5 Nov 2022

Egypt’s el-Sisi prepares for Cop27 summit by cracking down on dissent

Jean Shaoul


Cop27 is to be held in the resort town of Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt’s Sinai desert between November 6 and 18, far away from the noxious fumes and densely packed squalor of Cairo, Egypt’s capital, that is home to around 20 million largely impoverished Egyptians.

Some 90 heads of state and leaders of 190 countries, including US President Joe Biden—the first visit to Egypt of any US president since 2009—French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, are slated to attend.

Demonstrators call for climate action on the African continent prior to the COP27 U.N. Climate Summit, Friday, November 4, 2022, which start on Nov. 6, and is scheduled to end on November 18, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt. [AP Photo/Peter Dejong]

Egypt’s brutal dictator, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, has organized a massive security operation to prevent demonstrators and protesters coming to Sharm el-Sheikh. The security forces have detained hundreds of people across the country, including environmental activists, for supposedly belonging to a terrorist group. This comes as calls have grown on social media for Egyptians to protest at Sharm el-Sheikh over the country’s deepening economic crisis on Friday, November 11, calling it the “Climate Revolution.”

Draconian security measures have transformed the resort into a “war zone” to “protect the event” in what UN human rights experts described as “a climate of fear for Egyptian civil society organizations to engage visibly at the Cop27.” Insofar as any demonstrations are permitted, they are likely to be confined to areas tucked away in the desert far away from the world leaders and their plush hotels.

These events alone expose the human rights propaganda and empty climate policy bromides espoused by the leaders of the imperialist powers that uphold the interests of the chief despoilers of the planet: the corporate and financial kleptocracy.

El-Sisi has seized the opportunity to bolster his international standing and promote Egypt’s position at the heart of gas geo-politics in the eastern Mediterranean, amid the US/NATO-led war against Russia that has reduced Russian energy supplies to Europe. Having seized power in a military coup with Western backing in 2013, overthrowing the elected president, the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Mohamed Mursi, el-Sisi heads a tyrannical regime that outlaws peaceful assembly and free speech. His suppression of all dissent is aimed at defending Egyptian and foreign capital against a social explosion of the working class who face mass poverty, social inequality and a military that controls at least 40 percent of Egypt’s economy.

Beginning with a bloodbath that killed more 1,000 people, his security forces have since then gunned down hundreds more. Others have been executed after kangaroo court trials and frame-ups. Egypt’s prisons, synonymous with torture and disappearances, are overflowing with more than 60,000 political prisoners, including some of the country’s most prominent politicians. Many are held without trial or charge. All strikes, protests and demonstrations are banned under Egypt’s draconian State of Emergency laws. The heavily censored media are mouthpieces for the state, while parties and organizations that criticize the regime are outlawed.

Although el-Sisi released a handful of detainees in the run up to Cop27, this is far outweighed by the number of new arrests. He has ignored the calls of some 200 organisations and individuals, including 13 Nobel literature laureates, to release journalists and political prisoners ahead of the conference, including activists Alaa Abdel Fattah and Ahmed Douma, human rights lawyer Mohamed el Baqer, blogger Mohamed “Oxygen” Ibrahim, former presidential candidate Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, Seif and Safwan Thabet, and environmentalist Ahmed Amasha.

The well-known blogger and political activist, Alaa Abdel Fattah, who holds dual British and Egyptian citizenship and was an early opponent of the Mubarak dictatorship, has spent much of the time since 2011 in jail on charges of inciting violence against the military and opposing laws banning protests. On Tuesday, he announced he would escalate the partial hunger strike he began in April and refuse all food or drink.

None of this prevents the world’s leaders attending Cop27 on Egyptian soil or giving el-Sisi a platform even as they cite the looming energy shortage—the product of their own actions against Russia—to bring in coal-fired power plants and increase gas and oil exploration to make good the shortfall.

The conference takes place as Egypt faces an increasingly desperate economic and financial crisis, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic that officially killed just 25,000 people (likely a huge underestimate in a country where only 39 percent of the 104 million people have been fully vaccinated). Remittances from Egyptians working in the Gulf fell and workers returned, swelling the ranks of the unemployed. Revenues plummeted while expenditure on health, social welfare and support for tourism and the industrial sector rose.

The war in Ukraine has hit Egypt hard, since it is the world’s largest importer of wheat, with around 80 percent of its supplies coming from Russia and Ukraine. Egypt’s tourism industry is heavily dependent on Russian and Ukrainian visitors and accounts for 12 percent of GDP, while higher interest rates in the US and the dollar’s surging value have compounded Egypt’s debt crisis and led to an outflow of foreign funding.

The Egyptian pound has fallen from 16 per US dollar to 23 after Egypt’s central bank announced it would abandon the pound’s peg to the dollar and allow it to float in accordance with market forces in return for a $3 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the fourth since 2016, making Egypt the second largest borrower after Argentina.

This borrowing is a drop in the ocean, with Goldman Sachs saying earlier this year that Cairo would need $15 billion from the IMF over the next three years to plug a financing gap of $40 billion to fund El-Sisi’s vanity projects. These include a $59 billion new administrative capital 28 miles out in the desert east of Cairo, a $25 billion nuclear reactor and an $8 billion expansion of the Suez Canal that has failed to bring in the vastly inflated, projected income. His massive arms purchases—largely from the US despite the Biden administration’s suspension of a few weapons deals in mock horror over his appalling human rights record—enable him to repress the masses not only in Egypt but throughout the region have also added to the deficit.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar have pledged about $22 billion in investments, buying up some of the country’s most profitable state-owned assets and companies at knock-down prices in a bid to stabilise the most populous country in the Arab world. This has drawn Cairo into Washington’s anti-Iran alliance, with el-Sisi attending the Jeddah meeting with Biden and leaders from the Gulf States, Jordan and Iraq in July.

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi with US President Joe Biden at the GCC+3 summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, July 16 2022

Cairo has played a key role in maintaining Israel’s criminal 15-year long blockade of the Gaza Strip—ruled by the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated group Hamas, preventing any reconstruction after it has been rendered almost uninhabitable by Israel’s repeated assaults, and brokering a ceasefire between Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Israel on Tel Aviv’s terms in August.

At home, El-Sisi has slashed subsidies on basic domestic and agricultural commodities, raised fuel prices, imposed new taxes including a value added tax, cut the health and education budgets and fired government employees.

This has served to accelerate the government’s transfer of wealth from lower and middle classes to itself and the business elite, with devastating consequences for Egyptian workers and their families. Inflation is now running at 15 percent, although the prices of some foodstuffs have risen by 66 percent—ruining much of Egypt’s middle class and leading to soaring poverty rates. Some 30 percent of the population live below the poverty line, another 30 percent are close to poverty and nearly 70 percent depend on food rations.

The attendance by nearly all the major powers at Cop27 should constitute a warning to the international working class. The ruling elites’ embrace of el-Sisi signifies that they have no disagreements with his brutal methods. They will have no hesitation in taking a leaf out of his book when it comes to suppressing mass resistance to their own hated policies of war, profit-gouging, social austerity and profits before lives pandemic policy.

Former Pakistan prime minister Imran Khan shot in failed assassination attempt

Sampath Perera


Former Pakistan prime minister Imran Khan was shot and injured on Thursday while leading an anti-government “long march” to the capital, Islamabad. After the shooting, which killed one and injured at least 10 others, Khan was rushed to a hospital with four gunshot wounds to his leg and thigh.

On Friday evening, Khan, the country’s prime minister from August 2018 until last April, addressed the nation from a wheelchair in his hospital room. He called on his supporters—some of whom had clashed violently with police earlier in the day—to continue protesting until the senior government and military figures he has publicly accused of orchestrating his attempted assassination are removed or resign.

Thursday’s shooting is the latest expression of the thoroughly degenerate state of Pakistan’s bourgeois politics. Political leaders routinely incite communal violence and physical attacks on their opponents, while the US-backed military top brass, which has a long record of overthrowing elected governments, engages in countless intrigues.

Supporters of former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan's party, 'Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf' throw stones at police officers in Rawalpindi during a protest against his attempted assassination, Nov. 4, 2022. [AP Photo/Mohammad Ramiz]

The attempt on Khan’s life comes just weeks after he managed to win six of the seven parliamentary seats he contested during by-elections held in October. The results confirmed that Khan, who is posturing as an opponent of IMF austerity and US bullying of Pakistan, retains a substantial base of popular support even after his ouster via a parliamentary no-confidence vote last April, held amid protests over soaring food and energy prices. In comparison, incumbent Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s Muslim League (PML-N), which is governing in alliance with the Pakistan People’s Party, failed to win any seats.

Khan, who condemned the no-confidence vote against him as a conspiracy between his political opponents and Washington, defied all government attempts to pre-empt his “march”—which is in fact a convoy of pick-up trucks and other vehicles that is moving from town to town, and mass rally to rally, on its way to Islamabad.

Prior to the gun attack, Khan was making increasingly aggressive demands that the interim government immediately call fresh elections, which are not due until August 2023.

Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) immediately denounced the attack as an “assassination attempt.” Accounts differ as to whether there was more than one gunman involved, the position maintained by the officials who arrested a man with a 9mm pistol at the scene. At least one PTI leader questioned the identity of the purported gunman. Others reported hearing automatic gunfire in a video clip that allegedly captured the shooting. Khan was mounted on a specially arranged container truck at the time of the shooting.

From his hospital bed, Khan accused Sharif, interior minister Rana Sanaullah and Major General Faisal Naseer, who heads a “wing” of the feared intelligence agency, ISI, of being behind the attack. PTI Secretary-General Asad Umar said that Khan “had the information beforehand that these people might be involved in the assassination attempt on him,” but did not elaborate if any actions were taken to enhance his security or if the details were imparted to any security agency prior to the incident.

Sharif and the military have condemned the attack and rejected Khan’s accusations as baseless. While calling for an immediate investigation, PML (N) leaders have attacked Khan for proceeding with his march/convoy if he knew an attack was imminent and thereby putting lives at risk. It is not clear what level of security was provided to Khan and whether the police or military had any prior knowledge of an impending threat to his life.

In December 2007, ahead of general elections scheduled for January 2008, two-time prime minister Benazir Bhutto was targeted by a combined attack, involving a suicide bomber and gunmen while she was addressing an election rally. Before her assassination, Bhutto identified in a letter to the country’s US-backed dictator-president, Pervez Musharraf, two top intelligence heads and two political leaders who were allegedly threatening to kill her. Despite widely known threats and a previous assassination attempt, an investigation by the UN concluded that she was not provided with “adequate security measures.”

Behind the current political crisis is a devastating socioeconomic crisis that the Islamabad elite fears could unleash mass upheavals akin to those that convulsed Sri Lanka this spring and summer and forced the then president, Gotabaya Rajapakse, to flee the country and resign.

Sections of the Pakistani elite are worried that by appealing to anti-government sentiments among the masses, Khan could inadvertently ignite a popular movement that comes to threaten the capitalist order. Under constant threat of economic default, the servile Islamabad elite is enforcing brutal austerity measures on the population as prescribed by the International Monetary Fund to pay back $130 billion of foreign debt.

Mass resentment and anger against the government are being fueled by the skyrocketing cost of living. The annual inflation rate rose to 26.6 percent in October. Rising prices for food and energy are being compounded by the ongoing devaluation of Pakistan’s currency. The government’s disastrous response to the unprecedented flooding from June through October, which directly affected 33 million people and caused damages exceeding $40 billion, has further exacerbated social tensions.

Speaking to the London-based Financial Times, Sharif, who assumed office after Khan’s ouster, pondered over the precarious situation of his government in the face of Khan’s challenge following the by-election results. “We are obviously concerned because if there is dissatisfaction leading to deeper political instability and we are not able to achieve our basic requirements and goals, this can obviously lead to serious problems,” Sharif told the FT. “I’m not saying it in terms of any kind of threat, but I’m saying there’s a real possibility.” Sharif did not elaborate on the kind of threats he is worried about.

Former Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan at the Kremlin on February 24, 2022. Khan narrowly escaped an assassination attempt on his life on November 3, 2022 when a gunman fired multiple shots and wounded him in the leg during a rally. [Photo by www.kremlin.ru / CC BY-SA 4.0]

A right-wing Islamic populist, Khan presents himself as a born-again Muslim and anti-corruption campaigner. Having no significant association with Islamabad’s role as a satrap for Washington prior to his 2018 election victory, Khan was able to present himself as an opponent of the imperialist powers’ occupation of Afghanistan and the CIA-led, Islamabad-sanctioned drone war that devastated Pakistan’s tribal regions in the northwest.

After assuming office, Khan implicated almost every significant opposition leader in corruption cases, which they claimed were “politically motivated.” Khan himself was on the receiving end of similar treatment this summer when the new government brought corruption charges against him. Citing these charges, a court recently issued an order disqualifying Khan from taking up any of the seats he won in last month’s by-elections. Khan is appealing that decision.

Khan was widely criticized within powerful sections of the Islamabad elite for his attempt to expand ties with Russia at the cost of Pakistan’s relations with Washington, which have become increasingly strained. A major factor in the cooling of Islamabad-Washington relations is Washington’s aggressive courting of Pakistan’s arch-rival, India, with the aim of transforming New Delhi into a frontline state in US imperialism’s diplomatic, economic and military-strategic offensive against  China.

But what sealed Khan’s fate was when he reintroduced government subsidies for energy in February, in defiance of his government’s IMF commitments. After he was removed from office via a no-confidence vote in parliament and the Sharif-led coalition of PML-N and PPP government took office, Khan became a nuisance for the Islamabad elite. The editorialists of major news outlets have frequently joined the government in chastising him for his populist rhetoric, warning that it could impede, even help derail, implementation of the IMF agenda.

Khan and his PTI are no opponents of the IMF’s hated austerity, privatization and other “pro-investor” policies. Quite the contrary, Khan oversaw the implementation of two rounds of some of the “toughest” IMF-dictated austerity packages and “structural reforms” in Pakistan’s history. The first came shortly after coming to power in August 2018, and the second last January.

However, Khan has been able to exploit and channel mass anger against PML-N and PPP policies, particularly among sections of the middle class, behind his right-wing Islamist agenda. He has also exploited popular anger over Washington’s bullying of Pakistan and revulsion against US imperialism’s devastating intervention in Pakistan and Afghanistan through his persistent claims that Washington was behind his ouster as prime minister.

At the same time, he continues to venerate Pakistan’s military, which has always been and remains the pivot and anchor of the Pakistani bourgeoisie’s reactionary partnership with Washington. Khan has never suggested that the military participated in the “conspiracy” to oust him.

On October 31 Khan boasted that he is in discussions with the military. Despite being widely considered to have played the key role behind the scenes in bringing Khan to power in 2018, the military fell out with him earlier this year and cast, as the World Socialist Web Site commented at the time, “the most important ‘non-confidence vote’” during his ouster.

In his October 31 remarks, Khan declared his support for the military once again, despite his criticism of a “few officers.” During his time in office, Khan allowed the military to vastly expand its direct control of the economy, including by granting it a top role in the $60 billion strategic China-Pakistan Economic Corridor initiative.

German Chancellor Scholz visits Athens and seals tank deal with Greece

Katerina Selin


A week ago, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (Social Democrats, SPD) made his inaugural visit to Athens where he met with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis of the right-wing conservative Nea Dimokratia (ND). The talks, held against the backdrop of the proxy war between NATO and Russia in Ukraine, focused on closer cooperation between the two countries in defence and energy policies. “In both areas, Greece could play a leading role in the future,” commented news broadcast Tagesschau.

The previous week, the first six of a total of 40 German Marder tanks had arrived in Greece as part of the so-called “backfill arrangements” to arm Ukraine. This involves Berlin supplying state-of-the-art armaments to European states, which in return send Soviet-style weapons to Ukraine. Athens has handed over 40 old BMP-1 infantry fighting vehicles to Kiev, which came from stocks built up in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR).

Marder tank type 1A3 [Photo by Sonaz / CC BY-SA 2.0]

The “traffic light” coalition of the SPD, Liberal Democrats (FDP) and Greens is using the Ukraine war for a comprehensive armaments’ offensive. Under the slogan “the turn of the times,” it has massively increased military spending and supplied weapons and other materiel to Ukraine. Since the spring, it has also been organizing “backfill arrangements” with other countries, which in addition to arming Ukraine allow it to push German arms deals throughout Europe.

Mitsotakis announced that the new Marder tanks will be stationed along the Evros River on the border with neighbouring Turkey, of all places. “Our forces assume that they will be most useful there,” he said, explaining this provocative decision. Geopolitical tensions between NATO allies Turkey and Greece have further escalated with the Ukraine war. Mutual threats and nationalist war rhetoric serve both sides to distract attention from the serious social crisis at home.

Scholz did not give the Greek government any directives as to where the tanks could be stationed. Even before his visit, he had backed Greece in an interview with the Greek daily Ta Nea and criticized Turkey’s “military threats.” At the press conference in Athens, he kept a lower profile and called for “dialogue based on international law.” For his part, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan regards his regime’s interests as being threatened by the arms build-up in Greece and calls for demilitarization of the Aegean islands.

On October 28, the new German Marder tanks were presented at the annual military parade marking the so-called Ochi Day. The Greek national holiday commemorates October 28, 1940, when the pro-Hitler Metaxas dictatorship rejected an ultimatum from fascist Italy under Mussolini and called for national resistance.

The Greek ruling class often uses this holiday as an occasion for nationalist propaganda. Chief of the General Staff Konstantinos Floros addressed an open threat to Turkey in his speech in the run-up to the parade. As in 1940, he said, the “powerful” armed forces stood ready to silence anyone who “threatens, insults, derides or belittles” Greece.

These words from the highest-ranking military brass must also be understood as a warning to opponents of the war at home, who denounce chauvinist patriotism and gigantic military spending at the expense of the education and health systems. It was not long ago that the working class was crushed under the yoke of the Greek military dictatorship (1967-1974).

In terms of energy policy, Greece could become a “more important hub for Europe” after Russian gas supplies have stopped, Professor Kostas Lavdas, a political scientist at Panteion University in Athens, told the Tagesschau. He also referred to the planned Eastmed pipeline, which was currently off the table, but had “moved back within reach due to the war in Ukraine.” The pipeline, which has not yet been realized, is intended to deliver natural gas and hydrogen from the Middle East to Greece and from there on to Italy.

The northern Greek port of Alexandroupoli, which was recently expanded and serves as a transshipment point for NATO arms deliveries to Ukraine, is also becoming more important in the energy sector, according to Tagesschau: “Via the southern gas corridor—an interconnection of several pipelines—gas reaches Greece from Azerbaijan via Georgia and Turkey. From Alexandroupoli, in turn, the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline runs via Albania to Italy.”

In addition, a liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal is being built at the port, which could supply the Balkan countries. German and other European companies are also investing in wind and solar energy.

Greece is one of the closest allies of the US and Germany in the war against Russia. Even before the outbreak of the war, it was spending 3.59 percent of GDP on its military apparatus—more than any other NATO country—according to NATO figures in 2021. Military spending rose to about $8 billion in 2021 from $5.3 billion the previous year, according to figures from the peace research institute Sipri.

Greek rearmament has the full support of the pseudo-left opposition Syriza party, which wants to distinguish itself as a better defence partner. A few days ago, party leader Alexis Tsipras met with managers of the Greek aerospace industry and expressed his pleasure at the success of “the two arms programs we completed as a government under very difficult circumstances: the upgrade of 84 F-16 Viper fighters and four P-3 maritime reconnaissance aircraft.”

He then complained that of the last arms programs under the ND government, “not a single euro went to the national armaments industry. This is a national crime.” Greece, he said, “must always maintain its armed forces as a deterrent and in constant readiness.” If Syriza came to power, it would renegotiate the contracts and strengthen the Greek defence industry, Tsipras said.

In recent months in particular, Washington has accelerated the expansion of military bases and the modernization of the Greek army. In September, US government plans to station forces in the port of Alexandroupoli became public.

At a meeting on October 11, deputies from both defence ministries spoke about “expanding the US military presence in Souda Bay and elsewhere in Greece” and “providing resilient access to NATO’s Eastern Flank, especially to assist Ukraine,” according to a US Defense Department press release.

The German defence industry does not want to come away empty-handed in this development. According to data from Sipri, tiny Greece already ranked fifth among the biggest buyers of German arms exports between 2011 and March 2022 (after South Korea, the US, Egypt and Israel). Berlin is trying to rapidly expand German imperialism’s position of power—also in competition with the US and France.

Rheinmetall and Greece

The current intensified armaments collaboration with Greece shows once again the criminal traditions in which today’s German great power policy stands. The backfill arrangements are being carried out by the same companies that were industrial leaders in Nazi times.

Marder tanks are produced by Düsseldorf-based arms giant Rheinmetall, which reported record sales in the first half of 2022. As early as the mid-1930s, Rheinmetall-Borsig was heavily involved in secret arms deals between Greece and Nazi Germany.

The Greek war minister at the time, General Kondylis, contacted Rheinmetall-Borsig in 1934 and “presented the company with a long shopping list,” according to historian Morgens Pelt, in an essay available online (in German). Negotiations took place in secret because Greece did not want to alienate Entente allies France and Britain; and Germany was not allowed to export war materiel after World War I due to the Treaty of Versailles.

Because of these restrictions, Rheinmetall-Borsig created a shadow company, Waffenfabrik Solothurn in Switzerland, which undertook arms deals with several countries, including Greece, Italy and Bulgaria. Rheinmetall-Borsig was closely linked to the Nazi government. The president of its arms and sales headquarters, Major Waldemar Pabst, had ordered the assassination of revolutionaries Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht in 1919 and enjoyed the trust of Nazi leaders. According to Pelt, Nazi Germany also saw the arms shipments to Greece as a welcome opportunity “to undermine the French security system in Central and South-eastern Europe.”

On August 4, 1936, following the suppression of a major tobacco workers’ strike in northern Greece, fascist general and monarchist Ioannis Metaxas established a dictatorship. As a result, he intensified arms agreements with Rheinmetall-Borsig and increased dependence on German war materiel and armaments technologies. From the perspective of Hitler’s Foreign Ministry, arms deliveries were “an essential element for the protection of German interests in Greece,” according to Pelt.

After the Italian attack on Greece, which was initially repelled, the Nazis occupied the country in the spring of 1941 and waged a campaign of extermination against the civilian population, the Jewish community and the partisan movement. The plunder of economic resources (including chrome and nickel) benefited the German industrial machine.

German Panzer IV tank near the Temple of Hephaestus, Athens, Greece, 1941-1942. [Photo by German Federal Archive/Teschendorf/bild 101I-175-1270-36 / CC BY-SA 2.0]

Rheinmetall also profited from this policy of robbery; Greek forced labourers were made to toil in German armaments factories. The former director of Rheinmetall-Borsig in Athens, Walter Deter, became part of the economic staff of the Wehrmacht, Hitler’s armed forces, in Greece.

More recently, Rheinmetall raked in big profits in Greece via shady corruption deals. Between 2001 and 2011, the group had paid at least €42 million in bribes to Greek intermediaries to set up arms contracts (mainly air defence systems and Leopard tanks). When the scandal came to light in 2014, the company had to pay around €37 million in fines.

Now, under the leadership of the Scholz government, German arms companies are officially making huge deals with Greece and other countries and are firmly integrated into Germany’s politics of self-interest in southeastern Europe.

Netanyahu to form Israeli government of racists and fascists

Jean Shaoul


Seventy-five years after the UN vote to establish a homeland for the Jews on part of the Palestinian land administered under the British Mandate, Benjamin Netanyahu is set to form a government composed of the most reactionary forces in the country, including the fascistic and racist Religious Zionism Party, now the third largest party in the 120-seat Knesset.

Former Israeli Prime Minister and the head of Likud party, Benjamin Netanyahu, and his wife Sara gesture after first exit poll results for the Israeli Parliamentary election at his party's headquarters in Jerusalem, Wednesday, Nov. 2, 2022. [AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov]

It is a historical milestone in the crisis and rightward trajectory of the Zionist state.

Netanyahu’s government will be made up of racists from the religious and ultra-nationalist parties pledged to Jewish supremacy and the implementation of measures synonymous with apartheid. Their vicious attacks on the Palestinians are aimed at driving them out of both Israel’s internationally recognized borders and the lands it has illegally occupied since the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war, in defiance of international law and countless United Nations resolutions.

One candidate in line for high office is Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of the Jewish Power faction within Religious Zionism. Ben-Gvir, a virulent anti-Arab who regularly incites violence against the Palestinians, chanting “Death to the Arabs,” has faced dozens of charges of hate speech.

He used to hang a portrait in his living room of the Israeli-American terrorist Baruch Goldstein, who in 1994 massacred 29 Palestinians and wounded 125 others while they were praying in Hebron, in what became known as the Cave of the Patriarchs massacre. He never forgave Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin for signing the Oslo Accords, which were presented as ushering in a mini-Palestinian state, saying in 1995, two weeks before Rabin was assassinated, “We got to his car, and we’ll get to him too,” after he stole a car ornament from Rabin’s Cadillac.

Ben-Gvir is a self-proclaimed disciple of the American-born fascist Meir Kahane, whose movement was banned in Israel and declared a terrorist organization by the United States.

Religious Zionism’s agenda includes Israeli rule over the West Bank, the expulsion of what it calls “disloyal” Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up 20 percent of the country’s population, the demolition of the al-Aqsa Mosque to make way for the building of a Jewish Temple, the imposition of religious law and the destruction of the judicial system.

Last month, Yaakov Katz, editor-in-chief of the Jerusalem Post, called Ben-Gvir “the modern Israeli version of an American white supremacist and a European fascist.” A government that includes him, Katz warned, “will take on the contours of a fascist state.”

The Biden administration, despite its differences with Netanyahu, congratulated him on his victory. On Thursday, US Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides called Netanyahu, tweeting soon after: “Good call just now with Benjamin. I congratulated him on his victory and told him I look forward to working together to maintain the unbreakable bond” between Israel and the US.

Europe’s far-right leaders were quick to welcome his return to power.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky congratulated Netanyahu, tweeting that he hoped to open “a new page in cooperation” with the incoming government, a reference to the previous government’s refusal to send Israel’s Iron Dome technology and other advanced systems to Ukraine in an effort to maintain relations with Russia.

Those other bastions of right-wing reaction—Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi—likewise lost no time in congratulating Netanyahu.

Israel’s open turn to the politics of Jewish supremacy and fascist terrorism thoroughly exposes the attempts to equate opposition to the Israeli state with anti-Semitism. Indeed, by embracing a program of ethnic cleansing, based on exclusivist conceptions of racial, religious and linguistic hegemony, and identifying this program with the Jewish people, the Israeli ruling class provides grist for the anti-Semitic mill internationally.

This week, more than 240 Jewish-American voters in Pittsburgh signed a letter denouncing the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), which is closely aligned with both Netanyahu and Donald Trump, for spending millions of dollars to back more than 100 Republican candidates who voted to overturn the 2020 election, including “lawmakers who have promoted the anti-Semitic ‘Great Replacement’ conspiracy that helped inspire the murder of eleven members of the three synagogues housed at Tree of Life,” which is located in Pittsburgh.

It is a tragic irony of history that the same type of “race and blood” nationalism that was used by German fascism to exterminate 6 million Jews is being employed today by the Israeli ruling class against the Palestinians, while playing into the hands of those who seek once again to stoke up hatred of “outsiders” and “cosmopolitans” to target Jewish people.

Within Israel itself, the stepped-up attacks on Palestinians will be accompanied by a mounting assault on the social and democratic rights of all workers, Jewish and Palestinian alike, as Netanyahu cracks down on political dissent on behalf of Israel’s plutocrats.

How is this to be explained? There is, of course, the bankruptcy of the nominal opposition, which is an international phenomenon. Netanyahu was able to capitalize on the failure of “progressive” forces in the Bennett-Lapid-led “government of change” to put forward any alternative to alleviate the social inequality that is one of the highest in the OECD group of advanced countries. That failure reflects the class position which prioritizes the interests of Israel’s oligarchs over those of the working class, both Jewish and Palestinian.

More fundamentally, the turn to openly racist policies is rooted in two major factors: the acute crisis of the Zionist state and the logic of Zionism itself.

The establishment of a homeland for the Jews on the twin bases of ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians already living there and a capitalist state was always a reactionary utopia, as the Fourth International explained in 1947.

As the gap between rich and poor grew, due in no small part to the very economic policies required to carry out such a program, the state increased its reliance on right-wing settlers and extreme nationalist zealots, who provided the basis for the emergence of fascistic tendencies within Israel. Extreme nationalism was encouraged to divert growing anger over declining living standards and social inequality along reactionary lines.

It is disturbing that a section of the Jewish people, who have long been associated with progressive movements and were the victims of the worst crime in history, are supporting political parties that can only be described as fascist. This is a product of the toxic political environment in Israel, long a beachhead for American imperialism in the Middle East.

Elon Musk begins mass layoffs at Twitter

Kevin Reed


San Francisco-based Twitter began the first round of mass layoffs of its workforce on Friday under orders from billionaire owner Elon Musk, who took over the company one week ago.

Elon Musk in May 2020. [Photo: NASA/Bill Ingalls]

Some Twitter workers received an email from the company late Thursday that they were being terminated and others found out about it when they lost access to online systems or were barred from entering company facilities on Friday.

While the new leadership of Twitter did not disclose details of the job cuts, internal documents reviewed by Reuters earlier in the week said that Musk was planning to cut 3,700 of the 7,500 global workforce.

The New York Times reported on Friday that “four people with knowledge of the matter,” confirmed that half of the Twitter workforce had been eliminated, adding, “Rarely have layoffs this deep been made by a single individual at a tech company.”

Tweets from former employees on Friday showed that the layoffs on Friday hit staff members in engineering, marketing, communications, product development, content curation and machine learning ethics.

Shannon Raj Singh, a lawyer who was running Twitter’s human rights department, tweeted, “Yesterday was my last day at Twitter: the entire Human Rights team has been cut from the company.”

Senior Community Manager, Simon Balmain, tweeted, “Looks like I’m unemployed y’all. Just got remotely logged out of my work laptop and removed from Slack.” In Balmain’s case, he lost access to email and other systems eight hours before being informed that he was officially laid off and he told CNN that the message he received “still didn’t provide any details really” about why he had been fired.

Multiple news outlets reported that the email to Twitter staff was terse and said different things depending on geographic location. Reuters quoted a section of one of the message which read, “In an effort to place Twitter on a healthy path, we will go through the difficult process of reducing our global workforce on Friday.”

Musk’s claims that his motivation to privately own Twitter was, “to try to help humanity” have been rapidly overtaken by a financial crisis resulting from a sudden drop in advertising revenue. Major advertisers, including General Motors, paused spending with Twitter last week because of content moderation concerns.

Interpublic Group (IPG)—which is responsible for $40 billion in marketing internationally for brands such as American Express, Walmart, Pepsi, Coca-Cola, Johnson & Johnson and Mattel—followed up GM’s announcement with a pause in ad spending until they had confidence and clarity on the direction of the platform. Other major brands that have stopped advertising include Ford, Audi, General Mills, Pfizer and Volkswagen.

The reality is that the layoffs at Twitter, accelerated by the Musk takeover, are part of the jobs massacre taking place at tech firms across Silicon Valley. As part of the intensification of the attacks on the jobs and wages of the entire working class—and with financial performance declining and share values falling on Wall Street—companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, Lyft, Microsoft and others have announced either a hiring freeze of layoffs of their employees.

Responding to the exodus of advertisers, Musk tweeted on Friday morning, “Twitter has had a massive drop in revenue, due to activist groups pressuring advertisers, even though nothing has changed with content moderation and we did everything we could to appease the activists.”

He continued, “Extremely messed up! They’re trying to destroy free speech in America.” Speaking at an investors conference in New York on Friday, Musk reiterated his claim that activist pressure was “an attack on the First Amendment.”

The reality is that the private takeover of the micro blogging platform—which has become a critical tool used by millions of people for instantaneous global announcements, news and information—by a billionaire oligarch is the greatest threat to democracy.

An example of the social and political outlook of Musk and the billionaire elite was demonstrated in his exchange with Democratic Representative from New York Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on Twitter on Tuesday and Wednesday.

Commenting on a plan announced by Musk to charge users $8 per month to continue using the “verified” account feature, the congresswoman tweeted, “Lmao at a billionaire earnestly trying to sell people on the idea that ‘free speech’ is actually a $8/mo subscription plan.”

Responding to the comment with a combination of conceit and bullying, Musk tweeted, “Your feedback is appreciated, now pay $8.” This reply speaks volumes about Musk’s commitment to democratic rights and his proclaimed desire to make Twitter into a “common digital town square.” In response to a legitimate question about the future of speech on Twitter, Musk essentially told Ocasio-Cortez—an elected member of the US House of Representatives who has repeatedly faced death threats from far-right and fascist individuals—to “shut up and pay me.”

The first week of Musk’s ownership of the social media platform with nearly 400 million monthly active users has, by any measure, been one of widespread and deepening crisis. He has used his pretense of “free speech absolutism” as a front for welcoming far-right and fascist individuals—such as offering to restore Donald Trump’s account—onto Twitter to spread racism, xenophobia, white-supremacy and antisemitism on the platform.

The mass character of Twitter, as well as social media generally as a technological phenomenon in the 21st century, is incompatible with the ownership of a single billionaire oligarch. The crisis unfolding at Twitter is part of the deepening economic, social and political crisis of the world capitalist system.

The precarious position of the working class and the prospects for a radicalization of the masses in Russia

Andrei Ritsky


A number of economic forecasts for Russia confirm that an attack on the already precarious position of the Russian working class is underway in the remaining months of 2022 and the year 2023. The forecasts emphasize the country’s volatile economic situation, which is increasing the pressure on the Putin regime and setting the stage for a widespread mobilization of the Russian working class.

On Wednesday, November 2, MBFinance, an online market analysis and forecasting platform, published a short, eight-minute forecast for the Russian economy. The very beginning of the article explicitly refers to the “disappointing forecasts of economists and analysts for the remainder of 2022-2023.”

“Many experts argue that unless Russia comes up with a detailed, new draft for economic reforms in the very near future ... the country will face imminent trouble. The greatest pessimists predict a situation similar to that of the wild 90s in the foreseeable future: widespread unemployment and poverty,” writes the author of the article, Igor Kuznetsov.

The article notes the shocking fact that only 3 percent of the population have no financial and material problems. The remaining 97 percent, or 140 million people have them, and most of them experience serious financial difficulties. This shows the whole essence of capitalism.

Only 12 percent of Russians can afford to pay for most commodities, except an apartment or a house. Thirty-five percent are unable to buy appliances. Twenty-three percent of the population can afford to buy groceries to avoid starvation but are unable to afford new clothes and shoes.

Eight percent of Russians are unable to buy even food, which puts them in real danger of dying of hunger or going into debt. For them, the only choice is either a slow and painful life of debt or an equally painful death by starvation. The number of poor Russians has risen by 3 million within just three months this year, and 60 percent of the population, or about 87 million people, are on the brink of poverty.

The article references the economic expert Konstantin Selyanin. In his opinion, the most pessimistic forecast suggests nothing less than the collapse of Russia’s economy in the very near future. According to Selyanin, we are effectively already witnessing the biggest economic collapse in the entire history of Russia since the Stalinist dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.

This is indeed true. While the world is sinking into recession due to tight central bank policies, Russia has already entered its own recession, caused by the reaction of the imperialist powers to Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. It would be too optimistic to believe that Russia has already “survived” this recession.

Despite all the sanctions, Russia was, and still is, an important raw material supplier for the world market. Direct economic relations between Western countries and Russia have indeed declined to a record low, but there are many intermediaries on the world stage. There is also a large uncontrolled trade market on a world scale, which plays no less of a role than the controlled one, and in which Russia has a substantial share.

Kuznetsov’s article brings up a report by Dmitry Belousov, head of the Center for Macroeconomic Analysis and Short-Term Forecasting (CMASTF). The report raises three “possible” paths for Russia’s economic development:

The first path is autarky. Kuznetsov writes: “In this option, Russia will have to produce everything necessary for its development on its own, even if this means reducing the quality of manufactured products, including both consumer products and those that are necessary for the operation of industry. This will affect the standard of living of the country’s population, which could be significantly reduced by this path. This path will be the only possible one if Russia transitions to a ‘war economy’ as a result of a further escalation of the conflict with the enemy countries.”

Thus, this option is considered possible in the case of an expansion of the conflict in Ukraine between Russia and NATO. This is indeed quite likely to happen, since capitalist wars have always been accompanied by the dissociation of countries from the world market, a decline in industrial production and a serious collapse in living standards. But this situation seriously threatens the position of the capitalist class as well.

In the case of autarky, the country would be set back decades. Such a radical collapse can only lead to an equally radical explosion of the struggles of the working class against the bourgeoisie. The main question will not be whether this explosion takes place, but what level of consciousness the working class will have and the extent to which the revolutionary party of the proletariat will successfully influence it.

The second path is “institutional inertia.” According to the article, this is the most likely path of economic development.

“This is the situation that has been developing for the last 15 years: [the aim has been] to maintain as much macroeconomic stability as possible, implement investment projects, finance their obligations,” writes the author of the article. “Under this scenario, unemployment will remain high up to 2030, within 6%, wages and labor productivity will not increase. With such a method Russia will face the following: in such indicators as quality of life, national security, and technological development the country will inevitably lag behind the rest of the world, which will give rise to a ‘gray economy’ as it existed in the 1980s.”

The reader should recall that it was this “gray economy” of the 1980s that contributed to a serious political and economic crisis by the mid-1980s, which forced the Stalinist bureaucracy to adopt Gorbachev’s “perestroika” policies, which in fact proposed a counterrevolutionary way to resolve the crisis: the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union.

The restoration of capitalism ended with the liquidation of the Soviet Union and the establishment in its place of 15 “independent” capitalist republics, open to “partnership” with Western and Eastern capital through the world capitalist market. The consequences of this disintegration are still being felt to this day. The U.S.-NATO proxy war against Russia in Ukraine is one such consequence.

Therefore, if this economic path is realized, it is safe to say that a serious political crisis awaits capitalist Russia. For Putin’s regime, this crisis could be fatal. Another question is: Who will replace Putin’s bourgeois rule: other defenders of bourgeois society or revolutionary Marxists who stand on the principles of the October Revolution?

The third and final possible path is the “struggle for growth.” The article presents this path as the second most likely to be realized after “institutional inertia.” These two economic strategies are the subject of debate among the Russian ruling elite, which is trying to somehow cope with the storm coming at them from the West and from within, that is, from the Russian working class.

“The authorities and business will act together,” Kuznetsov writes, “the role of the state in the economy will increase, but the profits will be kept by private companies. Technology would have to be borrowed, and active entry into all sorts of markets would have to be ensured. This path would allow to keep the unemployment rate within the natural 4-5%, and the incomes of the population would grow by about 2.5-3.7% every year. Forecasts for this scenario are more positive—in a couple of years the country would reach a pre-crisis state”—a very positive scenario indeed.

Looking at the global environment, there is no guarantee that the third “optimistic” scenario will work. For Russia to be able to gain access to all sorts of markets, the war must end. But the fact is that the war is not going to end, its very existence is testimony to the crisis of the entire global capitalist system.

The Russian working class faces the same threats as the working class in other capitalist countries. Unemployment in Russia is expected to reach 6.5 percent next year, thus putting 1.6 million jobs at risk. Food inflation will still remain at 9 percent, and the interest rate of the Central Bank of Russia will remain at 6 percent.

For the first time in many years, the state budget will go into deficit. State expenditure will be reduced, first of all in the social sphere. National debt will rise from 18 percent to 23 percent of GDP. GDP growth will be negative throughout 2023. The course of the global recession will also determine the domestic economic situation in Russia.

“All for the front, all for victory” will be the justifying slogan of the future financial and economic machinations of Putin’s regime. The first wave of mobilization has come to an end, but there is already talk in the open about the second wave. What guarantee is there that the second wave will be at least as good as the first? Putin’s regime can give no guarantees other than guarantees for a further deterioration of the situation.

In its report for the first half of 2022, published August 30, Labor Protest Monitoring, analyzing the feverish state of labor protest in Russia, noted:

“All of this suggests increasing fluctuations and at the same time an increase in protest. Periods of relative decline do not compensate for the growth [in protest activity]. The peak of periods of growth [in protests] and the minimum point reached in periods of growth are both constantly increasing. This means that there is a general increase in protest. In general, there is a rather alarming dynamic with a tendency to increase despite the high variability of the data.”

This was written only with regard to the first half of 2022, when the Russian working class was paralyzed in February and March by Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, and only began to engage in serious protest activity by the summer. The second half of the year will likely not only continue this trend toward growing protests and strike activity, but intensify it.

Ultimately, the fate of the Russian working class is closely linked to the fate of the international working class, which is now at a turning point in the class struggle. Workers internationally are challenging the reactionary trade union apparatuses in their struggle against the cost-of-living crisis, the war and the ongoing pandemic. Russian workers face the same problems as workers everywhere.

It is “optimistic” stupidity and short-sightedness to hope that the capitalist powers will bring about an early end to the war. The redivision of the world has just begun, with all major leaders acknowledging that the decisive decade in the establishment of a “new world order” is now underway. The perceived need by the capitalists for such a “new world order” and the drive by the imperialist powers toward a new redivision of the world is rooted in the crisis and irrationality of the world capitalist system, which is plagued by unresolved contradictions.

Some leaders seek the final realization of a “unipolar moment” (the US), others try to get out of a “stalemate” (Europe), others think about establishing a utopian project of “multipolarity” (China, Russia and others). Ultimately, all these methods are based on the preconception that capitalism must be preserved. We have nothing in common with these methods and conceptions, nor do we intend to.