps in price,” saying “a doubling or tripling is possible.”

All over the world, the working class is being told to foot the bill for the rapidly-spiraling war, both in surging prices and out-of-control military spending. As they enter into struggle, they must take up the demand to end the war as a critical component of the defense of their social and economic rights.

Spain’s PSOE-Podemos government bans walkout as Ryanair workers strike across Europe

Alejandro López & Santiago Guillen


As airline and airport workers walk out in an escalating wave of struggles across Europe, Spain’s Socialist Party (PSOE)-Podemos cracked down on the three-day European Ryanair cabin crew strike by imposing draconian minimum services, thereby making it illegal for most staff to strike.

On Friday, cabin crews in Belgium, Spain and Portugal walked out against the onslaught on their jobs, wages and conditions. It is the first of a three-day strike. The company was forced to cancel 315 flights to and from Brussels international airport during the three-day strike. In Spain, where Ryanair employs 1,900 people, no flights were canceled except those heading to Belgium, and two flights from Portugal to Brussels were canceled as well.

In France, cabin crews are striking today and tomorrow. In Italy, a one-day strike will be held today. Spanish workers are also scheduled to strike from June 30 to July 2.

Ryanair is just one of many airlines to be affected by strike action this summer. Brussels Airlines pilots and cabin crews started a three-day strike on Thursday, finishing today. In France, Air France pilots, went on strike today against the safety risks of increasing capacity during the busy summer season.

In Spain, EasyJet cabin crews plan to go on strike for nine days intermittently in July (1-3, 15-17 and 29-31) to demand higher wages. Flight attendants are demanding a 40 percent increase in their basic salary, which stands at 950 euros ($1,000).

In Northern Europe, around 900 pilots from Denmark, Norway and Sweden’s flag carrier Scandinavian Airlines are set to strike in late June.

Ground crew staff at airports across Europe are also going on strike. Over the weekend, French air traffic controllers centred in Marseille are striking, severely delaying and impacting flights crossing French airspace. These strikes come weeks after a one-day strike by ground staff at the Charles de Gaulle Airport in Paris that forced the cancellation of one-quarter of flights through the airport. They are demanding a €300 monthly raise amid spiraling increases in the cost of living, and further action is being planned for July 2.

On Monday, Brussels Zaventem Airport had to cancel all departing flights during action from security staff. On Thursday, hundreds of British Airways workers at Heathrow Airport voted in favour of strike action later this summer to demand the reinstatement of a 10 percent pay cut imposed during the peak of the pandemic.

Airline workers are a strategic section of the working population whose mobilisation points to the vast social and industrial power of the international working class. Strikes are mounting over the surge in the cost of living and the consequences of the disastrous official handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Unified and coordinated across national borders and different job designations, they could rapidly shut down Europe’s airspace and bring the economy to its knees.

Such actions could win powerful support among broader layers of the European working class, amid growing strikes by health care, metal, rail and trucking workers—laying the basis for a coordinated struggle against inflation, official policies on the pandemic and the diversion of massive resources to the NATO military build-up and war against Russia. It takes place as Boris Johnson’s Conservative government in the UK confronts the biggest national rail strike in a generation, involving more than 50,000 workers.

Such a struggle requires, however, a break with with the national union bureaucracies. At present, the various unions are working to divide strikes along national and industrial lines, schedule strikes on different days and keep workers from mobilising their full strength against Ryanair and allied governments.

Currently, Ryanair is brazenly planning to ride out the strike, relying on the support of capitalist governments across Europe. Ryanair stated that less than 2 percent of its 3,000 flights have been affected by European cabin crew strikes.

At the onset of the strike, Ryanair CEO Eddie Wilson arrogantly said: “We believe stoppages are not going to have a great follow-up and that the impact will be minimal.” He added, “Even if cabin crews are going to go on strike, they have to operate those flights by law.”

Wilson was referring to the draconian anti-strike measures imposed by Spain’s PSOE-Podemos government before the first day of the strike. The Ministry of Transport declared that 73 to 82 percent of Ryanair flights were covered by “minimum services” laws—that is, that they are so strategic to the Spanish economy that the government can ban strike action against their operation. On this basis, Ryanair workers in Spain largely showed up for work yesterday.

This marks yet another assault by the pseudo-left Podemos party on the struggles of the working class. In November, it deployed armored vehicles and riot police against striking metalworkers in Cadiz, and in April it mobilised 23,000 police to crush a truckers strike protesting rising fuel prices amid NATO’s war against Russia in Ukraine. Spain’s principal unions, affiliated to the PSOE or Podemos, isolated the strikers in both struggles and imposed a concessions contract on the Cadiz workers.

The Ryanair strike is no exception: Management is working directly with national governments and union bureaucracies to isolate and shut down the strike. From the outset, the trade unions signaled that they were willing to sabotage the strike by complying with “minimum service” requirements. In Spain, the unions USO (Unión Sindical Obrera)and SITCPLA (Sindicato Independiente de Tripulantes de Cabina de Pasajeros de Líneas Aéreas) negotiated with Ryanair for minimum services ranging from 25 to 50 percent.

Ryanair management also has resorted to signing contracts with factions of the union bureaucracy that do not even represent any Ryanair workers—the Podemos-linked Workers Commissions (CCOO) in Spain and the Union of Portuguese Transport Workers (STTAMP). Trampling labor law underfoot, Ryanair is now trying to impose these contracts on the workforce.

US-China tensions flare over Taiwan Strait

Peter Symonds


In the wake of the inflammatory anti-China speech delivered a fortnight ago by US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin to the Shangri-la Dialogue security forum in Singapore, Washington has continued to escalate its confrontation with China over Taiwan.

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III (Wikimedia)

Yesterday, the US Navy provocatively flew a US Navy P-8A Poseidon reconnaissance plane over the Taiwan Strait to underscore its rejection of Chinese claims, reiterated in the wake of the security forum, that the Taiwan Strait falls within its jurisdiction.

At the Singapore event, Austin explicitly accused China of “intimidation,” “coercion” and “aggression” toward Taiwan in particular. He singled out the Taiwan Strait as an area where “the stakes are especially stark,” declaring that the US would continue to fly and sail in what it regards as international waters.

Chinese Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe responded by denouncing the “hegemony and power politics” of the US and declared that China was ready for war, if necessary, to defend its sovereignty, including over Taiwan. Beijing regards Taiwan as a renegade province of China and has repeatedly declared that it would reintegrate the island by force if Taipei ever declared formal independence.

Last week China’s foreign ministry reiterated that it “has sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the Taiwan Strait” and rejected the “false claim when certain countries call the Taiwan Strait ‘international waters.’” This week the Chinese air force reportedly flew 29 military aircraft, including fighter jets together with various surveillance, early warning and refueling aircraft, into Taiwan’s self-declared air defense identification zone (ADIZ).

The US and international media seized on the operation as further evidence of China’s aggressive intentions toward Taiwan. In fact, Beijing is responding to ongoing US provocations, both diplomatic and military, over Taiwan. The extensive Taiwanese ADIZ, which covers parts of mainland China, has no standing in international law and no Chinese aircraft flew into Taiwanese airspace.

The reaction to the Chinese operation is part of the broader US propaganda campaign accusing China of preparing to invade Taiwan, likening it to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Washington’s claims not only lack any evidence, but stand reality on its head. Just as the US goaded Russia into intervening in Ukraine, so it is seeking to drag China into a war over Taiwan and transform the island into a quagmire for the Chinese military.

It is not China, but US imperialism, under the Trump and Biden administrations, that has deliberately upset the delicate diplomatic protocols surrounding the status of Taiwan adopted when Washington established diplomatic relations with Beijing in 1979 and ended its ties with Taipei. The US sought to transform China into an ally against the Soviet Union by de facto recognising Beijing as the legitimate government of all China, including Taiwan, in what is commonly referred to as the One China policy.

Washington has deliberately undermined the One China policy by authorising top-level contacts between the US and Taiwan, boosting its arms sales to Taiwan, including of offensive weaponry, sending US special forces to Taiwan to train its military, and increasing the number and size of US and allied naval exercises near Taiwan.

The number of supposed “freedom of navigation” operations by US warships through the Taiwan Strait has increased under Biden to roughly one a month—the most recent being on May 10 by the guided missile cruiser USS Port Royal.

Last week, the US State Department flatly rejected Chinese claims of sovereignty over the Taiwan Strait, declaring it to be “an international waterway” where “freedom of navigation and overflight are guaranteed under international law.”

The US assertion of its “right” to sail through and fly over the Taiwan Strait is shot through with hypocrisy and contradictions. According to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a country has exclusive rights within its territorial waters—12 nautical miles from its coastline—and more limited rights within its 200-nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

The Taiwan Strait is about 70 nautical miles at its narrowest point and 220 nautical miles at its widest. Moreover, if one accepts that Taiwan is part of China, as the US nominally still does under the One China policy, then the entirety of the strait falls under Chinese jurisdiction of one form or another. What can or cannot be done within an EEZ is in dispute between China and the US and its allies. Washington’s attempt to claim the higher ground based on “international law” is particularly two-faced given that it is one of the few countries not to ratify UNCLOS.

Quite apart from the finer points of UNCLOS, the US is claiming the “right” to fly warplanes and sail its warships close to strategic military bases on the Chinese mainland and thousands of kilometres from the nearest American territory. At the same time, it denounces China for conducting similar operations in what the US insists are international waters and international airspace.

The aggressive character of the US confrontation with China over Taiwan is underscored by President Biden’s declaration on three separate occasions, most recently last month, that the US is fully committed to backing Taiwan in a conflict with China.

Despite attempts by US officials to “clarify” the comments, Biden has effectively overturned the longstanding US policy of “strategic ambiguity.” By previously refusing to give a firm security guarantee to Taiwan, the US aimed at preventing conflict across the Taiwan Strait—by, on the one hand, warding off a Chinese assault, while, on the other, constraining any move by Taiwan to declare independence and precipitate a war.

The ambiguous status of Taiwan suited both Washington and Beijing while the two were de facto allies against the Soviet Union and subsequently close economic partners. US imperialism, however, is determined to prevent China’s economic rise from threatening its global hegemony and Taiwan is vital to those plans. It is not only strategically located in the so-called first island chain, running from Japan through to the Philippines, that Pentagon strategists see as essential to blockading China. It is also home to the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company that produces over 90 percent of the world’s most advanced computing chips, essential to both the US military and industry.

While the Biden administration still maintains that it adheres to the One China policy, despite all its actions to the contrary, the most hawkish sections of the American political establishment are moving to decisively overturn it.

Earlier this month, two senators—Democrat Bob Menendez and Republican Lindsey Graham—announced the introduction of a bipartisan Taiwan Policy Act into Congress that would drop any pretence of “strategic ambiguity” and commit the US to a war with China over Taiwan. As well as providing almost $4.5 billion in military assistance to Taiwan, the bill would designate Taiwan as a Major Non-NATO Ally. By effectively treating the island as a sovereign nation, it would essentially overturn the One China policy and call US diplomatic relations with China into question.

Even as it recklessly pursues its proxy war with Russia in Ukraine, the US is setting course for a confrontation and conflict with China that would transform the European war into a global conflict between nuclear-armed powers.

India and the US send envoys to Sri Lanka amid worsening economic crisis

K. Ratnayake


On Wednesday, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe told parliament that the Sri Lankan economy had “completely collapsed” and appealed for the unity of all political parties. The population, he said, would have to “bear hardship for a short period” but high-level delegations from India and the US would be visiting Sri Lanka to assist on June 23 and June 27 respectively.

Ranil Wickremesinghe [Source: United National Party Facebook]

The real concern of US and India is the acute political instability in Sri Lanka amid rising social opposition against the government and the entire political establishment. Both countries are keen to enhance their political and military ties with Sri Lanka, strategically located in the Indian Ocean, and to pressure Colombo to distance itself from Beijing.

A special International Monetary Fund (IMF) team began talks on Monday in Colombo with senior Central Bank and finance ministry officials. Wickremesinghe, who also participated in the first day of talks, wants a rapid deal with the IMF, which is urging ruthless cuts to the fiscal deficit, increased government revenue and the implementation of privatisation and other austerity measures.

Wickremesinghe told parliament that the country was “facing a far more serious situation” than the current shortages of fuel and other essentials. He warned of “a possible fall to rock bottom… our economy has completely collapsed.” In order to resolve this crisis, he continued, “We must first resolve the foreign reserve crisis.”

Wickremesinghe blamed the previous administration for not addressing the problem and approaching the IMF earlier. Sri Lanka had secured a $4 billion loan from an Indian credit line, he said, but India cannot “continuously support us in this manner.” The only safe option to resolve this dire situation, he told the parliament, was to hold discussions with the IMF.

“If we receive the IMF seal of approval, the world will once again trust us. It will help us to secure loan assistance as well as low-interest loans from other countries in the world,” he declared.

In other words, the “solution” proposed by the Rajapakse-Wickremesinghe government and the Sri Lankan ruling class is for more loans and even further tightening of the dictatorship of international finance capital against all working people. This means workers will have to pay with even more brutal attacks on their jobs, wages and pensions, along with further cuts in subsidies and to free public education and health.

“I call on all Sri Lankans to bear these difficulties and hardships for a short period of time and contribute to the nation-building effort,” Wickremesinghe cynically declared. The government is indifferent to the suffering of workers and the poor who have already endured months of food, medicine and fuel shortages, and long hours of power cuts.

Last month’s official inflation rate hit 45 percent, with food inflation at 58 percent. Johns Hopkin University Professor Steve Hanke said yesterday, however, that Sri Lanka’s actual annual average inflation rose to 130 percent last month. Starvation is rampant with 70 percent of residents skipping at least one meal a day, schools were shut down last week, and major public sector services closed this week.

Acutely aware of the rising mass opposition in the working class, Wickremesinghe issued a desperate appeal for all political parties to rally behind his austerity program.

“[I]nform us of a better solution if you have one available,” and we will discuss it, the prime minister told parliament. It was a direct appeal to the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna-led the National People’s Power Party (NPP) which began a protest boycott of parliamentary sessions this week.

Wickremesinghe recalled that the SJB had “previously stated that Sri Lanka must work together with the IMF.” He also asked whether the NPP and the JVP agreed with the IMF discussions and suggested they attend the talks.

The SJB or the NPP have not yet responded to Wickremesinghe’s appeals but have not criticised the IMF talks. Nor have they opposed the austerity measures already being implemented by the government, including drastic cuts in public sector jobs or the devaluation of rupee, and recently approved VAT increases.

Their demagogic posturing about the plight of people without food, fuel, cooking gas, medicine and starvation is aimed at hoodwinking the masses, while covering up the fact that they have no fundamental differences with the government’s IMF-dictated measures. Likewise, the trade unions actively back the IMF policies and have not uttered a word against them.

On June 18, Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar held a special parliamentary consultative committee discussion with senior Sri Lankan officials in New Delhi. “A good discussion held in a positive atmosphere on various issues and India’s role,” Jaishankar tweeted.

The high-level five-member team sent for meetings in Colombo on June 23 was led by Foreign Secretary Vinay Kwatra. According to the High Commission, the delegation was based on India’s “‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and Security and Growth for All in the Region vision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” a euphemism for New Delhi’s geo-strategic agenda to dominate South Asia.

The Indian High Commission statement said there had been “a productive exchange of views” and “in-depth discussion” with the Sri Lankan president and prime minister. The talks “highlighted the importance of promoting India-Sri Lanka investment partnership including in the fields of infrastructure, connectivity, renewable energy and deepening economic linkages between the two countries.”

The US delegation to Colombo includes Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Department Kelly Keiderling, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Treasury Robert Kaproth and other senior Biden administration officials.

The US and India are totally indifferent to the suffering of the Sri Lankan masses which will be further intensified by the next round of IMF attacks. Their principal concern is to open up the country to further investment and profit-making, and to enlist Sri Lanka in their confrontation with China. The US and India both falsely claim that China is responsible for Sri Lanka being caught in Beijing’s “debt trap” policy.

Australian Labor Party records lowest primary vote since 1934

Martin Scott


The May 21 federal election marked a significant turning point in Australian politics. Decades of disillusionment and anger toward the official political set-up was expressed in an unprecedented collapse of support for the ruling parties.

Together, Labor and the Liberal-National Coalition won just 68.27 percent of the primary vote. Labor has formed government despite receiving the first preference of just 32.58 percent, or less than a third of the primary votes, the party’s worst result since the Great Depression.

Under Australia’s anti-democratic preferential system, voters must allocate preferences to all candidates for their House of Representatives ballot to be counted. Primary votes are those that receive a first preference. Votes for other candidates are eventually allotted, nearly always to major parties, particularly Labor or the Coalition, based on preferences, to bolster the political establishment.

The Liberal vote plummeted by 4.28 percent, with the party registering its worst result in 80 years. This was bound up with mass hostility to former Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who was identified above all with callous disregard for bushfire and flood victims, and the catastrophic “let it rip” COVID policies.

But Labor was not the beneficiary, with its own first preference vote declining by 0.76 percent, on top of a fall of 1.39 percent in the 2019 election. There is a growing recognition that there is no difference between Labor and the Liberal-Nationals on any of the substantive issues, from war, to the “herd immunity” coronavirus program and social austerity.

In affluent areas, the massive decline in the Coalition’s vote produced gains for the Greens, who picked up three new seats in the House of Representatives, and “Teal Independents,” who won six seats. These “independents,” with substantial financial backing and themselves closely connected to the corporate elite, promote the lie that climate change can be reversed through “green” investment, the real purpose of which is to develop new profit opportunities for big business.

All nine of the seats gained by the Greens and Teals were in the wealthiest third of electorates, reflecting their orientation to, and support from, the upper-middle class and sections of the ruling elite. While the program of the Greens and the Teals is utterly bogus, this support also reflects, in a distorted and limited form, broad-based opposition to the continued destruction of the environment in the interest of private profit.

Despite a massive advertising budget, reportedly as high as $100 million, the far-right populist United Australia Party made only small gains as voters deserted the major parties. Nationally, the party, which opposed COVID-19 vaccines and public health measures, and promoted dangerous fake treatments for the virus, gained just 0.69 percentage points in the House of Representatives and 1.10 points in the Senate, less than some minor single-issue parties.

Australia’s other major far-right party, Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, gained 1.88 percentage points in the House of Representatives, primarily by standing in all electorates, and lost 1.11 points in the Senate.

This illustrates that the mass desertion by voters of Labor and the Liberal-Nationals is not the product of a shift to the right by the working class, but a loathing for the entire political establishment. Virtually all minor parties made small gains, essentially in proportion to the number of electorates in which they stood candidates. 

Labor’s declining working-class vote

One of the most significant features of the election was that it confirmed that Labor can in no way claim a mass base of support in the working class. Throughout Australia’s history, Labor has been the pre-eminent political force tying workers to the capitalist system. However, decades of pro-business policies have made it clear to an increasing number of workers that the party does not represent their interests, but those of the corporate elite, and can no longer even be considered a “lesser evil.”

The change in Labor‘s vote in each electorate, sorted from most socio-economic disadvantage (left) to least. [Photo: WSWS]

Labor’s vote declined in 85 of the 151 electoral divisions across the country. The fall was largest in working-class and impoverished regional areas. On average, the first preference vote for Labor declined by 1.7 percentage points in the 76 most disadvantaged electorates, while it dropped by just 0.07 percent in the most advantaged 75 seats.

Labor won only a single new seat in the most disadvantaged half of the country’s 151 electoral divisions, the marginal New South Wales (NSW) seat of Robertson, while five of the party’s ten seats gained were in the 23 wealthiest electorates.

In the predominantly working-class Sydney areas to the south and west of Parramatta, the city’s geographical centre, Labor’s vote fell in ten out of twelve electoral divisions. In Parramatta, 11.4 percent of 15-24 year olds and 5.9 percent of workers overall are unemployed, even on the misleadingly low official statistics.

Labor’s largest decline across the country was in the southwest Sydney electorate of Fowler, the tenth-most disadvantaged division in the country. Labor had held the seat since it was created in 1984, but this year it went to independent candidate Dai Le after Labor’s vote fell by 18.49 percent.

The immediate cause was a tone-deaf attempt to parachute the deeply unpopular former NSW Premier Kristina Keneally into a safe seat, but the result also points to a growing hostility to the political establishment, in a region where workers confront an acute social crisis.

Almost 66 percent of renters and 70 percent of mortgagees in Fowler are in housing stress, according to social housing organisation “Everybody’s Home.” Across southwest Sydney, the official unemployment rate is 7.6 percent, the highest of any urban area in the country and almost double the national figure of 3.9 percent, while youth unemployment is at 12.2 percent.

On top of a fall of 6.28 points for Labor in Fowler in the 2019 election, this year’s defeat resulted in a more than 25 percent drop over the two elections.

The change in Labor‘s vote in Sydney [Photo: WSWS]

Southwest Sydney suffered disproportionately from high levels of the COVID-19 infection, illness and death that has been allowed to run rampant as a result of the homicidal policies of all Australian governments, Labor and Liberal-National alike.

At the same time, the region was targeted with punitive and aggressively enforced partial lockdowns. This included the deployment of the military and police to demonise and harass ordinary people, while a host of pro-business exemptions meant that the measures did little to curtail the spread of the virus.

Mass infections have accelerated in these working-class areas, since even the inadequate lockdowns were ended last December. Anecdotal reports indicate that the virus continues to spread like wildfire in factories and warehouses, along with schools.

Labor’s vote also fell in the neighbouring electorates of Werriwa (8.03 percent in 2022, 4.38 percent in 2019) and Blaxland (2.55 percent in 2022, 5.53 percent in 2019), the most disadvantaged electorate in NSW. In Werriwa, 66.4 percent of renters and 70.7 percent of borrowers are in housing stress, as are 64.1 percent of renters in Blaxland.

While Labor’s vote increased by 2.09 percent in McMahon, to the north of Fowler, this fell far short of offsetting a 7.36 percent decline in 2019. Similarly in Greenway, which includes several working-class suburbs but is overall one of the wealthier electorates in the state, the 2.56 percentage point increase in Labor’s vote this year was less than the 3.11 drop at the last federal election.

Labor won two new seats in Sydney. One was Bennelong, a wealthy electorate dominated by the Liberal Party since it was created in 1949 and previously held by former Liberal Prime Minister John Howard. The other was Reid, which was a Labor stronghold from 1922 but went to the Liberals from 2013.

The turn away from Labor in areas of high socio-economic disadvantage is not a new phenomenon. When Labor lost the “unloseable” 2019 federal election, its vote fell by 2.78 percent in the poorest half of electorates and by only 0.33 percent in the wealthiest half.

The change in Labor‘s vote in Melbourne [Photo: WSWS]

In Victoria, Labor’s primary vote this year fell in 18 of the 20 most socially disadvantaged electorates. While the party made substantial gains in the 2019 election, this year’s decline more than outweighed them. Since 2016, Labor’s vote has fallen in 26 out of 39 seats, including 16 of the 20 poorest.

There are clear links with the deindustrialisation that has taken place in the region, especially the shutdown of the car manufacturing industry. Beginning in 1984, with the “Button car plan,” the Labor Hawke-Keating government and the trade unions spearheaded the pro-business overhaul of the sector, leading to its complete closure by 2017. This resulted in the destruction of thousands of jobs, leaving a legacy of long-term unemployment.

In Calwell, a working-class electorate that includes the former automotive manufacturing hub of Broadmeadows, Labor suffered a swing of 9.57 percent, following a fall of 4.8 points in 2019. In the 2016 election, held months before Ford shut down its Broadmeadows plant, Labor received 56.81 percent of the primary vote. This year, the party received just 44.86 percent. The official unemployment rate in the region is 6.8 percent, the highest in Victoria, and youth unemployment is at 13.7 percent.

In the neighbouring electorate of Scullin, where 65.4 percent of mortgagees are in financial stress, the highest level of any seat in Melbourne, Labor’s vote declined by 13.63 percentage points.

Labor’s vote also fell in Gellibrand (6.32 points), where 14 percent of youth and 5.2 percent of all workers are unemployed, and Corio (5.47 points). These electorates contain the former automotive manufacturing hubs of Altona and Geelong.

The two new seats Labor won in Victoria were both in Melbourne’s inner east and among the state’s ten wealthiest electorates. In Chisholm, a marginal seat, Labor’s vote increased by 3.91 points, while in Higgins, Labor gained 2.58 percent this year, on top of an 8.85-point increase in 2019, to win the seat for the first time since it was created in 1949.

In South Australia, Labor’s vote fell in eight out of ten electorates. The largest decline, of 7.1 percentage points, was in Spence, the most disadvantaged area in the state. The seat includes the north Adelaide suburb of Elizabeth, home to General Motors’ Australian plant until it was closed in 2017, putting thousands out of work. The official unemployment rate in the area is 5.9 percent, the highest level in Adelaide.

While Labor’s vote increased slightly in Queensland, this paled in comparison to a massive swing away from the party in 2019, meaning that, since 2016, Labor has lost votes in 25 out of the state’s 30 electorates.

The only state in which Labor made substantial gains was Western Australia (WA), where its primary vote increased by 7.04 percentage points. Despite the pandemic being virtually unmentioned during the election, even after Labor leader Anthony Albanese was infected with COVID during the campaign, Labor’s vote reflected the support for the measures initially enacted in that state to keep it free from the virus.

The state had essentially eliminated the virus throughout most of the pandemic, until the WA Labor government acceded to growing pressure, spearheaded by Morrison and the National Cabinet, to drop its “hard border.” Four of the ten seats gained by Labor were in that state, and Labor’s vote increased in all but one electorate.

Labor’s record

The growing turn away from Labor is based on the experiences of workers over the past four decades. In that time, Labor governments, in close collaboration with the trade unions, have been at the forefront of a massive assault on the working class.

This is part of an international process. Beginning in the 1980s, all the social-democratic and trade union organisations dispensed with their previous program of seeking limited reforms for workers, by placing pressure on nationally-based governments and businesses.

The objective basis for this nationalist program, which was always aimed at propping up the capitalist wage labour and profit system, was shattered by the globalisation of production. Labor, together with the unions, became the chief advocates of ensuring that Australian industry became “globally competitive” in the new world market, through a continuous lowering of workers’ wages and conditions.

The Labor governments led by Bob Hawke and Paul Keating, from 1983 to 1996, carried out a sweeping economic restructuring, slashing wages and destroying hundreds of thousands of jobs in industries no longer considered sufficiently profitable.

The Labor-union imposition of “enterprise bargaining” ensured workers’ struggles were isolated to individual workplaces, and denied workers the right to strike over pay and conditions, except during narrow bargaining windows. Union-enforced enterprise bargaining has resulted in one sell-out agreement after another, across every industry. It is responsible for the massive growth of casual labour, and the decades-long stagnation of wages.

This agenda was further stepped up by the Labor governments of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard from 2007 to 2013 with the introduction of the “Fair Work Act.” The legislation introduced further restrictions on the right of workers to strike, while handing the anti-worker Fair Work Commission expanded powers to shut down industrial action.

Between 1937 and 1983, Labor’s first preference vote averaged 45.8 percent. Since the 1983 election of the Hawke Labor government with 49.48 percent of the primary vote, the party has scored an average of 39.1 percent. Since 2000, Labor has recorded an average of just 36.36 percent of first preferences, with the exception of the 2007 when Kevin Rudd won with over 40 percent of the vote.

Events since the election have underscored Labor’s character as a pro-war party of the banks and big business.

After taking office, Prime Minister Albanese jettisoned Labor’s election slogan of a “better future,” instead insisting that workers must accept “sacrifies” through continued wage suppression, amid soaring inflation. Labor has also signalled sweeping cuts to social spending, to force the working class to pay for the deepening crisis of capitalism and the hundreds of millions of dollars handed to big business during the pandemic.

Internationally, Labor is functioning as an attack dog of the US confrontation with China in the Indo-Pacific, a program which threatens nuclear war. Albanese’s government has continued the bipartisan persecution of refugees and rejected calls to free Julian Assange, the Australian citizen and journalist being persecuted for exposing US-led war crimes.

24 Jun 2022

Learn Africa Canary Islands Scholarship Program 2022

Application Deadline: 5th July 2022

Type: Postgraduate degree & Short course

Eligibility:

  • Be a woman and have the nationality of an African country.
  • Be enrolled in an African university or have a university degree issued in an African country. The degree required may vary depending on the scholarship requested (see detailed information of each scholarship)
  • Have a stable internet connection and the appropriate technical equipment (computer, laptop, tablet …). All courses are online.
  • Fulfill the specific requirements and have the technical/technological material required for each scholarship
  • Up to three scholarship applications per person are accepted, but you only have to fulfill and submit one application form. On this form you can mark up a maximum of three courses, selected in order of preference.

Selection Criteria: A committee of experts from the “Women for Africa Foundation” and Canarias Islands Government will make a first evaluation of all the candidatures on the basis of all the documents received.

In particular, the following documents will be taken into account:

  • CV
  • Languages

The final selection will be agreed with each of the participating universities and the results will be personally communicated to each of the selected candidates.

The decision will not be personally communicated to unsuccessful candidates.

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be Taken at (Universities):

  • ULPGC – Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canarias
  • ULL – Universidad de La Laguna
  • ESSSCAN – Escuela de Servicios Sanitarios y Sociales de Canarias
  • FGULL – Fundación General de La Laguna
  • FULP – Fundación Universidad de las Palmas
  • ITC – Instituto Tecnológico Canario

Number of Awards: 66

  • 2 Postgraduate courses
  • 45 language courses
  • 19 specialised short courses

Value of Award: These scholarships of online modality cover registration, tuition fees and issuance of the degree obtained.

How to Apply: To apply for Learn Africa Canarias scholarships you do not have to register on the platform.

You only have to consult the available scholarships and click on the button “Apply”. A form will be opened and you will have to fill in all your details and attach the requested documents. We suggest you read the form in detail and have all the information requested prepared before completing it. All available courses are listed in the form and you can mark up to a maximum of three options, selected in order of preference.

Important: before submitting the application form, please check all the information, because once the application has been sent it cannot be changed.

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details