12 Oct 2024

CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars Program 2025

Application Deadline:

The application deadline for the CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars Program 2025 is November 20, 2024 (11:59 p.m. Pacific Standard Time).

Tell Me About The CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars Program 2025:

The CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars program targets exceptional junior faculty, fostering their development into research leaders who drive innovative, boundary-pushing research. This program offers opportunities to accelerate careers, expand research networks, and collaborate across disciplines with leading global researchers. Scholars receive unrestricted support to pursue groundbreaking ideas, join a vibrant international community, and contribute to transformative knowledge addressing humanity’s most pressing challenges.

Which Fields are Eligible?

All fields 

Type:

Scholars Program 

Who can Apply For The CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars Program 2025?

  • Also, applicants are to meet the following criteria:
    There are no geographical restrictions for applicants.
  • Applicants must hold a PhD (or equivalent) and be employed full-time at a higher education or research institution.
  • Eligible positions include independent research leadership roles, typically tenure-track Assistant Professorships in North America or equivalent roles leading to a permanent faculty position in other systems.
  • Applicants must have started their first eligible position between July 1, 2020, and July 1, 2024. Special consideration may be given for parental leave or exceptional circumstances.
  • The applicant’s position must be secure for the program term (April 1, 2025 – March 31, 2027).
  • Postdoctoral fellows are not eligible for this program.
  • Research interests should align with the themes and goals of a CIFAR research program that is actively recruiting.

Which Countries Are Eligible?

All countries 

Where will the Award be Taken?

Canada 

How Many Awards?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of the Award?

Also, applicants will benefit from the following: 

  • The two-year term of interdisciplinary collaboration and mentorship within a CIFAR research program, engaging with a global network of leading researchers.
  • CAD 100,000 in unrestricted research support.
  • Opportunities to apply for time-limited seed funding to foster new interdisciplinary collaborations.
  • Membership in the extended CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholars community, connecting with creative and like-minded peers from diverse disciplines.
  • Research leadership training with practical opportunities to apply and develop leadership skills.

How Long Will the Award Last?

2 years 

How to Apply:

To begin your application, click this link.

Robbing Africa’s Riches to Save the Climate (and Power AI)

Joshua Frank



Image by omid roshan.

Considered Angola’s crown jewel by many, Lobito is a colorful port city on the country’s scenic Atlantic coast where a nearly five-kilometer strip of land creates a natural harbor. Its white sand beaches, vibrant blue waters, and mild tropical climate have made Lobito a tourist destination in recent years. Yet under its shiny new facade is a history fraught with colonial violence and exploitation.

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to lay claim to Angola in the late sixteenth century. For nearly four centuries, they didn’t relent until a bloody, 27-year civil war with anticolonial guerillas (aided by the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces) and bolstered by a leftist coup in distant Lisbon, Portugal’s capital, overthrew that colonial regime in 1974.

Lobito’s port was the economic heart of Portugal’s reign in Angola, along with the meandering 1,866-kilometer Benguela Railway, which first became operational in the early 1900s. For much of the twentieth century, Lobito was the hub for exporting to Europe agricultural goods and metals mined in Africa’s Copperbelt. Today, the Copperbelt remains a resource-rich region encompassing much of the Democratic Republic of Congo and northern Zambia.

Perhaps it won’t shock you to learn that, half a century after Portugal’s colonial control of Angola ended, neocolonialism is now sinking its hooks into Lobito. Its port and the Benguela Railway, which travels along what’s known as the Lobito Corridor, have become a key nucleus of China’s and the Western world’s efforts to transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources in our hot new world. If capitalist interests continue to drive this crucial transition, which is all too likely, while global energy consumption isn’t scaled back radically, the amount of critical minerals needed to power the global future remains unfathomable. The World Economic Forum estimates that three billion tons of metals will be required. The International Energy Forum estimates that to meet the global goals of radically reducing carbon emissions, we’ll also need between 35 and 194 massive copper mines by 2050.

Unsurprisingly, most of the minerals from copper to cobalt needed for that transition’s machinery (including electric batterieswind turbines, and solar panels) are located in Latin America and Africa. Worse yet, more than half (54%) of the critical minerals needed are on or near Indigenous lands, which means the most vulnerable populations in the world are at the most significant risk of being impacted in a deeply negative fashion by future mining and related operations.

When you want to understand what the future holds for a country in the “developing” world, as economists still like to call such regions, look no further than the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “With growing demand, proceeds from critical minerals are poised to rise significantly over the next two decades,” reports the IMF. “Global revenues from the extraction of just four key minerals — copper, nickel, cobalt, and lithium — are estimated to total $16 trillion over the next 25 years. Sub-Saharan Africa stands to reap over 10 percent of these accumulated revenues, which could correspond to an increase in the region’s GDP by 12 percent or more by 2050.”

Sub-Saharan Africa alone is believed to contain 30% of the world’s total critical mineral reserves. It’s estimated that the Congo is responsible for 70% of global cobalt output and approximately 50% of the globe’s reserves. In fact, the demand for cobalt, a key ingredient in most lithium-ion batteries, is rapidly increasing because of its use in everything from cell phones to electric vehicles. As for copper, Africa has two of the world’s top producers, with Zambia accounting for 70% of the continent’s output. “This transition,” adds the IMF, “if managed properly, has the potential to transform the region.” And, of course, it won’t be pretty.

While such critical minerals might be mined in rural areas of the Congo and Zambia, they must reach the international marketplace to become profitable, which makes Angola and the Lobito Corridor key to Africa’s booming mining industry.

In 2024, China committed $4.5 billion to African lithium mines alone and another $7 billion to investments in copper and cobalt mining infrastructure. In the Congo, for example, China controls 70% of the mining sector.

Having lagged behind that country’s investments in Africa for years, the U.S. is now looking to make up ground.

Zambia’s Copper Colonialism

In September 2023, on the sidelines of the G20 meeting in India, Secretary of State Antony Blinken quietly signed an agreement with Angola, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the European Union to launch the Lobito Corridor project. There wasn’t much fanfare or news coverage, but the United States had made a significant move. Almost 50 years after Portugal was forced out of Angola, the West was back, offering a $4 billion commitment and assessing the need to update the infrastructure first built by European colonizers. With a growing need for critical minerals, Western countries are now setting their sights on Africa and its green energy treasures.

“We meet at a historic moment,” President Joe Biden said as he welcomed Angolan President João Lourenço to Washington last year. Biden then called the Lobito project the “biggest U.S. rail investment in Africa ever” and affirmed the West’s interest in what the region might have to offer in the future. “America,” he added, “is all in on Africa… We’re all in with you and Angola.”

Both Africa and the U.S., Biden was careful to imply, would reap the benefits of such a coalition. Of course, that’s precisely the kind of rhetoric we can expect when Western (or Chinese) interests are intent on acquiring the resources of the Global South. If this were about oil or coal, questions and concerns would undoubtedly be raised regarding America’s regional intentions. Yet, with the fight against climate change providing cover, few are considering the geopolitical ramifications of such a position — and even fewer acknowledging the impacts of massively increased mining on the continent.

In his book Cobalt Red, Siddharth Kara exposes the bloody conditions cobalt miners in the Congo endure, many of them children laboring against their will for days on end, with little sleep and under excruciatingly abusive conditions. The dreadful story is much the same in Zambia, where copper exports account for more than 70% of the country’s total export revenue. A devastating 126-page report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) from 2011 exposed the wretchedness inside Zambia’s Chinese-owned mines: 18-hour work days, unsafe working environments, rampant anti-union activities, and fatal workplace accidents. There is little reason to believe it’s much different in the more recent Western-owned operations.

“Friends tell you that there’s a danger as they’re coming out of shift,” a miner who was injured while working for a Chinese company told HRW. “You’ll be fired if you refuse, they threaten this all the time… The main accidents are from rock falls, but you also have electrical shocks, people hit by mining trucks underground, people falling from platforms that aren’t stable… In my accident, I was in a loading box. The mine captain… didn’t put a platform. So when we were working, a rock fell down and hit my arm. It broke to the extent that the bone was coming out of the arm.”

An explosion at one mine killed 51 workers in 2005 and things have only devolved since then. Ten workers died in 2018 at an illegal copper extraction site. In 2019, three mineworkers were burned to death in an underground shaft fire and a landslide at an open-pit copper mine in Zambia killed more than 30 miners in 2023. Despite such horrors, there’s a rush to extract ever more copper in Zambia. As of 2022, five gigantic open-pit copper mines were operating in the country, and eight more underground mines were in production, many of which are to be further expanded in the years ahead. With new U.S.-backed mines in the works, Washington believes the Lobito Corridor may prove to be the missing link needed to ensure Zambian copper will end up in green energy goods consumed in the West.

AI Mining for AI Energy

The office of KoBold Metals in quaint downtown Berkeley, California, is about as far away from Zambia’s dirty mines as you can get. Yet, at KoBold’s nondescript headquarters, which sits above a row of trendy bars and restaurants, a team of tech entrepreneurs diligently work to locate the next big mine operation in Zambia using proprietary Artificial Intelligence (AI). Backed by billionaires Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos, KoBold bills itself as a green Silicon Valley machine, committed to the world’s green energy transition (while turning a nice profit).

It is in KoBold’s interest, of course, to secure the energy deposits of the future because it will take an immense amount of energy to support their artificially intelligent world. A recent report by the International Energy Agency estimates that, in the near future, electricity usage by AI data centers will increase significantly. As of 2022, such data centers were already utilizing 460 terawatt hours (TWh) but are on pace to increase to 1,050 TWh by the middle of the decade. To put that in perspective, Europe’s total energy consumption in 2023 was around 2,700 TWh.

“Anyone who’s in the renewable space in the western world… is looking for copper and cobalt, which are fundamental to making electric vehicles,” Mfikeyi Makayi, chief executive of KoBold in Zambia, explained to the Financial Times in 2024. “That is going to come from this part of the world and the shortest route to take them out is Lobito.”

Makayi wasn’t beating around the bush. The critical minerals in KoBold mines won’t end up in the possession of Zambia or any other African country. They are bound for Western consumers alone. KoBold’s CEO Kurt House is also honest about his intentions: “I don’t need to be reminded again that I’m a capitalist,” he’s been known to quip.

In July 2024, House rang his company’s investors with great news: KoBold had just hit the jackpot in Zambia. Its novel AI tech had located the largest copper find in more than a decade. Once running, it could produce upwards of 300,000 tons of copper annually — or, in the language investors understand, the cash will soon flow. As of late summer 2024, one ton of copper on the international market cost more than $9,600. Of course, KoBold has gone all in, spending $2.3 billion to get the Zambian mine operable by 2030. Surely, KoBold’s investors were excited by the prospect, but not everyone was as thrilled as them.

“The value of copper that has left Zambia is in the hundreds of billions of dollars. Hold that figure in your mind, and then look around yourself in Zambia,” says Zambian economist Grieve Chelwa. “The link between resource and benefit is severed.”

Not only has Zambia relinquished the benefits of such mineral exploitation, but — consider it a guarantee — its people will be left to suffer the local mess that will result.

The Poisoned River

Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) is today the largest ore producer in Zambia, ripping out a combined two million tons of copper a year. It’s one of the nation’s largest employers, with a brutally long record of worker and environmental abuses. KCM runs Zambia’s largest open-pit mine, which stretches for seven miles. In 2019, the British-based Vedanta Resources acquired an 80% stake in KCM by covering $250 million of that company’s debt. Vedanta has deep pockets and is run by Indian billionaire Anil Agarwal, affectionately known in the mining world as “the Metal King.”

One thing should be taken for granted: You don’t become the Metal King without leaving entrails of toxic waste on your coattails. In India, Agarwal’s alumina mines have polluted the lands of the Indigenous Kondh tribes in Orissa Province. In Zambia, his copper mines have wrecked farmlands and waterways that once supplied fish and drinking water to thousands of villagers.

The Kafue River runs for more than 1,500 kilometers, making it Zambia’s longest river and now probably its most polluted as well. Going north to south, its waters flow through the Copperbelt, carrying with them cadmium, lead, and mercury from KCM’s mine. In 2019, thousands of Zambian villagers sued Vedanta, claiming its subsidiary KCM had poisoned the Kafue River and caused insurmountable damage to their lands.

The British Supreme Court then found Vedanta liable, and the company was forced to pay an undisclosed settlement, likely in the millions of dollars. Such a landmark victory for those Zambian villagers couldn’t have happened without the work of Chilekwa Mumba, who organized communities and convinced an international law firm to take up the case. Mumba grew up in the Chingola region of Zambia, where his father worked in the mines.

“[T]here was some environmental degradation going on as a result of the mining activities. As we found, there were times when the acid levels of water was so high,” explained Mumba, the 2023 African recipient of the prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize. “So there were very specific complaints about stomach issues from children. Children just really wander around the villages and if they are thirsty, they don’t think about what’s happening, they’ll just get a cup and take their drink of water from the river. That’s how they live. So they’ll usually get diseases. It’s hard to quantify, but clearly the impact was there.”

Sadly enough, though, despite that important legal victory, little has changed in Zambia, where environmental regulations remain weak and nearly impossible to enforce, which leaves mining companies like KCM to regulate themselves. A 2024 Zambian legislative bill seeks to create a regulatory body to oversee mining operations, but the industry has pushed back, making it unclear if it will ever be signed into law. Even if the law does pass, it may have little real-world impact on mining practices there.

The warming climate, at least to the billionaire mine owners and their Western accomplices, will remain an afterthought, as well as a justification to exploit more of Africa’s critical minerals. Consider it a new type of colonialism, this time with a green capitalist veneer. There are just too many AI programs to run, too many tech gadgets to manufacture, and too much money to be made.

Starmer’s filthy Chagos Islands deal preserves Diego Garcia as key US-UK military base

Jean Shaoul


Last week, after six decades of acrimonious legal battles, Sir Keir Starmer’s Labour government agreed to hand over the Chagos Islands to Mauritius. Far from remedying a longstanding injustice, it is a filthy deal that rides roughshod over the rights of the Chagossian islanders in the geopolitical interests of British imperialism.

The deal is aimed at securing the future of Diego Garcia, the largest of the 58 islands that hosts US-UK bomber bases in the Indian Ocean, which Washington views as crucial for policing the Indo-Pacific region against China and the sea routes from the Persian Gulf—the source of vital energy supplies.

A US Air Force B-1B Lancer taking off from Diego Garcia as part of Operation Enduring Freedom during October 2001 [Photo: enior Airman Rebeca M. Luquin, U.S. Air Force]

Strategically located between East Africa and Southeast Asia, Diego Garcia serves as a surveillance centre for the Middle East. It was critical to air operations during the US-UK’s criminal wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Britain allowed the CIA to use Diego Garcia as a “dark site,” where it detained and tortured people and refueled extraordinary rendition flights. It recently extended the lease on the islands to 2036.

Under the terms of the deal, to be set out in a treaty, the UK will hand over the Chagos Islands to Mauritius but retain Diego Garcia under an “initial” 99-year lease in return for annual indexed-linked payments. Starmer and Mauritius Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth issued a joint statement saying they were committed “to ensure the long-term, secure and effective operation of the existing base on Diego Garcia which plays a vital role in regional and global security”.

The treaty would also “address wrongs of the past and demonstrate the commitment of both parties to support the welfare of Chagossians” who were forcibly relocated decades ago. The UK will provide financial support to enable Mauritius to resettle Chagossians, but the deal specifically excludes resettlement on Diego Garcia where most of the Islanders came from.

In 1965, Britain’s Labour government separated Diego Garcia and the 58 Chagos Islands from Mauritius before it became independent in 1968 and subsequently incorporated the Islands into the specially created British Indian Ocean Territories (BIOT), administered from London. This violated the 1960 United Nations Resolution 1514 banning the breakup of colonies before independence.

Britain forcibly expelled Diego Garcia’s 2,000 indigenous people—the Chagossians—to build the military base in exchange for a $14 million discount on the UK purchase of US Polaris nuclear missiles, equivalent to around £127 million today. Mauritius was paid some $8.4 million ($90 million today) in compensation. The Chagossians were exiled to slums in Mauritius and the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean and eventually the UK, where, denied support and compensation, they have lived in impoverished conditions ever since, with many since dying. The British government has repeatedly rejected their demands to return to their homeland.

For years, Britain dismissed the various court rulings on the islanders’ right to return home. In 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an advisory opinion noting that “the process of decolonization of Mauritius was not lawfully completed” and that the UK had violated United Nations resolutions that prohibited the breaking up of colonies before granting independence. In his book The Last Colony, Philippe Sands, who consulted on the Chagossians’ 40-year legal case, wrote that neither the ICJ nor the UN General Assembly had the power to force the UK and US to comply with international laws.

In November 2022, the Conservative government started negotiations with Mauritius over the future of the Chagos Islands, including “resettlement of the former inhabitants of the Chagos archipelago,” while retaining control of Diego Garcia. But earlier this year, amid the rapidly spiraling US-inspired and led Israeli war in the Middle East, then Foreign Secretary David Cameron told the Foreign Affairs Select Committee that the resettlement of Chagossians would not be possible.

The incoming Labour government has now stitched up a rotten, face-saving deal with Mauritius. Speaking in the House of Commons on Monday, Foreign Secretary David Lammy said, “The status quo was clearly not sustainable,” and “A binding judgment against the UK seemed inevitable.” The agreement he stressed had secured a “vital military base” and guaranteed Britain’s “long-term relationship with Mauritius, a close Commonwealth partner.”

Thursday’s deal was welcomed by the White House, the African Union and India. New Delhi has the strongest trade ties and family links with Mauritius and is part of the Quad alliance, along with Australia, Japan and the US, to counter China in the Pacific region. It has built an airstrip and a jetty on the Mauritian island of Agaléga for what is expected to be an Indian naval military facility to challenge China in the Indian Ocean, amid deteriorating relations with the Maldives.

While Chagossians will be allowed to return to the impoverished islands of Peros Banhos and Salomon Atoll, few wish to do so. Most originate from Diego Garcia, the only island that has any reasonable chance of being habitable—and only after considerable investment—and are intent on securing financial reparations and their rights in the UK and elsewhere, something the deal does nothing to address. The British government has disbursed little of the £40 million “support package” announced in 2016.

Chagossian Voices, an activist group representing the Chagossians in Britain and elsewhere, denounced the deal they had learned about only from the media as a “betrayal.” It said, “The views of Chagossians, the Indigenous inhabitants of the islands, have been consistently and deliberately ignored and we demand full inclusion in the drafting of the treaty.” They accused the British and Mauritian governments of excluding them from the negotiations and protested outside Parliament Monday demanding the right to self-determination.

As the New York-based NGO Human Rights Watch (HRW) explained, far from resolving the status of Islanders who were evicted from their homes, the exclusion of Diego Garcia from the deal continued “the crimes long into the future.” Clive Baldwin, HRW’s senior legal advisor, said, “It does not guarantee that the Chagossians will return to their homeland, appears to explicitly ban them from the largest island, Diego Garcia, for another century, and does not mention the reparations they are all owed to rebuild their future. The forthcoming treaty needs to address their rights, and there should be meaningful consultations with the Chagossians, otherwise the UK, US and now Mauritius will be responsible for a still-ongoing colonial crime.”

Former Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn, now expelled and an independent MP, had earlier welcomed the deal, ludicrously declaring, “This long overdue settlement at last includes the right to return. A milestone for decolonisation.” Days later, Corbyn issued a letter to Lammy urging him to reconsider his “manifestly unfair” decision to exclude returns to Diego Garcia. He made the on-his-knees protestation that despite Lammy insisting on the importance of the US-UK military base, “it is unclear why this should deprive Chagossians of their right of return, since the base does not take up the whole island.”

Lammy also stressed that the new arrangements mean that the Chagos Islands can no longer be used as a “backdoor migration route” into Britain. This was a reference to the 56 Tamils as well as eight in Rwanda who, having fled persecution in Sri Lanka, were rescued when their boat ran into trouble by Royal Navy ships and brought to Diego Garcia. Since then, stuck in legal limbo, they have been incarcerated in abominable conditions while seeking asylum in Britain. A judgement on the case is expected soon.

Lammy has offered some of the Tamils a move to Romania, claiming that after six months they could be moved to the UK, with others being offered financial incentives to return to Sri Lanka where they face persecution. In future, Mauritius will take responsibility for any future migrants who arrive on the islands.

The deal with Mauritius has aroused furious and certainly exaggerated opposition from the opposition Conservative Party, citing fears it would “embolden nations like Argentina to press for control of the Falklands.” The Chagos Islands and the Malvinas/Falkland Islands are among the UK’s 15 contested colonial possessions that include Gibraltar and the Cayman Islands.