28 Dec 2023

Billionaires, imperialists, and antisemites: The forces behind the assault on opposition to Gaza genocide

Gabriel Black


More than 80 days into Israel’s genocidal war against the people of Gaza, the ruling class is bitterly attacking democratic rights in the major capitalist countries in order to suppress and isolate mass protest against the genocide.

The marches that have, globally, involved tens of millions of people are being relentlessly and cynically labeled “antisemitic” by the bourgeois press. In Germany, protests against the massacre are outright banned and criminalized. On college campuses in the United States, films by young Jewish directors critical of the state of Israel are being barred and those showing them threatened with expulsion. Student groups opposed to the massacre unfolding in Gaza are being outright banned, including Jewish Voice for Peace.

The United States Congress has begun a witch-hunt which targets university administrators whose words and actions do not sufficiently target students’ right to protest. The congressional grilling of university presidents Liz Magill (Penn), Claudine Gay (Harvard), and Sally Kornbluth (MIT)  earlier this month was a McCarthyite event aimed at intimidating other institutional heads to march in lock-step with this assault on democratic rights. Those who are not adequately revoking or curtailing the basic rights of students and employees to protest face expulsion from their post. The media is entirely complicit, with the New York Times pushing out reporters and staff who become too “political” by characterizing Israel’s assault as genocide in their non-work-related writing, including social media posts.

Harvard President Claudine Gay, left, speaks as University of Pennsylvania President Liz Magill listens during a hearing of the House Committee on Education on Capitol Hill, Tuesday, Dec. 5, 2023 in Washington. [AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein]

Twenty-two Democratic members of the House of Representatives and virtually all the Republicans voted to  censure US House Representative Rashida Tlaib (Democrat-Michigan) for calling for a ceasefire. Meanwhile, figures like Republican Senator Lindsey Graham are cheered when they call for a “total war” against what he calls “the most extremist population on Earth,” that is, the residents of Gaza.

The Biden administration has played a leading role in the campaign to censor opposition to Israel on college campuses. In October the White House began a campaign to combat the surge of pro-Palestinian sentiment on campus, sending teams from the Department of Education to go to major universities and colleges throughout the country.

White House spokesperson Andrew Bates, reporting on the student protests against Israel, stated, “these grotesque sentiments and actions shock the conscience and turn the stomach. They also recall our commitment that can’t be forgotten: ‘never again.’” Yet, cynically, it is the White House which has provided nearly every bomb that has been dropped in Gaza, killing well over 20,000 civilians, primarily women and children, the worst ethnic cleansing of the 21st century.

The Biden administration’s support of Israel has nothing to do with protecting the world or the Jewish people from the horror of genocide. It is about geopolitical control over the Middle East by US imperialism and its regional allies.

As Biden explained in 1986, speaking about US support for Israel on the Senate floor, “There is no apology to be made, none. It is the best $3 billion investment we make. If there were not an Israel the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect our interests in the region. The United States would have to go out and invent an Israel.”

A campaign based on a narrow and isolated group

One of the most remarkable things about this campaign is how little support it has beyond the thin layer of economic, political, and cultural powerholders at the height of capitalist society. In stark contrast to the hundreds of millions of people shocked and outraged by the brutality and hypocrisy of the massacre of Gaza, the pro-genocide forces amount to a handful of billionaires, and the political and media apologists and state functionaries who serve them.

In this sense, the significant resources that are being devoted to shutting down and intimidating pro-Palestinian protests are not a sign of strength. Rather, they reflect the isolation and nervousness of the ruling stratum. 

The leaders of the United States, and its key imperialist allies, face a sea of troubles: a stagnating, indebted global economy; an increasingly restless and combative working class; mass opposition to its drive towards war; a failed attempt to dismember Russia which has cost hundreds of thousands of lives in Ukraine and Russia; a technological scramble to control an energy transition dominated by China; unending inflation, particularly in housing, food, and energy; the growing delegitimization of the major political and cultural institutions, including the bourgeois political parties, the media, and the trade union apparatus; and now, to add to all this, a mass global protest movement opposed to the imperialist slaughter of Gaza. As the World Socialist Web Site stated recently, “The genocide in Gaza is politically radicalizing an entire generation of workers and youth in the US and internationally.” 

These problems terrify the ruling class. For all the trillions of dollars at its disposal, it cannot escape this historic, engulfing crisis of its own making.

The billionaires

To better understand the isolated character of the campaign to silence opposition to Israel’s genocide, it is useful to understand who is leading it.

The first major group involved are a handful of multi-billionaires and economic power players whose stranglehold over the global economy positions them to control the political and cultural leadership of the major universities and other significant institutions.

As the World Socialist Web Site noted in an article written by an anonymous Harvard employee:

Just as inequality in general is increasingly incompatible with what remains of democracy, so is the subordination of universities to wealthy donors incompatible with academic freedom. The right-wing, pro-Zionist “donor revolt” is a qualitative development in big-money university donors attempting to use their power and influence to shape campus discourse. That these donors wield such influence—and that many of them seek to do so publicly—is an indication of how deeply compromised academia already is.

Indeed, universities are largely reliant on this stream of cash. According to the Council for Advancement and Support of Education, in 1980 private donations to US colleges and universities amounted to $4.2 billion. Today they have surged to $59.5 billion.

These are some of the major billionaires whose “donor revolt” is leading to the attack on basic rights of free speech and protest on US campuses.

Leslie Wexner receives the Woodrow Wilson award, July 2008.

Les Wexner – One of the most important capitalists in retail sales, Wexner has amassed $10.6 billion, and is the 192nd richest person in the world, according to Bloomberg. Wexner founded L Brands, which controls, or previously controlled, Bath & Body Works, Victoria’s Secret, Abercrombie & Fitch, Express, and several other major brands. While Wexner no longer controls L Brands, his foundation, the Wexner Foundation, donated tens of millions of dollars to Harvard over the last few decades and has now pulled millions of dollars of future support. (He is also the billionaire who became the launching pad for convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, who managed Wexner’s personal holdings for nearly two decades).

Idan Ofer – Idan and his brother Eyal are the 77th and 87th richest people in the world, owning $42 billion, according to Bloomberg. Together they control Ofer Global, the Zodiac Group, Quantum Pacific Group and Global Holdings, each of which are massive industrial, energy and real estate investment firms. They own about half of Israeli Corp., Israel’s largest holding company. Collectively their companies take in hundreds of billions of dollars a year in revenue through shipping, fertilizers, industrial chemicals, energy and real estate. Miller Global Properties, one of the various “small”’companies that they have a leading ownership in, is notable for controlling various landmark properties, such as the Pebble Beach golf course, the Aspen ski resort and the Bevely Hills Hotel. Idan Ofer and his wife Batia both quit the board of Harvard in an attempt to pressure the university to crack down on the outcry of pro-Palestinian sentiment on the campus. Idan Ofer’s companies have been at the heart of multiple chemical leak and environmental scandals in Israel. Eyal was formerly an intelligence officer in the Israeli Air Force; he now resides in Monaco.

Bill Ackman – Ackman is an American billionaire who runs Pershing Square Capital, a hedge fund with about $20 billion under management. Ackman owns $4 billion personally. Pershing Square Capital holds significant shares of major US companies, including a 10 percent ownership of Target, one percent of Procter & Gamble, 10 percent control of Chipotle, a 7 percent share of Universal Music Group, and over a billion dollars in Netflix. Ackman is currently leading a vicious campaign to oust Harvard President Claudine Gay. Previously Ackman fought to get Harvard to release all the names of students who signed a pro-Palestinian statement, demanding that employers refuse to hire these students.

Ken Griffin – Griffin is the 35th richest person in the world, with over $37 billion in assets. He is the CEO of Citadel, a massive $52 billion hedge fund based in Miami. Citadel owns a significant share in some of the largest technology and bioscience companies, including Microsoft, Activision, Boston Scientific, Nvidia, Humana, Apple, Comcast, Merck, and Adobe. Griffin has donated over half a billion dollars to Harvard and is pressuring the university to adopt a stronger pro-Israel stance.

Cliff Asness – Asness is an American billionaire who founded AQR Capital Management, which has over $100 billion under management. Asness severed all his donations to the University of Pennsylvania and has publicly begun a campaign to pressure the university to stop “support[ing] evil.” In a diatribe published in the Wall Street Journal, he described the pro-Palestinian protests as a reflection of the “deep and systematic rot on elite college campuses.”

Marc Rowan – Rowan is co-owner of Apollo Asset Management, one of the largest private equity firms. He has over $6 billion in personal wealth. He halted his donations to University of Pennsylvania, using “Wall Street tactics to ‘strong-arm’” the university, in the words of Business Insider. Apollo has sprawling investments in real estate, cruise companies (Norwegian, Regent), hotels (Harrah’s Entertainment), education (McGraw Hill), entertainment (Chuck E. Cheese), private security (ADT) and retail (Smart and Final). Apollo co-founder Leon Black was formerly CEO of the company before revelations emerged that he had paid Jeffrey Epstein over $100 million for tax planning and consulting services. 

Zionists, antisemites and ethno-nationalists

Complementing this group of billionaires are a series of ethno-nationalists, both Zionists and MAGA Trumpers, who are more closely coordinating the effort to censor outrage against Israel’s genocide.

A recent, 2023 film, Israelism, made by two Jewish filmmakers, provides a window into the mechanisms used to promote Zionism in American culture and equate it with Judaism. One central figure in the film is Abe Foxman, an American lawyer and multi-millionaire who was the national director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) from 1987 to 2015. Foxman and the ADL are major fixtures in the American Zionist lobby, heavily promoting organizations such as Birthright.

In this Wednesday, June 17, 2015 file photo, Jonathan Greenblatt, left, incoming national director for the Anti-Defamation League, talks with Abe Foxman, outgoing director of the ADL, in New York. [AP Photo/Julie Jacobson]

The ADL characterizes all Jewish organizations opposed to the policies of the state of Israel as “hate groups.” Jonathan Greenblatt, the current ADL chief, described organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace as the “photo inverse of white supremacists,” on Twitter. “We long have said that these are hate groups,” he stated.

The comparison of left-wing Jewish activists opposed to an apartheid ethno-nationalist state with white supremacists is as slanderous as it is ignorantly absurd. It is precisely these types of comparisons that are being used as ammunition in the effort to ban anti-Zionist groups like Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine from campuses.

Foxman previously provided political cover for the rise of Donald Trump, declaring in an interview, “I don’t think he’s a racist, I don’t think he’s an antisemite.”

The marriage between the Zionist lobby—many of whom are Democrats, like Foxman and Ackman—and the fascistic right-wing must be underscored.

Henry Schwartz, an executive committee member of one of the main US Zionist lobbies, the Zionist Organization of America, stated that Jews were “blessed by heaven with Donald Trump being elected president of the United States.”

To these wealthy, indifferent layers, who solidarize themselves not with the plight of millions of working-class Jews but rather the capitalist elite, Trump’s openly fascistic ethno-nationalism is warmly greeted. When, in 2017, fascists, neo-Nazis, and white supremacists took up torches and marched through Charlottesville, Virginia, chanting “Jews will not replace us,” Trump commented that they were “very fine people.” But this was no problem for these donors, who by antisemitism simply mean opposition to the government of Israel.

This Saturday, Aug. 12, 2017 image shows white supremacists and Nazis at the entrance to Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Virginia at the deadly "Unite the Right" rally. [AP Photo/Steve Helber]

The lead “prosecutor” in the December 6 McCarthyite hearing for the presidents of Harvard, MIT, and Penn was Republican Representative Elise Stefanik (New York). Stefanik is a close ally of Donald Trump, who has expressed support for the so-called “Great Replacement Theory,” an openly fascistic and anti-Semitic theory, which holds that a conspiracy of elite Jewish liberals is trying to “poison the blood”—in the words of Trump—of white Western Christian nations through mass immigration. She supported Trump’s attempt to overturn the presidential election through the coup of January 6, 2021.

The close connections between the Zionist lobby and the far right are well documented.

One of Trump’s largest donors was the late Sheldon Adelson, who in 2015 had amassed $28 billion through the addictive and exploitative casino industry. According to Forbes he was the 18th richest person in the world a few years before his death in 2021. Adelson was a major figure in the Israeli American Council, acting both on its executive board and as a lead donor. 

Adelson was introduced to Trump through Michael Steinhardt, an American hedge fund manager and billionaire, who co-founded the Birthright Israel program. Steinhardt was also a major donor to Trump, and also to New York University, where he was a member of the board before resigning over accusations of illegally trafficking in antiquities.

It is notable that one of the founders of Birthright is a major Trump supporter. 

Birthright is a critical institution both in garnering political support for Israel within the US and in facilitating migration to Israel, especially its illegal settlements on the West Bank. About one in every six Israeli settlers in the West Bank are American citizens. Some 800,000 young people have gone on free trips to Israel sponsored by the Birthright Israel Foundation, described by the New York Times as a “rite of passage” for many young American Jews. Rabbi Bennet Miller, the national chair of the Association of Reform Zionists of America, is interviewed in the film Israelism, insisting, “Every one of our kids should be going over, not for ten days, but for a semester or a year.” In recent years, thousands of young people have been protesting on the trips, walking off in the middle to visit Palestinian settlements in opposition to the program’s guided tour.

This intertwining of the fascistic right, US imperialism, and Zionist forces can also be seen in the lawsuits underway in the US right now claiming rampant antisemitism on US campuses. An investigation by Grayzone notes that all of the lawsuits are being filed by one firm, Kasowitz Benson Torres. David Friedman was also one of the principal lawyers at the firm until 2017, when he became the US Ambassador to Israel under Trump. Friedman is currently campaigning for NYU to begin a crackdown against pro-Palestinian protest.

Image from the law offices of Kasowitz, Benson and Torres.

The firm has been described by Eric Garland, a geopolitical analyst and influencer, as “Netanyahu’s guys in the Trump White House.” The law firm was founded by a Big Tobacco lawyer, Marc Kasowitz, a long-time donor to both the Republican and Democratic parties, including to Trump, Biden and Obama. The firm was previously registered as a foreign agent, representing Israel, with the US Justice Department. Another of its clients was the Ukrainian-Israeli billionaire Ikor Kolomoisky, a major early donor for the fascist Azov battalion, who is now in prison for fraud. 

The Grayzone report also notes that the “witnesses” who have launched lawsuits through this firm have all been semi-employed, despite being students, by Israeli lobby organizations, particularly the Alliance for Israel, Israel Alliance, and Students Supporting Israel. While these paid employees of these groups have claimed instances of hate, such as being told, “You’re a dirty little Jew and you deserve to die,” their lawsuits do not provide any specific examples or references to such moments of antisemitism, just confrontations with pro-Palestinian activists, shouting matches, and the use of the supposedly antisemitic slogan, “from the river to the sea.”

The defense of Palestine is a class question

This marriage of Zionists, billionaires and outright fascistic antisemites testifies to the fact that the campaign underway to assault basic democratic rights, including free speech, has nothing to do with the popular demands of students, nor, for that matter, anything to do with a campaign against genuine antisemitism. 

In a critical lecture delivered December 14 at Humboldt University in Berlin, World Socialist Web Site International Editorial Board Chairman David North outlined the fascistic ideology that underpins the Netanyahu regime in Israel,

In the midst of the crimes being committed by the Israeli regime, there is no greater and more insidious lie than the claim that opposition to Zionism is, and must be, antisemitic. This is a lie that is refuted by the long history of pre-1948 opposition to Zionism among countless thousands of Jewish workers and intellectuals, spanning several generations, who rejected the myth-based call for a return to Palestine.

The working class, socialist movement played a key role in opposing Zionism:

[Socialists] identified and denounced the politically reactionary character of the perspective of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine. It was understood that this project was a colonialist enterprise, which could only be achieved in alliance with imperialism and at the expense of the Palestinian Arab population that had lived in the territory for 2,000 years.

The genocide of Gaza has nothing to do with the defense of the Jewish people. In fact, insisting that the horrific death of more than 20,000 people serves Jews or Judaism, is itself a deeply perverse, fundamentally antisemitic notion—claiming that Jews or Judaism require this massacre.

Those censoring the mass upsurge and awakening of anger in young people and workers worldwide do not reflect a genuine popular movement, let alone a genuine popular movement of Jewish people. Rather, this campaign is the product of an alliance of multi-billionaires, Trump-loving antisemites, and American imperialist strategists and cheerleaders dedicated to Israel as a geopolitical necessity. Safeguarded and promoted by the media, this alliance of reaction represents the interests of a tiny minority.

EU adopts refugee policy of the extreme right

Johannes Stern


“December 20, 2023, will go down in history,” said European Union Parliament President Roberta Metsola after representatives of the EU member states and the European Parliament finally agreed on a reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) a few days before Christmas. She was “very proud that we have found and implemented solutions with the Pact on Migration and Asylum.”

Italy's far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, right, welcomes European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen as she arrives for an international conference on migration in Rome, Sunday, 23 July 2023 [AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia]

The day will indeed go down in history as the day on which the EU and its national governments openly adopted the anti-refugee programme of the far right. The implementation of the “solutions” approved by the EU means the abolition of the right to asylum, the extension of Fortress Europe, mass deportations and the detention even of women and children in deportation facilities similar to concentration camps.

Immediately after Metsola announced the deal, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) rejoiced on X/Twitter:

Parliament and the Council of Europe have now agreed on more decisive action against illegal migrants. Controls, registration of all non-EU citizens without passports without exception and asylum centres directly at the external borders to deport immigrants from safe countries as quickly as possible. The AfD has been calling for all of this for a long time.

The planned measures are barbaric and recall the darkest times in European history. With the deal, “the dystopian vision of a Europe of detention centres … will become reality,” writes the refugee organisation Pro Asyl. Eve Geddie, director of Amnesty International’s Office for European Institutions, warns:

This agreement will set back European asylum law for decades. The likely result is an increase in suffering at every stage of the journey of a person seeking asylum in the EU.

Among other things, the deal provides for refugees to be detained directly at the EU’s external borders in the future. The press release issued by the European Council and the European Parliament on December 21 states that the so-called Asylum Procedures Regulation (APR) will introduce a “mandatory border procedure” aimed at “quickly assessing at the EU’s external borders whether applications for asylum are unfounded or inadmissible.”

Persons subject to these asylum border procedures are “not authorised to enter the member state’s territory.” Instead, they must “remain at the disposal of the authorities at the screening location,” and “may be placed in detention.”

What this means in concrete terms is clear. Refugees will be locked up in detention centres surrounded by barbed wire, as is already the case at Europe’s external borders, where they can expect to be deported at any time.

In the press release, the EU calls on its member states to create “adequate capacity, in terms of reception and human resources”—specifically, 30,000 detention slots—to “allow them at any given moment to carry out the border procedure and to enforce return decisions for an identified number of applications.”

Practically all refugees who survive their deadly voyage across the Mediterranean are affected by the measures. The border procedure will be applied when a refugee “makes an application at an external border crossing point following apprehension in connection with an illegal border crossing and following disembarkation after a search and rescue operation at sea,” according to the EU press release.

The application of these border procedures is “mandatory” for three groups of people seeking protection:

  • People from countries of origin with a “recognition rate below 20 percent,”

  • People—including unaccompanied minors—considered to be “a threat to national security or public order,”

  • People seeking protection who are accused of having “misled the authorities with false information or by withholding information.”

Pro Asyl describes the fact that there are no exceptions even for children and their families as “particularly dramatic.” This “ultimately means the detention of minors for months on end, which is incompatible with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.”

In the eyes of the EU, refugees are not people with rights who are in need of protection, but potential enemies who must be monitored, deported and eradicated.

“Another pillar of the pact is the screening regulation,” boasts the EU. Its aim is to “strengthen checks on people at the external borders.” It “also ensures that the right procedure—such as repatriation to the country of origin …—is initiated.” The checks include “identification and health and security checks, as well as fingerprinting and registration in the Eurodac database.”

In addition, the new law includes rules that apply when “migrants are instrumentalised for political purposes, i.e., foreign state actors using migratory flows to try to destabilise the EU and its member states.” In this case, member states will be allowed to detain all asylum seekers at their borders.

This is Orwellian Newspeak, which turns reality on its head. In fact, it is the EU that is “instrumentalising” refugees in several ways and with murderous consequences. Following their destruction of entire countries with their neocolonial wars in Africa and the Middle East, the leading European NATO powers and the US have decided to let refugees die in order to deter others and keep them away from “Fortress Europe.” According to official figures, over 28,000 people have drowned in the Mediterranean since 2014 alone. This year has been the deadliest since 2020, with more than 2,500 deaths.

Now, the same European governments that cynically justified past wars as “humanitarian” interventions are organising an even bigger bloodbath. They are escalating the NATO war offensive against Russia in Ukraine, which has already cost hundreds of thousands of lives. And in the Middle East they openly support Israel’s genocide of the Palestinians and are preparing a wider war against Iran and its allies, which will turn the entire region into an inferno.

The terror against refugees and the escalation of war are directly linked. The more aggressively the ruling classes pursue their imperialist war aims and push ahead with the associated social austerity, the more they rely on dictatorship and fascism to suppress the growing social and political opposition at home. With their incessant agitation, the politicians and the media seek to make refugees and immigrants the scapegoats for the deep social crisis, while strengthening the extreme right.

The attacks on refugees are only the spearhead of a comprehensive attack on the democratic rights of the entire working class. In recent weeks, efforts have been made throughout Europe to suppress the mass protests against the genocide in Gaza. In Germany, in particular, this process is well advanced: Bans on demonstrations, attacks on critical artists, brutal police operations against students at universities and raids on left-wing groups are now part of the daily routine.

The reactionary offensive is being driven by the nominally “left” and liberal parties, in particular.

In Germany, the Social Democrats (SPD) and Greens in the government are organising the pro-war, authoritarian offensive and celebrating the tightening of asylum laws. “We are thus limiting irregular migration and relieving the burden on countries that are particularly hard hit—including Germany,” wrote Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) on X/Twitter. The agreement was a “very important decision,” he said.

Green Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock also welcomed the agreement, issuing a statement that described the deal as “urgently needed and long overdue.”

In France, President Emmanuel Macron has effectively formed a coalition with Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National to push one of the EU’s toughest immigration laws through parliament. The measures adopted are racist through and through. The law blocks immigrants’ access to social benefits for five years, and even young people born and raised in France will no longer automatically receive French citizenship at the age of 18.

The European pseudo-left is paving the way for this policy. For example, the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) reform was drafted under the leadership of the Spanish PSOE/Sumar coalition, which currently holds the European Council presidency and continues to be supported by the pseudo-left Podemos.

In many respects, Madrid, Berlin and Brussels used the pseudo-left Syriza government in Greece as a model. Syriza massively tightened immigration policy between 2015 and 2019 in alliance with the far-right Independent Greeks (Anel), and introduced measures similar to those now being implemented by the EU. These included cramming refugees into concentration camp-like “hotspots,” such as Moria, illegal push-backs, and the use of the military against migrants in the Aegean Sea.

The European asylum deal, which is to be finally adopted before the European elections, held from June 6–9, 2024, threatens millions, but it also creates clarity. The fact that all sections of the ruling class support a policy of terror against refugees shows that workers and young people are confronted not simply with one or another government, but with the entire ruling class and its social system.

23 Dec 2023

Macron passes fascistic anti-immigration law in alliance with Le Pen

Anthony Torres


French president Emmanuel Macron has allied himself with Marine Le Pen's far-right National Rally (RN) and the conservative Republicans (LR) to pass a fascistic immigration control bill.

While a minority of 69 MPs from the presidential party Renaissance (RE) voted against or abstained, the far-right and the conservatives voted unanimously in favour of the law, which was passed by the National Assembly on Tuesday evening with 349 votes in favour and 186 against.

French President and presidential candidate for reelection Emmanuel Macron Sunday, April 10, 2022 in Paris and French far-right presidential candidate Marine Le Pen speaks during the show 'France in the Face of War', in Paris, Monday, March 14, 2022

The law is destroying basic democratic rights and reviving the repressive policies used by the collaborationist wartime Vichy regime against Jews that facilitated their deportation to concentration and extermination camps.

The bill passed despite widespread popular opposition to Macron's illegitimate policy. Several thousand people demonstrated in French cities, capping a year marked by national and international working-class struggles. In June, during the struggle against the pension reform, two-thirds of French people wanted to bring down Macron by blocking the economy. In July, following the police murder of 17-year-old teenager Nahel in Nanterre, mass protests broke out over several days. The genocide of Palestinians by the Zionist regime and its support by Macron has aroused widespread opposition from radicalized youth and workers all over France and worldwide.

Faced with an explosive political and social situation, Macron is seeking an alliance with the right and extreme right as a basis for his policies, resorting to authoritarian rule. The bill was initially rejected by a motion of the ecologists, supported by the Nupes Alliance of Jean-Luc Mélenchon and a fraction of the Macronists, rendering the original version null and void. Those rejecting it understood that this law would provoke widespread indignation. However, Macron allied himself with the LR and the RN, and the joint parity commission hardened the original bill to make sure the LR and RN would approve it.

The law prevents migrants from accessing social benefit for five years, instead of six months previously, and thus affirms the principle of “national preference”, a central demand of the far-right. It is intended to deter migrants from coming to France, facilitates their deportation and makes family reunification and naturalization more difficult.

A young person who was born in France and grew up there will no longer automatically receive French citizenship at the age of 18. Parliament is to set annual quotas for immigration. Foreign nationals residing in France can only apply for family reunification for their relatives if they can prove that they have been living in France for 24 months and that their financial situation is “stable and sufficient” and “regular”.

Dual nationals convicted of assaulting the police will lose their French citizenship and thus become deportable. Illegal residence in France will become a criminal offense. Foreign students who are not from the European Union will have to pay a deposit before enrolling, which they will only get back once they have left the country. And these are just some of the measures provided for by the law.

Macron went on television to legitimize this fascistic bill, asserting that the law would pass through the Constitutional Council, which is made up of officials from the same parties that voted for the text. Macron said that the bill “is the fruit of a compromise” and added cynically, “Fighting against the RN does not mean refusing to tackle the problems that feed it. There is an immigration problem in the country.” The bill, he said, “is the shield we were lacking.”

Marine Le Pen celebrated the passing of the law as an “ideological victory“: “I don't see how tomorrow the elected representatives of the majority and above all the President of the Republic, will be able to reproach us for defending the ‘national preference’, since they adopt the idea that it can be applied. They apply it in a minimal way, but in principle the concept is validated.”

The alliance between Macron and the far-right unmasks the political fraud advanced by the pseudo-left in 2017 and 2022. In the second round of both presidential elections, they insisted that it was necessary to vote for Macron against Le Pen to stop the far-right and defend democratic rights and the rights of immigrants.

Macron's alliance with the far-right is no surprise. He cultivates neo-fascist forces in his government. It's no secret that the writings of Charles Maurras, the monarchist leader of Action Française who was at the root of Vichy politics, are studied. Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin was a member of Action Française in 2008. Former Macron government spokesman Benjamin Griveaux paraphrased Maurras in 2018. Macron himself saluted “the soldier Pétain.”

Macron’s anti-immigrant law revives the repressive policies of Philippe Pétain’s collaborationist Vichy regime. In 1940, Pétain promulgated a law cancelling the naturalizations granted by his predecessor under the liberal Third Republic. Between 1940 and 1944, some 15,000 people, including many Jews, lost their nationality. This facilitated their deportation to concentration and extermination camps. Of the 75,721 Jews deported between 1942 and 1944, only 2,566 survived, around 3 percent.

Kurdish political prisoners on hunger strike in Turkey

Barış Demir


On November 27, political prisoners from the Kurdish nationalist movement in Turkey began a hunger strike. The hunger strike, announced to last until February 15, has spread to more than a hundred prisons across Turkey and is approaching its one-month mark. Hundreds of prisoners are on hunger strike in rotation.

Reyhan Gök presented a report prepared by the Coordination for Monitoring and Follow-up of Hunger Strikes and listed the demands of the hunger strikers as: '1) An end to human rights violations in prisons in Turkey; 2) Fixing of the aggravated conditions of execution; 3) An end to the long isolation of Abdullah Öcalan in İmralı High Security Closed Prison, family and lawyer visits; and 4) A democratic solution to the Kurdish question.'

Abdullah Öcalan, founder of the PKK [Photo by Halil Uysal - Archive of the International Initiative "Freedom for Abdullah Ocalan - Peace in Kurdistan / CC BY-SA 3.0]

Gök stated that the government of President Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan should consider the hunger strikers' demands before the process reaches a more dangerous point, adding, 'The political power [ErdoÄŸan government] will be responsible for the sad consequences that will arise regarding the prisoners' right to health and life.”

Öcalan, leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), who is kept in solitary confinement, has not been allowed to meet with his lawyers for four and a half years and with his family for almost three years due to “disciplinary measures” that the authorities have not disclosed. He has been imprisoned on Ä°mralı Island in the Marmara Sea since 1999, when he was captured in a CIA-backed Turkish operation.

The Erdoğan government was a key supporter of the CIA-orchestrated regime-change war attempting to overthrow Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in 2011, which killed more than 500,000 people. At the same time, Erdoğan's NATO-backed 'peace process' with the PKK collapsed in 2015 when Washington turned the People's Protection Units (YPG) into its main proxy force in Syria. The YPG also recognises Öcalan as its leader and, together with the PKK, is under the umbrella of the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK).

The potential emergence of a US-backed Kurdish state in Syria could trigger similar sentiments among Kurds in Turkey,  terrifying Ankara and driving it back into conflict with the PKK. Since 2015, a crackdown and arrests has been launched against legal Kurdish politicians while the Turkish army and police moved to violently crush the YPG in northern Syria and the PKK in Turkey's Kurdish provinces.

Last week, Nuray ÖzdoÄŸan and Öztürk TürkdoÄŸan, spokespersons of the Legal and Human Rights Commission of the Kurdish nationalist People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party, formerly HDP-People’s Democratic Party), released a report on the state crackdown since 2015. At least 22,818 party members have been detained since 2015 and at least 4,334 people have been arrested, including co-chairs, MPs, provincial and district co-chairs, party officials and ordinary members. The arrests include two party co-chairs, 24 MPs and 30 members of the party leadership.

The report highlights that 93 mayors elected on March 30 2014 were arrested and trustees appointed in 95 municipalities; 43 mayors elected on March 31, 2019 were arrested and trustees appointed in 48 municipalities; and currently 17 mayors, seven MPs and 14 other leaders are in prison.

The report also details acts of violence against the Kurdish movement in 2015. These include the Ankara train station massacre, in which over 100 were killed in bomb attacks, and the Suruç massacre, in which 34 people were killed. In 2015-2016, many Kurdish cities and towns were subjected to curfews and terrorised by state and paramilitary forces. While these operations, which displaced hundreds of thousands of civilians, are nowhere near the scale of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, the methods of urban warfare are similar.

The Socialist Equality Group (SEG) has well-documented and irreconcilable political differences with the pro-imperialist and pro-NATO Kurdish bourgeois nationalist movements. But these do not in any way diminish our opposition to state repression. The SEG calls on workers and youth to demand in principle the release of all political prisoners, including Kurdish nationalists. This is about basic democratic rights.

This struggle cannot be advanced by appealing to the capitalist political establishment and by negotiations behind closed doors, whether with ErdoÄŸan or with the bourgeois opposition led by the Kemalist Republican People's Party (CHP).

The crackdown launched by the ErdoÄŸan government in 2015 was carried out with the active support of the CHP. The CHP backed several authorisations for cross-border invasions into Syria and Iraq targeting Kurdish militias. It also provided the government with crucial votes in the passage of the constitutional amendment to lift the immunity of Kurdish MPs. The Kurdish nationalist movement, which had previously negotiated and cooperated with ErdoÄŸan, nevertheless saw fit to support CHP candidates in both the local elections in 2019 and the presidential elections this year.

Despite the anti-Kurdish and anti-refugee protocol that CHP leader Kemal KılıçdaroÄŸlu signed with Ãœmit ÖzdaÄŸ—the leader of the far-right Victory Party—during last May's presidential elections, the HDP continued to back KılıçdaroÄŸlu. The protocol promised to maintain Erdogan's “war on terror”, the pretext his government has used to arrest thousands of Kurdish politicians, dismiss elected mayors in Kurdish provinces and launch illegal military operations in Syria and Iraq.

The DEM (HDP)'s statements on the local elections scheduled for March 2024 again focus mainly on maneuvering and negotiations with the ErdoÄŸan government and opposition parties led by the CHP. Their pro-imperialist and anti-working class character leads them to constantly seek reactionary rapprochements despite the fierce disagreements between them.

Murat Kalmaz, co-chairman of the DEM in Istanbul province, recently said that his party's doors were open to both ErdoÄŸan’s AKP and the CHP in the Istanbul local elections. Kalmaz said that if they were to support an alliance this time, “there would be conditions of it” and that they would “focus on the gains.”

The conditions or gains that Kalmaz detailed in the rest of his speech were not related to democratic rights, but to the negotiation of seats in municipalities: “For example, districts such as Esenyurt, Adalar, there may be other places [for negotiation on a candidate]. We say let's run with our own candidate, you support us here and we support you there.”

The DEM leadership declared last week, “Turkey's problems can only be solved through negotiations. That is why we value dialogue and negotiations between political parties. We are ready to negotiate with anyone who is based on local democracy, democratic reconciliation, free politics, universal human rights and women's liberation politics,” addressing both ErdoÄŸan and the bourgeois opposition parties.

Reha RuhavioÄŸlu, director of the Kurdish Studies Centre, commented on the Medyascope, “I think the first addressee of the DEM party's 'We are open to negotiations' discourse is the government. Issues such as the democratic solution to the Kurdish question and the trusteeship issue [in municipalities] are not problems that an opposition party can solve. Since these are demands related to a ruling power, I see that the first call is rather to the government.”

Argentina’s ultra-right government declares war on working class

Rafael Azul


Argentina’s ultra-right-wing President Javier Milei signed a Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU) Wednesday to downsize the government, scrap regulations and strip the working class of existing social, wage, retirement and welfare benefits. That evening, in a nationally televised speech, Milei introduced the DNU and described 30 of its 366 measures.

Workers in Santa Fe, Argentina marching against Milei's threats to public education [Photo by TitiNicola/Wikimedia Commons / CC BY-SA 4.0]

Decrees of Necessity and Urgency, a constitutional method of bypassing the national legislature in Argentina, are permissible only under conditions in which it is not possible, or there is no time, for Congress to act.

In this case, it is an undemocratic and dictatorial maneuver by the new right-wing government in its second week in office. Congress and the courts may invalidate the DNU. While technically the DNU’s provisions only become effective nine days after its signing, Milei insisted on Thursday that they are already in effect.

The DNU has the backing of Wall Street, the International Monetary Fund, and moneyed elites in Argentina.

December 19 and 20 marked the 22nd anniversary of the mass demonstrations that shook the country in 2001, during a period of economic depression and mass unemployment, that left 40 dead at the hands of the police.

Marking the anniversary, thousands of workers and youth marched in Buenos Aires and cities across Argentina, protesting Milei’s measures and the ongoing crisis, which combine inflation and mass underemployment— conditions that have driven nearly half the population into poverty.

Before the rallies began, early in the morning on Wednesday, the ministry of National Security had activated a gigantic force of Federal Police and Gendarmes, along with naval and airport police. Their assignment was to block 20 points of access into downtown Buenos Aires, and also in parts of the city itself, allegedly to guarantee freedom of circulation for cars, trucks and buses in the area surrounding Argentina’s Government House and Congress building. “If they step off the sidewalk, it [the repression], will begin,” declared Patricia Bullrich, the right-wing security minister appointed by Milei. Protesters were also threatened with loss of their benefits and rights if caught breaking these anti-democratic rules, that also included no face masks, no children present and no sticks.

Ironically, it was the police that impeded circulation, blocking bridges and roads and disrupting mass transit linking working class areas with city centers, particularly in metropolitan Buenos Aires, the nation’s capital and largest urban area. The protests were also watched over from above by drones. Access from Avellaneda and other workingclass suburbs was restricted by “combat groups” and “detention squads.”

The Pueyrredon Bridge, where in 2002 two militant youth, Darío Santillán and Maximiliano Kosteki, were brutally assassinated by police during a demonstration, was occupied by the militarized police forces. Transit terminals and rail stations were patrolled by police with dogs. Police also boarded city buses and took pictures of their occupants. As of yesterday, 8,000 bus riders who benefit from social welfare payments have been identified and may lose their benefits.

The whole operation took on the character of a military exercise, a preparation for future acts of organized terror and repression against the working class.

In his 15-minute speech, Milei blamed the current crisis on the “enormous number of regulations” that supposedly block economic progress. The measures that Milei announced are intended to fully subordinate the state and Argentine society to the “market”—the agricultural and energy plutocracies, and the vulture funds that profit off of Argentina’s debt crisis. Public companies are to be privatized. Price and rent controls are to be dismantled, together with measures that allow the government to “interfere with the decisions of Argentine businesses,” such as regulations against the scarcity of essential goods and guarantees that supermarkets will carry a minimum percentage of goods made by small businesses.

The DNU also includes the gutting of labor wage and hour regulations and the end of export controls. Currently, non-contingent workers who are laid off are owed one month’s wages for each year on the job; this is eliminated in Milei’s DNU, making it possible for employers to easily fire workers at their convenience. The right to strike is to be severely restricted for “essential workers,” as is the right to assemble and to stage factory occupations and slow-downs. Residential rents will also be decontrolled, giving landlords power over length of rentals, price indexes, currency denomination (US dollars, euros, etc.), deposits and maintenance charges. 

In all, this is a direct attack on the working class. A week ago, an analysis of the new proposals by Argentina’s Center of Political Economics (CEPA) suggested that the working class would pay 43 percent of the cost of Milei’s austerity policies. Such an attack cannot be carried out peacefully, and is already being compared to the dictatorial policies of Argentine dictator Gen. Jorge Videla and Britain’s Margaret Thatcher.

Echoing language similar to Donald Trump, who vows to “make America great again,” Milei has promised to return Argentina to its wealthy past at the end of the 19th century, when the country’s per capita income was on a par with that of the US. Milei’s nostalgia has nothing to do with the real history of inequality and gross oppression of Argentine rural and immigrant workers, miners, dock workers, carpenters, and railroad laborers, who struggled against conditions imposed by British Imperialism and the native rural oligarchies. 

Following the speech, hundreds of demonstrators rallied across from a heavily barricaded Congress building, seeking to pressure Congress with chants opposing the DNU measures and demanding Milei’s ouster.

Milei cynically reacted to Wednesday night’s demonstrations, suggesting that those who opposed his plan were either suffering from Stockholm Syndrome (hostages who identify with their captors), or “people who love and are nostalgic for communism.”

The socially corrupt Argentine trade union bureaucracies, which betrayed the mass workers struggles in 2001-2002, have announced that they will appeal Milei’s DNU in the courts. The Left Front (FIT) and other parties and alliances of the pseudo-left and left nationalists are calling for these same trade unions to launch a national general strike, another recipe for betrayal.

Corruption scandal threatens the stability of Japanese government

Ben McGrath


Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the administration of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida have become embroiled in a corruption scandal over the past month. Kishida’s approval rating has plummeted, potentially impacting his ability to stay in power.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida addresses the Tokyo Global Dialogue last February. [AP Photo/AP Photo/Eugene Hoshiko]

On Tuesday, investigators from the Tokyo Public Prosecutors Office raided the offices of two LDP factions, Seiwa Seisaku Kenkyukai and Shisuikai. The former is the largest parliamentary faction and is associated with former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe while the latter is led by Toshihiro Nikai, a former LDP secretary-general.

According to investigators, the factions are believed to have created slush funds for their members by failing to report income from political fundraising events over a five-year period running through 2022. While all five of the LDP’s major factions have been implicated in the scandal, the Abe and Nikai factions allegedly created the largest slush funds, totaling 500 million yen ($US3.5 million) and 100 million yen respectively.

The LDP is comprised of parliamentary factions that operate as virtual parties within a party, though 78 members of the National Diet claim to have no factional affiliation. Younger or lower ranking Diet members give their support to faction leaders who operate as political bosses behind the scenes. They in turn provide funding, opportunities for advancement within the party, and access to influential figures in big business circles.

According to the Political Fund Control Law, factions must report the names and amounts raised if any individual or company purchases tickets to a fundraising event worth more than 200,000 yen. However, LDP faction members would be given quotas on the number of tickets they were expected to sell for these parties. Then, any money brought in that exceeded the quota would go unreported and placed in the slush fund, hidden from public view, and returned to members as kickbacks.

The five-year period under investigation ensures that potential prosecutions can proceed and not be blocked by the statute of limitations for transgressions. The practice has almost certainly been going on for considerably longer. Junji Suzuki, a member of the Abe faction, stated, “While it might sound strange to say so, in this world there was the recognition that it was almost like a culture.” Suzuki resigned as internal affairs minister in Kishida’s cabinet on December 14.

Suzuki’s resignation was part of a broader shake-up as Kishida attempted to stem criticism by replacing four cabinet-level officials from the Abe faction within his administration. This included Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirokazu Matsuno who was replaced by former Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi.

At a press conference on December 19, current LDP Secretary-General Toshimitsu Motegi downplayed the allegations, saying, “We deeply regret that the situation has reached such a stage.” He continued, “We take it seriously and will take necessary measures while keeping a close eye on future investigations.” Both the Abe and Nikai factions similarly released formal apologies that downplayed the corruption allegations.

On November 18, sources familiar with the investigation publicly revealed that a criminal complaint had been filed against five of the factions within the LDP. The initial allegations was that the party had not reported more than 40 million yen in income from political fundraising events, a figure that has grown substantially since. The complaint was filed by Hiroshi Kamiwaki, a professor at Kobe Gakuin University who has a history of making similar complaints.

Since then, Kishida’s approval rating has tumbled. A Jiji Press poll released on the evening of December 14 found that support for Kishida’s cabinet had fallen as low as 17.1 percent, the worst for an LDP government since 2009.

That the scandal has exploded rather than being swept under the rug is an indication of the growing tensions within the Japanese ruling class. It has been seized upon by Kishida’s rivals within the LDP to potentially challenge him for party leadership and therefore as prime minister. This includes Shigeru Ishiba, a former LDP secretary-general and defense minister.

Ishiba postures as an opponent of factions within the party, though he has led his own in the past. He holds a great deal of influence over parliamentarians considered factionless. He stated on December 11 that Kishida could resign early next year, possibly in exchange for passing his government’s budget for fiscal year 2024: “It could be an option for [Kishida] to resign after the budget passes. Dissolving [the lower house of parliament] is also a way to take responsibility.” The next general election is currently scheduled for October 2025.

Ishiba is a far-right politician who has been a member of a parliament since 1986. He has previously criticized LDP governments for not pursuing remilitarization at a fast enough pace while also demanding deeper cuts to social spending. He has called for Tokyo to possess the ability to produce its own nuclear weapons while allowing the United States to base its own nuclear weapons in Japan.

Furthermore, as the focus of the investigation has been centered on the Abe faction, this could potentially lead to the break-up of the grouping, as it has largely been leaderless since Abe’s assassination in July 2022. Kentaro Yamamoto, a professor of political science at Hokkai-Gakuen University in Sapporo, stated, “The drifting of the Abe faction will force Kishida to establish a stronger relationship with the Aso and Motegi factions.”

This would almost certainly push Japan further along the course towards war with China. A former prime minister and current LDP vice-president, Taro Aso is a vocal anti-China hawk, particularly over Taiwan. He provocatively visited the island in August for talks with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and other officials. In November, he spoke before the Australian Institute of International Affairs Gala Dinner in Canberra, calling for Japan to be included as a member of the AUKUS pact of the US, the United Kingdom, and Australia that is leading the war drive against China.

It is also noteworthy that the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP) has failed to gain support as a result of the scandal, polling at an abysmal 5 percent approval rating. The CDP, which has no fundamental differences with the government, has offered little more than empty statements about eliminating corruption. As the Democrats have nothing to offer the working class or youth, the public rightly views these remarks with distrust.

No doubt this factors into the calculations of LDP figures maneuvering inside the party as the power struggle unfolds, with leadership challengers believing there is nothing to fear from the so-called political opposition.