27 Mar 2017

Bristol University International Office Scholarships 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 9th June 2017 (17:00 UK time)
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): UK
About the Award: The University of Bristol is a community; one represented by students, staff members and the people living within the city. Our diverse and vibrant community is integral to the University and we want new students to represent that ethos.

Type: undergraduate or postgraduate
Eligibility: 
  • All applicants must be classified as international students for fee purposes.
  • All applicants must already hold an offer of a place on a full-time undergraduate or postgraduate programme at the University of Bristol.
  • Applicants may be from any discipline.
  • Sponsored students and students in receipt of another scholarship/award over £3,000 are not eligible to apply.
  • Current University of Bristol students are not eligible to apply.
Value and Duration of Scholarship: Six scholarships will be available for prospective undergraduate and postgraduate students. The scholarships will be awarded as a one off tuition fee reduction:
  • 1st place – 1 scholarship of £12,000
  • 2nd place – 2 scholarships of £10,000
  • 3rd place – 3 scholarships of £8,000
Duration of Scholarship: One-time
How to Apply: Submit a video of no more than 1 minute showcasing what community means to you. We will be judging videos primarily on content and secondarily on aesthetics. Please submit your video to international-office@bristol.ac.uk.  For identification purposes please include your application/UCAS number in the body of the email.
Supported video file formats: .mov, .mp4, .m4v, .wmv, .flv
Award Provider: University of Bristol
Important Notes: Successful applicants will be contacted in July 2017.

University of Tallinn Postdoctoral Researcher in Life-course Studies 2017

Application Deadline: 17th April 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
To be taken at (country): Tallinn, Estonia
About the Award: The postdoctoral researcher will participate in the work of the Tallinn University Centre of Excellence in Interdisciplinary Life-course Studies. TU Centre of Excellence in Interdisciplinary Life-course Studies aims to facilitate the initiation and implementation of high level interdisciplinary research projects involving studies of life-course in cooperation with sociologists, demographers and political scientists. The planned research projects will focus on the development of life-courses of different generations and social groups (gender, native origin, health status, social status, education) embedded into current and path dependent institutional and social context.
The postdoctoral position entails self-initiated research related to the above mentioned themes as well as in collaboration with other researchers in Centre of Excellence. Besides, the selected applicant are expected to participate actively in the writing of grant proposals and assisting in organising workshops and conferences.
Type: Postdoctoral, Research
Eligibility: Applicants should hold a doctoral degree or an equivalent qualification in Sociology, Political Science, Demography or cognate fields awarded within the past five years as of the deadline for the submission of grant application. In case the  applicant was on pregnancy, maternity or parental leave, or in compulsory military service (or equivalent alternative service) after the award of the doctoral degree, the period of qualification is extended by the corresponding period in full months, rounded up to the higher number of months. A doctoral degree defended outside of TU is required in the case of a post-doctoral fellow.
The candidate must fulfil all general requirements of the position of a research fellow stipulated in annex 9 (See in link below) of the Employment Relations Rules of Tallinn University.
Selection Criteria: Selection criteria will be based on the academic excellence of the applicant and the quality of the proposed research project. The candidate should have a proven capability to publish in academic journals, have excellent analytical and methodological skills, and be able to work both independently and as part of a multidisciplinary research community. The applicant’s experience in the leadership of projects and of successful application for research funding are important selection criteria.
Selection Procedure:  The researchers will be recruited through international competition, in accordance with the Employment Relations Rules of the Tallinn University (See in link below)
The selection procedure will be carried out by the election committee of the School of Governance, Law and Society, appointed by the director of the same institute.
Selection will follow an open, transparent and merit-based recruitment process that involves the following phases:
6 March 2017  – Announcement of the competition
17 April 2017 – Deadline for the applications
30 April 2017 – Assessment of compliance with the job requirements of the candidates (Personnel Office, Research Administration Office, and Election Committee)
5 May 2017 – The Rector decides whether a candidate will be allowed to participate in the competition or not (on the basis of the documents submitted by the candidate and the opinion of the election committee)
Until 26 May 2017 – II phase of assessment (expert assessments, meetings with the candidates, etc.)
Latest on 22 June 2017 – The election of researcher will be held in academic unit
  • The Personnel Office shall contact every candidate concerning the Rector’s decision and results of the election as soon as possible, but not latest than 2 weeks after the decision.
  • The election committee of the unit, where the elected position is situated, shall contact the candidates to make the agreements of the time, place and topic of the public lecture and meetings, if necessary.
Value of Scholarship: To be agreed, according to Tallinn University
Duration of Scholarship: September 1st 2017 to August 31st  2019.
How to Apply: The candidates are expected to submit by 17th April 2017 (including) to Personnel Office of Tallinn University (Narva mnt 25, room T-219, 10120, Tallinn, or digitally signed to konkurss@tlu.ee), with the title “Academic competition” required application documents.
Award Provider: Tallinn University

Internet Society 25 Under 25 Competition for Young, Passionate Internet Users 2017. Fully-funded to L.Angeles, USA

Application Deadline: 31st May 2017
Eligible Countries:  All
To be taken at (country): USA
About the Award: As the Internet Society turns 25 this year, we’re celebrating our past and looking ahead to the next 25. We’re looking for 25 people under the age 25 who are using the Internet to create opportunities in ways we’ve never thought of.  It’s the next generation of innovators, entrepreneurs and game changers.
Type: Contest
Eligibility: The nominee must:
  • Be between the ages of 13-25 by 31 December 2017
  • Use the Internet to make a positive impact
  • Demonstrate commitment and passion to serve society
  • Are making a difference where they live
  • Show promise for continuing their outstanding work on the Internet
  • Have ideas that can implement around the world.
  • Be recognized and respected by peers
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Contest: 
  • Roundtrip economy-class travel for awardee and double occupancy lodging in Los Angeles from 16/17-21 September 2017
  • Formal recognition the evening of 17 September at a special reception
  • Invitation to the Internet Hall of Fame inductee ceremony and dinner on 18 September
  • Opportunity to meet and engage with the Internet Society team and the 2017 Internet Hall of Fame inductees
  • Participation in Collaborative Leadership Exchange in an unconference format on 18 September
  • Leadership development and community engagement programmes on 19-20 September
How to Apply: Nominate someone today!
Award Provider: The Internet Society

University of Tokyo Masters and PhD Scholarships for International Students 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 1st April – 1st May, 2017  For those entering in September
The application must arrive no later than the last day of each application period without fail.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): Japan
Eligible Field of Study: Courses in the Graduate School of Science
About the Award: The purpose of this scholarship is twofold: to financially support Self-Supported International Students whose academic performance is outstanding and to increase the number of students from abroad.
Type: Masters
Eligibility: Self-Supported Students with excellent grades who pass the entrance examination for the Master’s Program at the Graduate School of Science and who newly come to Japan as a student will qualify and enter the program in either April or September 2017. Priority goes to UTRIP(University of Tokyo Research Internship Program)participants. Recipients of other scholarships starting from April or September 2017 are not eligible. There is a possibility that an applicant might be required to withdraw from this scholarship if the applicant is deemed to be the recipient of another scholarship
Selection Process: Among the applicants who submitted Application documents, the Selection Committee will select and nominate candidate(s) to the Dean. The recipient will be decided by the Dean based on the nomination from the Selection Committee. The notification will be sent to the applicant by e-mail in one month after the acceptance letter for the Master’s Program is sent out
Number of Awardees: A few(Enrolling in April or September)
Value of Scholarship: 150,000 yen monthly stipend. The stipend will be paid into the bank account quarterly after getting the confirmation of enrollment.
Duration of Scholarship: From April/September, 2017 to March/August, 2022
How to Apply: Applicants should submit the application documents (see below) to the International Liaison Office at the Graduate School of Science by post at the time of their Graduate School application for admission into the Master’s Program.
Mailing Address: found in the link below
Application Documents:
  • Graduate School of Science Scholarship for International Students 2017 Application Form: 1 original copy (see link below)
  • One letter of recommendation for the Graduate School of Science Scholarship application from a faculty member of your college or university
Award Provider: University of Tokyo

University of Dundee Energy Industry Scholarship (LL.M) for Nigerian Students 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 1st October 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Nigeria
To be taken at (country): Scotland, United Kingdom
Eligible Field of Study: Law Candidate is to undertake Masters in Mineral Law and Policy.
About the Award: Energy has enhanced our lives: we have never been more connected and, today, more people have better opportunities, better health and better living conditions. This progress has been dependent on reliable, accessible energy.
Given the vital role of the energy sector, the Centre for Energy, Petroleum and Mineral Law and Policy (CEPMLP) in partnership with the energy industry is offering a fully funded postgraduate scholarship leading to the degree Mineral Law and Policy LLM.
Type: Law Masters
Eligibility: Candidates eligible for consideration should:
  • Available to Nigeria national / permanent resident full fee paying students on a full time, campus based Energy, Petroleum, Mineral Law & Policy postgraduate degree programme.
  • Scholarship will be deducted from the published tuition fee for the intended academic entry year
  • Prospective students must have formally applied to the University for an eligible course and received an unconditional or conditional offer.
  • Prospective students must have fully completed the scholarships application form, sent with the formal offer email.
  • Selection of students will be based on their academic performance to date, their formal application and the content of their scholarship application form.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: 
  • Payment of academic tuition fees
  • 12 monthly stipends for living expenses for a single student
  • International travel costs to start the course and travel back to Somalia once the course is completed
Duration of Scholarship: Duration of university programme
How to Apply: A scholarship application form will be sent via email with the formal offer for eligible programmes
Award Provider: Shell and ExxonMobil in cooperation with the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources of Somalia.

CDR, University of Bonn Doctoral Scholarship Program 2017/2018. Special Requirements for Cameroon

Application Deadline: 31st August, 2017.
Offered annually? Yes
To be taken at (country): Germany
Eligible Field of Study: Economics, social sciences, sociology, political science, economics, development economics, agricultural and resource economics, agronomy, biology, ecology, forestry, mathematics or earth sciences.
About the Award: ZEF’s doctoral studies program aims at attracting young scientists from all over the world with an outstanding master’s or equivalent degree in economics, social sciences, sociology, political science, economics, development economics, agricultural and resource economics, agronomy, biology, ecology, forestry, mathematics or earth sciences. Candidates preferably have work experience in national or international research institutions, governments, or the private sector. Interest in interdisciplinary research is a prerequisite.
Type: Postgraduate Degree
Selection Criteria: A prerequisite for applying for the DAAD scholarship is having at least two years of relevant professional experience. Other prerequisites for admission include:
  • Academic qualification: An excellent master or equivalent degree: G.P.A. higher than 3.0 in the American system, or a grade higher than 2.0 in the German system or equivalent.
  • Innovative research ideas: Candidates application must contain a Graduate Research Statement (See in link below). The statement should describe a development problem candidate considers interesting and important; include main research questions and the proposed methods linked to them; and literature references. The statement should have a maximum of 4 pages. The Graduate Research Statement may relate to ZEF’s research areas (see in link below) in a broad sense or may address a topic in another development research area. The selection committee will assess all research statements on the basis of orgininality, analytical rigor, and relevance.
  • ZEF’s doctoral program is conducted in English. Therefore candidates require the following English language skills: IELTS (band 6) certificate or TOEFL (minimum score: 550 paper based, 213 computer-based, 80 internet-based). Successful candidates can attend a two-month German language course prior to the study program.
  • There is no age limit for applying to the doctoral program at ZEF. However, candidate’s last academic degree should be obtained less than six years prior to application.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: Fully-funded
Duration: Duration of programme
How to Apply: Applicants with a citizenship from a developing country can apply for a DAAD scholarship directly from ZEF: You have to submit a DAAD application form which can be downloaded from the list of required documents for admission (see link below).
Applying to the ZEF Doctoral Studies Program involves two steps:
Step 1: Online registration:  Candidates have to register online. During the online registration you will be asked to enter your personal data and information. After you have completed your online registration you will receive a confirmation per e-mail, containing  your personal registration number and all further necessary information for your application. Please use this number in any communication with us.
Step 2: Application for admission: Please note that your online registration helps to accelerate the selection and admission procedure, it is NOT a substitute for the required documents to be sent by e mail to the program’s office. (docp.zef(at)uni-bonn.de).
Special prerequisites and requirements for DAAD scholarship applicants from Cameroon:
Applications from Cameroon must be submitted via the German Embassy, where the academic certificates have to be verified.
Cameroon: German Embassy in Yaoundé
Award Provider: University of Bonn, Centre for Development Research

Cyclone Watch in Australia

Binoy Kampmark

Townsville, North Queensland
The curious, sweaty mammals of North Queensland in Australia are bracing themselves for yet another cyclone with an anodyne name. Cyclone Debbie might have impressed you as a person who turns up at the door asking for donations for the Red Cross Appeal. But cyclones are rarely disposed to sweetness, featuring in a serious of catastrophes that have affected various continents.  The door is not so much knocked upon and fully blown open, along with roofs and dangerous objects finding their way across cities and suburbs. The only moral in this: stay indoors as much as you can.
As a review for PLOS Current Disasters begins, “Cyclones have significantly affected populations in Southeast Asia, the western Pacific, and the Americas over the past quarter of a century.”  Australia has also been privileged (dare one use that word?) to receive some of nature’s more tempestuous phenomena in that sense. Repeatedly, this ancient continent has been battered by weather systems that have either brought considerable drought, drenching floods, incinerating bush fires, or eviscerating storms.
Debbie has a bit of work to do before heading into the dizzying heights of Cyclone Yasi, which hit Queensland in 2011 in what was to be the highest category on the cyclone spectrum.  When it did its good deal of damage, it was deemed one of the most powerful storms to have made landfall since humans decided to take records of such events on the Australian continent.
Before Debbie develops, however, she was a less than conspicuous “tropical depression,” as the Australian Bureau of Meteorology tends to term it.  Care must to be taken to observe the Tropical Cyclone Advice Numbers as to whether this depression deepens into a gloomy meteorological nightmare, which looks like a gorgeously moving animal of vapours and clouds on the charts.
Advice Number 4, in particular, issued on Saturday, March 25, before 5 a.m., is a tantalising picture of doom, seductively arresting yet imminently terrifying.  Some of the locals have been busying loading up with sandbags; others have been just as busy sipping beer and observing the still ocean from sea fronts that will be shortly inundated.
The course of the cyclone’s eye is noted in clinical language in the various warnings, with predictions about possible strength as it draws up strength from the sea.  Scientific precision matches unpredictable content.  What matters is that the more laboriously it moves and lumbers, the more dangerous it will be in resisting dissipation.
“The forecast path shown above is the Bureau’s best estimate of the cyclone’s future movement and intensity.  There is always some uncertainty associated with tropical cyclone forecasting and the grey zone indicates the range of likely tracks of the cyclone centre.  Due to the uncertainty in the future movement, the indicated winds will most certainly extend to regions outside the rings on this map. The extent of the warning and watch zones reflects this.”
Erratic, uncertain, cheeky, the cyclone can be seen as an unpredictable insurgent, striking with deadly stealth against civilian populations.  “The tropical low has moved slowly overnight while steadily developing.”  Like a cacoon ready to break, the tropical “low is expected to develop into a tropical cyclone and adopt a west-southwest track today, bring it towards the north Queensland coast.”
Then came the announcement from the ABC news centre: “Tropical Cyclone Debbie has been declared!”  Not exactly a time to bring out the fizz for a glorious environmental arrival, a celebratory urging on for a cataclysm, but the general sense in Australia at such events is much like an interest in an accidental conception.  It may not have been intended, but we best deal with it.
By the evening of Saturday, the dreary language from the meteorologists assumes a sense of the inevitable. Progress is slow, which is exactly what no one wants to hear, except suicidal Millenarians keen to meet some curious cranky maker of their own belief:
“Tropical Cyclone Debbie is currently intensifying, and is now a category 2 cyclone.  The system remains slow moving at the present time…. Conditions will remain favourable for the cyclone to develop further before landfall, which will likely be between Townsville and Proserpine on Tuesday morning.”
The rituals of readying one self for such an onslaught are familiar, and even peculiar, to those who have been living in this region for decades.  For one, the shelves are emptied with pious ferocity.  Stockland, as one of the shopping centres, is rapidly unstocked.  Bottled water makes it out of the door with blurring speed by the thousands.  Special sections in the Coles supermarket are assigned for cyclone purchases.  Favourite foods include the reliable canned spam, a legend that persists in Australia as potent as any wartime tucker.  To that can be added baked beans and canned tuna.
The essentials are religiously outlined in what a cyclone emergency kit should contain: radios, batteries, matches, candles, torches.  Make sure you have your insurance documents. Ensure that you unplug appliances.
The home itself is to be cleared of unnecessary debris on lawns, and potentially dangerous trees trimmed with scrutiny.  Families congregate and have “cyclone parties”.  Even before what seems like catastrophe, there is a true human calm before the ferociousness that is about to hit.  Time to bolt the doors, close the windows and wait.

As ISIS’s Caliphate Shrinks, Syrian Anger Grows

Robert Fisk

It must be the most beautiful front line in the world. Turn right at the ancient city of Qatna, drive east for 40 miles and you’ll come to a village called Telwared, the “Hill of Roses”. There are fields of yellow flowers, sheep and cattle and almond orchards and an old T-62 tank and then a series of largely empty, slightly sinister two-storey houses and a row of gentle hills to the south. That’s where Isis holds its ground, an ideology quite divorced from all this beauty and bright sky and sunlight.
They’re just the other side of the low mountain range to the south which stretches all the way across to Palmyra. But it’s difficult to shrug off the lethargy. Surely the old shepherd sitting with his back to the road, two cows tethered beside him, isn’t worried about the war. Can the children playing with their mother behind a red-painted house have the slightest idea why there’s a Syrian army checkpoint down the road at Jibl Jarrah, the very last bit of territory before the forward troops of the shrinking Isis caliphate?
The great geopolitical battles in Iraq seem far away until you notice the contrails sweeping the skies far above Jibl Jarrah and the military map in the local company headquarters which depicts three bleak grey and black circles to the right. “South al-Mushairfeh, east Habra, west Habra” are written in them. Isis holds these villages to this day.
On the highway driving out here, there were Russian military engineering convoys on the Palmyra run, heavy armoured vehicles between each truck, soldiers with cloth webbing draped from their helmets to their chins. Some of them wear Ray-Bans and you remember that this is also a European war, that these are Putin’s men, their equipment gleaming, their heavy machine guns pointed up the road.
You’d think the crusty Syrian colonel round the corner, billeted in an ancient shrine, would be watching the television news of the fighting for Mosul, the suicide bomb attacks on his Iraqi brother soldiers far to the east. Nothing of the sort. Isis mortared Jibl Jarrah a few hours ago. They send in artillery rounds each night. When their men captured and held the village for six hours on 21 January, the colonel managed to evacuate every civilian safely – but it cost the lives of three soldiers, another 12 in the neighbouring village of Mesaudia, and six members of the local “national guard” militia.
So much for the hill of roses. The colonel saw one of the Isis men who was captured on the road. “They send in Syrians first and then foreigners behind them,” he said. “Chechens and Afghans. He was a short man, blond-haired, about 19 or 20. He said he was from the village of Ankalhawa. He said they wanted to attack with waves of fighters. Fifteen at first, then maybe 200. They failed. Isis couldn’t operate here if they didn’t have Syrians with them. All of us grew up loving our homeland, but they’ve played on the sectarian question to turn these people into extremists.
“We never thought a Syrian would turn a gun against another Syrian but the Arab nations – Qatar, Saudi Arabia – they give them the money and ideology. This situation is very strange to us.”
As the colonel says repeatedly, most of the Isis men on the other side of these gentle hills are clearly not Syrians. Repeatedly, Syrian intelligence officers monitoring their radio chat find themselves listening to Dari (the Afghan version of Persian) and Chechen, which is meaningless to them.
The Syrian soldiers agree that they all talk about the motivation of these strange men. The colonel saw a lot of prisoners in Idlib. “I arrested a lot of Syrian fighters. Before this, I thought they were forced to fight; but when they were questioned, they said they believed in what they did.”
Deceptive, too, are the quiet roads leading west from Jibl Jarrah. You would never imagine that the blasted old building at Alamod was a school targeted by a suicide bomber two years ago. Thirty children were killed, all Shia Muslims, four from one family, the killer a Sunni Muslim. In Mukharam, there’s a pulverised building in the corner of the square, where another Sunni man, an Islamic student well known in the village, blew himself up among his neighbours just four months ago, wearing a suicide belt, waiting till market day to kill as many as possible.
No wonder the colonel, puffing away on his Armenian cigarettes – they say that Akhtamar cigarettes have to be smoked to be believed – is so puzzled. This web of villages, right up to the front line, has for years been a blaze of mixed religion so typical of Syria; Christians, Shiites, Alawites, Sunnis. Many people here are Sunni Circassians and the locals insist their white complexion comes from Russia generations ago. And looking at the young Russian soldiers on their Palmyra convoys, you can see a faint similarity.
The colonel kept shaking his head. “We see Isis as kind of monsters,” he said. “Even traditional enemies are more honest than these people. Killing pregnant women. Why would anyone do such a terrible thing? At least Israel makes normal, typical war.” The colonel wasn’t being kind to Syria’s traditional enemy. He merely hasn’t fathomed what lies behind Isis and he’s too far from Mosul to work out if his monsters are in their death throes.
But like as not – if any of them can get out of Mosul, or if the Iraqi army and Americans let them – Isis will move across to the lands east of Homs and try another attack on this all too beautiful front line.

The Troubling Financial Activities of an Ecuadorian Presidential Candidate

Mark Weisbrot

As Ecuador heads toward the second round of its presidential election on April 2, a scandal has broken out over the opposition candidate Guillermo Lasso’s financial dealings. The accusations are serious and largely based on public records, with most of it verifiable on websites such as the Panamanian Public Registry and Superintendency of Banks and the Ecuadorean Superintendency of Companies. The newspaper that broke the story was Página/12 of Argentina, with two articles there in the last week by journalist Cynthia Garcia, as well as on her website.
Yet, as of this writing, the major international media covering the election, as well as the big privately owned Ecuadorian media, have pretended for a week that the story does not exist. This is despite the fact that President Correa has publicly denounced Lasso for his dealings and called on him to resign from his campaign. And Lasso publicly responded without denying the accusations. It is difficult to explain this gap in reporting on the basis of what most people would consider journalistic norms.
It is as if the US and international media had failed to report on the controversy over Donald Trump’s refusal to release his tax returns during the 2016 US presidential election.
Lasso has been routinely described as a “former banker” who allegedly retired from banking activities five years ago. However, he remains a major shareholder in Ecuador’s largest bank, the Bank of Guayaquil, (through a trust named with his initials, GLM). And evidence from minutes of board meetings of Banco Guayaquil’s parent company indicate that he is still a key decision maker at the bank, where he has been Executive President for more than 20 years. This in itself would be big news in Ecuador, where banking interests ran the country in the years prior to the election of Rafael Correa in 2007, and are not held in high regard since they caused a severe financial and economic crisis in the 1990s. This crisis impoverished many Ecuadorians and sent large numbers of people out of the country to seek employment.
But there is more. In 2007, Banco Guayaquil (BG) created an offshore bank in Panama, which was called Banco de Guayaquil Panamá. In 2011, BG Panama changed its name to Banisi; in 2014 BG sold Banisi to Banisi Holding. This holding company is registered by a law firm but belongs to Lasso, and he has admitted to this; but on paper there are a series of transactions of the kind often involved with offshore banking and tax avoidance that disguise this ownership. These transactions and ownership manipulations involve various Lasso family members and cronies.
What makes this disguised ownership so important to the election is that Lasso’s offshore bank in the tax haven of Panama appears to be primarily operating for the purpose of facilitating capital flight from Ecuador. There is much evidence for this, including the fact that about two-thirds of Banisi’s liabilities are out of country; the Panamanian regulator authorized Banisi to open an office in Ecuador; and its website domain registry and servers are in Lasso’s Ecuadorean bank in Guayaquil.
Most importantly, since 2014, it has been illegal in Ecuador for banks and their shareholders to own offshore banking operations in tax havens. Thus Lasso’s ownership of Banisi, if proven in court, would appear to put him in violation of the law.
The issue of illegal capital flight and tax havens is a big one in Ecuador for a number of reasons, and was voted on in a referendum in the first round of the election on February 19. The majority of voters approved a ballot initiative stating that Ecuadorians who have money in tax havens should not be allowed to hold office. This is a global problem, with trillions of dollars (including tax revenues) being lost to developing countries through illegal capital flight, contributing to poverty and inequality. And it has special meaning in Ecuador: first, because of the devastating financial crisis caused by bankers in the late 1990s; and second, because Ecuador’s success in the past decade under the Correa government was partly due to reforms that taxed capital flight, forced banks to repatriate liquid assets held abroad, and other re-regulation of the financial system.
The investigative reporting on Lasso’s offshore holdings and banking activities raises additional questions. The reporting thus far indicates that some 50 companies associated with Lasso have been identified. Some of them have to do with disguising bank holding ownership through family members and cronies and others appear to be involved in real estate in Florida.
But regardless of the unknowns and various complexities of Lasso’s offshore holdings and transactions, the most important findings are clear: he appears to be involved in banking interests that facilitate capital flight from Ecuador. The offshore bank, in tax haven Panama, appears to be in violation of the law. These are serious charges backed by serious evidence that is in the public domain. There is no justifiable reason for journalists covering this campaign to ignore this scandal.

ISIS’s Losses in Syria and Iraq Will Make It Difficult to Recruit

Patrick Cockburn

Iraqi forces are stalled and suffering heavy casualties in their assault on the last Isis fighters defending close-packed buildings in the Old City of Mosul. Civilian loss of life is very high as US aircraft, Iraqi helicopters and artillery, try to target Isis strongpoints in a small area in which at least 300,000 civilians are trapped and unable to reach safety.
Isis fighters shoot at government troops from houses and then escape quickly through holes they have ordered people to cut in the walls of their homes, leaving them to face retaliatory fire. In a single district of Mosul this week 237 civilians were killed by air strikes, including 120 of them in one house, according to a Kurdish news agency.
The last chapter of the siege of Mosul, which has now been going on for 155 days, is likely to be more bloody than anything seen before. It will certainly end with the capture of the city or what is left of it, raising the crucial question of how far its loss will be a death blow to Isis.
It was the unexpected seizure of Mosul by a few thousand Isis fighters in June 2014 after defeating an Iraqi government garrison 20 times as large, that turned the fundamentalist movement into an international force. At its peak, the self-declared Caliphate ruled an area in northern Iraq and eastern Syria as large as Great Britain.
Isis had always used terrorism directed against civilians as an integral part of its tactics to show strength, spread fear and dominate the news agenda. Its atrocities – scarcely noticed outside Iraq before the fall of Mosul – have always been primarily directed against Shia victims, blown apart as they shopped in markets or took part in pilgrimages. It was only after the intervention of foreign powers in 2014 and 2015 that Isis extended it terrorist campaign outside Iraq and Syria.
There is a thin but definite line connecting what happened in Mosul two and a half years ago and the impulse that led Khalid Masood to carry out his deadly rampage in Westminster this week. In Iraq and Syria, Isis knew that it had to slaughter thousands to spread terror, but in cities like London, Nice, Berlin, Paris and Brussels much smaller attacks would have similar impact. All that was needed was one or more fanatical individuals willing to get killed as a testimony to their faith.
It is this willingness to die for a grotesque belief which has enabled Isis and al-Qaeda to wield so much power from the Tigris to the Thames, well beyond what could be expected from relatively small organisations. In conventional warfare, suicide attacks have enabled them to fight armies equipped with aircraft, tanks and artillery. “I cannot think of a single successful armed opposition offensive in Syria which was not led by suicide bombers,” a military expert told me in Damascus last year. This article is being written in Irbil 50 miles east of Mosul where there were no less than 600 attacks by men driving vehicles packed with explosives in the first six weeks of the Iraqi government offensive that began on 17 October last year.
There is no doubt that the fall of Mosul will weaken Isis, but the extent and permanence of this weakness is uncertain. Isis portrayed its victories in 2014 as a sign of divine intervention on its behalf and used this as a powerful argument to win adherents. But this claim becomes counter-effective when victory on the battlefield is replaced by defeat. The Caliphate today, battered from a dozen directions, no longer looks anything like the Islamic utopia its founders were claiming to establish and was to serve as a model society for Muslims across the world.
The military defeat of Isis in Mosul, combined with the likely loss of its de facto Syrian capital at Raqqa later this year, means that the movement will no longer control a quasi-state more powerful than many members of the UN. At its peak, the Caliphate not only had strong armies but an effective state machine that levied taxes and controlled the lives of five or six million people. Through its propaganda, money and expertise, it could motivate and, to a degree, organise cells and individuals to carry out terrorist acts internationally. As its last urban centres fall and its territories fragment its ability to project its power is much reduced.
But Isis is not going to go entirely out of business and one should not underestimate its capacity to survive. It did so before against the odds in Iraq after 2006, when the surge in US troop numbers and the defection of many Sunni Arab tribes, appeared to have all but eliminated it. At the end of the day it is a sect dependent on a core of true believers and not a regular army whose organisation, once disrupted, cannot be easily rebuilt.
Isis commanders are experienced soldiers who fought as guerrillas before 2014 and can do so again. Moreover, they must always have known that from a military point of view, Mosul was indefensible because of the massive firepower of the US-led air coalition supporting Iraqi ground forces. The same is true in Syria where Isis is fighting the Kurds, backed by the US, and the Syrian army, backed by Russia.
There are already signs that Isis commanders can see the writing on the wall and are moving fighters back into areas outside Mosul north and west of Baghdad where they will fight on. The same process is likely to happen in Syria where Isis is being battered by a myriad of enemies, who do not like each other much but will probably hang together until Isis is defeated.
The total elimination of Isis and al-Qaeda type movements in Iraq and Syria depends whether the wars that have torn apart these two countries are coming to an end. Isis and the al-Qaeda clones grew out of the chaos of war in both countries. They also relied on the toleration or covert support of Sunni states like Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in their early growth period. Without such backing they will have difficulty in doing more than harrying Iraqi and Syrian government forces.
We are seeing the end of Isis in Iraq and Syria as a force powerful enough to threaten established governments in Baghdad and Damascus as it was capable of doing less than three years ago. It is still able to inspire individuals like Khalid Masood to make high-profile terrorist attacks which dominate the headlines for days on end, but they do not seem to have a cell structure in place in Europe to carry out more wide ranging attacks. A purpose of the attention-grabbing atrocities carried out by Isis supporters in capital cities is to give an exaggerated impression of the movement’s strength outside its core areas.
Isis is facing battlefield reverses in Iraq and Syria that will make it more and more difficult for it to inspire individuals abroad to kill and to die for its monstrous version of Islam. If peace now returns to the region then these defeats are likely to prove permanent.

Why $15 an Hour Should be the Absolute Minimum Minimum Wage

Frank Stricker
There are many important issues on the national political table right now, but sometime soon, fixing the federal minimum wage should be there too. Of course, the politics of reform don’t look good, but there is a Congressional election coming next year, and we need to be sure that voters understand that almost every Republican in Congress (some Democrats too), and the self-proclaimed workers’ champion in the White House don’t think people deserve a helping hand to get a living wage. The current federal minimum wage, $7.25 an hour, is a disgrace. Even $10 an hour yields only $20,800 for year-round, full-time work. That’s below the extra-low American poverty line for a family. Even for an individual living alone, it would not be enough in most American cities.
But how high a wage should we push for in the long run?  Of course, $15 an hour is a great starting point and courageous workers and local politicians have succeeded in getting a $15 minimum or something like it in quite a few states and cities. Two years ago, 42% of American workers were earning less than $15 an hour, so movements that are winning a $15 minimum in states and cities are helping millions and millions of workers. But workers in other states and cities need federal help. Getting a $15 national minimum wage would be a tremendous victory. But just the beginning. In the not-so-long run, $15 an hour won’t be enough. That’s because $15, while a huge advance for millions of workers, yields only $31,000 before taxes for a full year of full-time work. And many low-wage workers do not work full-time.
If we are debating with people who think $15 is terribly high, can we defend something higher? What would be an ideal minimum down the road? There are several ways to construct an ideal minimum wage, but two approaches are particularly compelling. One is about minimum living standards and the other is about equality. As to the first, we can ask how much a family needs to live, not in affluence, but in modest comfort. Experts have estimated that a two-parent, two-child family requires $54,500 a year for a modest living standard. (The amounts vary by where the family lives and household size.) If there is only one earner, he or she must work full-time all year and earn $26 an hour to reach $54,500.
Next, if we apply the equality method, it seems a matter of elementary justice that everyone should share increases in the national income. To estimate how much income did not go to the people, we can use per capita income–the total national income divided by the population. Per capita income increased 16 times between 1965 and 2015. But average hourly pay increased only half as much. One reason is that a tiny group of “capitas”–the rich–seized most of the increase in the national income. If the hourly wage of the average rank-and-file worker had increased as much as per capita income, it would be $40 today, not $21. If the federal minimum wage of 1965 had increased by a factor of 16, it would be $20 an hour, not $7.25.
In light of these facts, it is astonishing that many politicians on the national scene are happy with the pathetically low minimum of $7.25. This indifference to the working poor occurs while big bankers and business tycoons take home massive compensation packages of millions and even billions of dollars.
One wonders what the President’s working-class supporters expect of him on the wage front. He likes to visit factories and talks big about job creation, but it tells us something about what he really thinks of the working class that he, his appointees, and Congressional members of his party, are fine with a $7.25 national minimum wage, do not support the $15 movement, and would be horrified if we dared to talk about a minimum wage that started at $20.