Palace coup in Saudi Arabia

Jean Shaoul 

Saudi Arabia’s 82-year-old King Salman has issued a series of decrees proclaiming his favourite son, the 31-year-old Mohammed bin Salman, as his immediate successor. He supplants Salman’s nephew, the head of internal security and deputy prime minister, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.

Salman also consolidated Mohammed’s power base, appointing the 34-year-old Abdulaziz bin Saud bin Nayef, who is very close to the new crown prince, to head the million-strong interior ministry, responsible for the suppression and intimidation of the Saudi people in the name of “fighting terrorism.”

The new crown prince, previously second in line to the throne, already holds the defence and economy portfolios, and chairs the highest board of Aramco, the world’s largest oil company. The appointment makes him king in all but name, presiding over a royal household of more than 7,000 princes riven with factional infighting.

He sought support for his accession to the throne by reversing cuts to civil service salaries implemented last September and granting an additional week’s holiday, announced to mark the end of Ramadan. According to the Economist, this will add a further US$13 billion to the budget deficit, projected at US$86 billion or 12 percent of GDP this year.

He also orchestrated a series of moves to isolate bin Nayef and strengthen his own position, including appointing his younger brother, Prince Khalid, as ambassador to Washington to strengthen his relations with the Trump administration.

Relations with former President Barack Obama’s White House became increasingly fraught after Washington failed to follow up on its threat to attack Syria in 2013 and reached a nuclear accord with Shi’ite-ruled Iran that Riyadh vehemently opposed.

Mohammed bin Salman also appointed a cousin and ally as deputy governor of the oil-rich Eastern Province, whose governor is Mohammed bin Nayef’s brother, Saud bin Nayef.

Salman’s dethroning of a second crown prince (he pensioned off Prince Muqrin in April 2015) since his accession to the throne in January 2015 reflects the increasingly turbulent situation in which the House of Saud, the world’s largest oil producer and crucial US ally, finds itself.

The palace coup is a desperate attempt to resolve the military, political and economic conflicts that stem from the decades of US-led wars in the region at the expense of the Saudi masses. It portends ever-more autocratic rule, economic hardship and an escalation of regional wars of which the ongoing hostile moves by Saudi Arabia against Qatar and Iran are the most dramatic indication.

The economic crisis gripping the country has been acerbated by the murderous, but largely unsuccessful war instigated by Mohammed bin Salman against the rebel Houthis and their ally, former President Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen, who still control the capital and most of the northern part of the country. The war has led to 4,773 confirmed civilian deaths and 8,272 injured, mass starvation and cholera, with a child dying every 10 minutes and 7 million people at acute risk of starvation in what the United Nations has called the worst humanitarian disaster since 1945.

The war has served to destabilise Riyadh’s relations with its traditional allies. Pakistan has refused repeated requests to send troops to fight the Houthis, while Oman has stayed out of it and Egypt has provided only token assistance.

Riyadh has also poured tens of billions of dollars into arming reactionary Islamist militias, designated as “rebels” in the US-backed war to overthrow the Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad and isolate Iran, Syria’s main backer in the Middle East. The six-year-long war has killed nearly half a million people. Four million people have fled the country while upwards of 6.3 million are internally displaced.

The Saudis have whipped up sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shia throughout the region and opposed Iran’s support for Riyadh’s political rivals in Lebanon, Bahrain and Iraq.

Mohammed bin Salman, as minister of defence, has adopted a particularly bellicose attitude towards Iran, framing tensions with Tehran in sectarian terms, stating that Iran’s goal is “to control the Islamic world” and to spread its Shiite doctrine, and vowing to take “the battle” to Iran.

Emboldened by President Donald Trump’s first overseas visit to Riyadh last month, he precipitated a crisis in the Gulf Cooperation Council by trying to isolate Qatar, accusing it of supporting ISIS, the Muslim Brotherhood and Iran.

His purpose was to dragoon Qatar behind the Saudis’ stand against Iran and its other predatory policies, including unstinting support for Egypt’s military regime. He organised an economic blockade, tantamount to a declaration of war, upsetting the defence establishment in Washington, which has a crucial American military base in Qatar, and further destabilising the region. Turkey has come to Qatar’s aid as has Iran, while Pakistan, Oman and Kuwait remain neutral.

Iran has accused the US and Saudi Arabia of being behind the ISIS terror attacks in Tehran two weeks ago that killed at least 12 people and injured dozens more when gunmen and suicide bombers attacked the parliament and the mausoleum of Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic.

Social tensions are explosive. The fall in oil prices, upon which Saudi Arabia depends for 70 percent of its revenue, has led to a drastic cutback in public expenditure, the imposition of a value-added tax and the proposed sale of 5 percent of Aramco to fund an economic diversification programme.

In the face of massive budget deficits, plummeting foreign reserves and growth of less than 1 percent, the lowest for almost four years, Mohammed overturned the Kingdom’s decades-long policy of buying political quiescence with a social contract that has provided some security—via low utility prices, social subventions and public-sector jobs—for the Saudi population, and promoted a wave of Sunni-based Saudi nationalism.

It was he who, last September, slashed housing, vacation and sickness allowances and reduced some civil service salaries by a third.

Utility bills rose as subsidies fell, fuelling poverty levels while he splashed out US$500 billion on a yacht.

This month, the government tightened restrictions on foreign workers, who constitute about 12 million of the country’s 33 million population, in a bid to reduce unemployment among Saudi nationals, reserving retail jobs for Saudis. One million are expected to leave in the next few weeks.

The official unemployment rate of 12.1 percent is widely believed to be an underestimate. Other estimates suggest it is 27-29 percent, rising to 33 percent among young people between 20 and 24 years of age and 38 percent for 24-to-29-year-olds, in a country where two thirds of the population are under 30. Some 1.9 million Saudis out of a total citizenry of 20 million are expected to enter the workforce in the next decade.

While Saudi Arabia’s huge oil wealth is owned by a royal family that lives in the lap of luxury, at least 20 percent of Saudis suffer “crippling” or “severe” poverty, and between 2 and 4 million people live in poverty in Riyadh alone.

Saudi Arabia’s Shia minority in the oil-rich Eastern province suffer from crushing poverty following decades of economic neglect and political marginalisation. Their villages and towns such as Qatif, al-Hasa and particularly al-Awamiya, the hometown of the executed Shia cleric, Sheikh Nimr Baqih al Nimr, lack the infrastructure of their Sunni counterparts.

Migrant workers, mainly from the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia, who number about 12 million, fare even worse, with low wages and financial hardship, exacerbated by an exploitative sponsorship system.

Canada’s Liberal government expands spy agencies’ powers in “reform” of Harper’s Bill C-51

Roger Jordan

The Liberal government has tabled legislation to amend Bill C-51, the draconian law Stephen Harper’s Conservative government passed in 2015 in the name of fighting terrorism.

Bill C-51 provoked widespread opposition, with even the Globe and Mail, the traditional voice of Canada’s financial elite, condemning it as a “police state” measure.

The Liberals promised to “reform” Bill C-51 during the 2015 election campaign. But, barring a few cosmetic changes, the Liberals’ “National Security Act, 2017” (Bill C-59) retains all of Bill C-51’s attacks on fundamental democratic rights, while handing Canada’s spy agencies significant new powers.

Bill C-59, like Bill C-51, empowers Canada’s Security and Intelligence Service (CSIS), the country’s primary domestic spy service, to actively “disrupt” alleged threats to national security and, if necessary, to use illegal means to do so.

Prior to 2015, CSIS’s mandate was limited to gathering information on targeted groups and individuals. The Liberals’ bill places slightly tighter restrictions on CSIS’s disruption powers, including by providing a list of “permitted” illegal acts. Permitted acts include: restricting people’s movements, disrupting communications and financial transactions, and damaging property, as long as the damage does not endanger life or cause bodily harm.

Bill C-59’s stipulation that CSIS obtain a judge’s approval for any action it plans to undertake that will violate a right contained in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms is worthless. The approval process will take place in secret courts, with no ability for anyone, including so-called “special advocates,” to act on behalf of the targets. Moreover, the decisions of these courts, including even the names of those targeted for “disruption,” will be forever sealed.

Thus a body of secret national security law will be created to which the public will have no access, let alone the right and ability to challenge. Given the intelligence agencies’ record of systematically lying to the courts, Canadians should have little confidence that the judges engaged in such hearings will even be presented with all of the facts.

Bill C-59 grants new offensive capabilities to Canada’s signals intelligence agency, the Canadian Security Establishment (CSE). CSE operatives will henceforth be authorized to wage offensive cyberwar attacks on foreign targets, including foreign states’ computer infrastructure and communications networks. This could include deleting or corrupting data, and planting malware on phones or other devices. CSE’s mandate has also been expanded so as to integrate its operations even more closely with the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF).

The aggressive intent of these measures was made clear by Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan’s presence at the press conference at which the government unveiled Bill C-59. Earlier this month, Sajjan announced new funding for CAF cyberwarfare capabilities as part of the Liberals’ new defence policy. Under that policy, the government will hike military spending by 70 percent over the next decade to $32.7 billion and will expand military-security cooperation with Washington, including through the US National Security Agency-led “Five Eyes” electronic spying and cyberwar alliance.

Even some bourgeois commentators, such as the Globe and Mail columnist Campbell Clark, admit that Bill C-59 does not reduce the powers or reach of the national-security apparatus. “Canadian spy agencies,” wrote Clark, “aren’t really seeing their powers trimmed, not even the new powers they obtained under the Conservative anti-terror law.”

Under the Liberals’ “reform” of Bill C-51, the security agencies will have virtually unrestricted access to personal information collected by other government agencies. Bill C-59 also upholds the “national security certificate” mechanism under which “named” non-Canadian citizens can be arrested and detained indefinitely without the right to see and contest any of the evidence against them. It also retains “peace bonds,” under which terrorism suspects can be detained or have restrictions imposed on their activities without being charged with any crime.

These moves are in keeping with the record of the Liberal Party, which was the chief architect of the antidemocratic measures, including unprecedented attacks on the presumption of innocence and the right to remain silent, adopted in the wake of 9/11.

In 2015, Trudeau’s Liberals voted in favour of Bill C-51, claiming that they would repeal some of its provisions when they took power. Bill C-59 makes clear that such pledges were nothing more than electoral posturing aimed at capitalizing on public opposition to Bill C-51.

Bill C-59 in fact expands CSIS’s power to store and analyze electronic data. Last year, a federal court ruled that the intelligence agency had broken the law by retaining data from Canadians who were not suspected of any crime. The new Liberal legislation specifically allows CSIS to make use of the information it obtains, in the course of its investigations, on people not suspected or accused of any wrongdoing. This outrageous attack on privacy rights is being justified as a necessary response to recent technological advances.

The corporate media and several security and legal experts who were prominent critics of Bill C-51 are lauding the new civilian review mechanisms the Liberals are creating, claiming that they can be relied on to ensure the security-intelligence agencies do not violate Canadians’ democratic rights.

In truth these mechanisms are nothing more than a fig leaf, aimed at providing the intelligence agencies with a legal-constitutional cover to spy on opponents of the government and big business—environmentalists, native organizations, leftist and antiwar groups, and above all the working class.

Like the CSIS Security and Intelligence Review Committee, which it will replace, the new National Security and Intelligence Review Agency will be staffed with carefully vetted representatives of the ruling class. They will review intelligence operations only after the fact and submit their findings to the government, not the public.

Bill C-59 also provides for a Security and Intelligence Commissioner, who will be drawn from the ranks of the judiciary. While the Commissioner is being publicly touted as a “watchdog,” in reality his task will be to work with the security agencies to establish legal cover for their operations, including CSIS “disruption” campaigns. One of the Commissioner’s chief functions will be to provide “pre-operation” approvals for their more intrusive and potentially politically contentious activities.

Under a separate piece of legislation, the Liberals are creating a parliamentary oversight committee, whose members will be barred from reporting to the public on any illegal activities they uncover. Moreover, the government has wide powers to withhold information from this committee, including on all ongoing security-intelligence operations.

These review structures will only bring Canadian practice more in line with that in the United States, Britain and Australia—all countries that, regardless of the parliamentary and other review mechanisms in place, have witnessed a massive onslaught on democratic rights over the past two decades in the name of the fraudulent “war on terror.”

The Liberals’ defence of Canada’s burgeoning national security apparatus is intimately bound up with their determination to pursue an aggressive, imperialist foreign policy. Bill C-59 was introduced just two weeks after Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered a keynote foreign policy address in which she vowed that “hard power,” i.e. war, must be a central part of Canada’s foreign policy. She pledged that Canada will deepen its strategic partnership with US imperialism, while working to uphold multilateral imperialist alliances like NATO. Freeland’s speech was followed the next day by Sajjan’s defence policy announcement, which included funds for an expanded fleet of fighter jets, fifteen new warships, the purchase of armed drones, and the recruitment of 5,000 additional military personnel.

Such policies, which go hand in hand with a never-ending assault on the social position of the working class, cannot be implemented democratically.

The Trudeau government is well aware of the deep-seated popular hostility to the Canadian ruling elite’s program of austerity and war. That is why it seeks to camouflage its true aims with phoney “human rights” rhetoric and claims it is pursuing a “feminist foreign policy.”

But as such propaganda increasingly falls flat, the Liberals will increasingly be forced to resort to outright state repression. Bill C-59 makes clear that the Liberals, no less than the Conservatives, are determined to expand the vast spying apparatus at the disposal of the Canadian capitalist state so as to suppress working-class opposition.

Criticism of the Liberals’ bill among the political establishment has been muted. Predictably, the Conservatives denounced the government for “disarming” the intelligence agencies. The New Democrats (NDP), who voted against Bill C-51, complained that the Liberals had broken their election promises and not gone far enough in repealing its antidemocratic provisions. But the NDP has had nothing to say about the broader ruling-class assault on democratic rights since 9/11, of which Bill C-51 was only one element, or the Liberals’ determination to make aggression and war the centerpiece of Canada’s foreign policy. The New Democrats’ tepid opposition to Bill C-59 reflects their loyalty to the Canadian capitalist elite and its global imperialist interests.

US-backed forces on verge of recapturing Iraqi city of Mosul

James Cogan

Iraqi government army and police have reportedly forced the last surviving Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) fighters into a small area of Mosul’s “Old City” district. The city—or what is left of it—is expected to be fully under government control within a matter of weeks, or even days.

The offensive to recapture Mosul from ISIS began last October. For nine months, it has been the scene of some of the most intense street-to-street urban warfare since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Iraqi government troops and police have slowly advanced through its suburbs, supported by the US military and a coalition that includes Australian, British, French and Canadian aircraft and special forces “advisors.”

The destruction yesterday of the 900-year-old minaret of the historic Al Nuri mosque symbolises the devastation that has been inflicted on Mosul and its population. The combination of airstrikes and murderous fighting on the ground has reduced large areas of the city to half-standing buildings and left its streets littered with burnt-out vehicles and rubble. Electricity, gas, water and sewerage networks have been shattered.

According to the Baghdad government, the minaret was blown up by ISIS to prevent elite Iraqi “counter-terrorism” police from capturing it intact. The Al Nuri mosque had significant propaganda value for the government forces, as it was where ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi had declared the establishment of a “caliphate” in June 2014, after the Islamist movement seized control of Mosul.

ISIS, in its own online propaganda, has claimed the minaret was destroyed by a US airstrike. This has been denied by the US military and a video does suggest that it was demolished by controlled internal explosions.

The Iraqi government refuses to release any figures on the losses that its forces have suffered. It may well be as high as 10,000 dead and wounded. Reports earlier in the year indicated that some army and police units suffered 50 percent casualties during the fierce battles to completely push ISIS out of the eastern sector of the city.

Civilians, however, have paid the greatest price. Prior to June 2014, Mosul had a population of close to 2 million. While hundreds of thousands fled when ISIS captured the city, displacement and casualties have increased exponentially since the beginning of the US-backed assault.

It is currently estimated that some 860,000 Mosul residents have been turned into refugees, with large numbers sheltering in overcrowded tent camps or with family elsewhere in the country. Another 500,000 are living in various degrees of squalor and hardship in the government-controlled eastern suburbs of the city. It is believed about 100,000 are still trapped in the ISIS-held areas.

There is no accurate count of overall civilian casualties. It almost certainly numbers in the tens of thousands killed or injured, however, inflicted by both the US-backed forces and the ISIS extremists.

Just one US airstrike on March 17 slaughtered at least 105 men, women and children. The US military has revealed that between October 2016 and June 3, its coalition had bombarded the city with some 24,464 missiles and bombs.

When the offensive began nine months ago, the US-led coalition generally estimated that there were no more than 5,000 and at most 10,000 ISIS fighters in the city. In early May, the Iraqi commanders claimed to have killed well over 16,000. In the weeks since, they have claimed to have killed hundreds more.

The inflated number of ISIS deaths suggests that people are being falsely classified as combatants to conceal the true extent of civilian deaths.

A June 22 article by freelance British journalist Tom Westcott, who is reporting from Mosul, detailed disturbing aspects of the treatment of men and boys who manage to get through the battle lines from ISIS-held areas to those under government control.

A French medic spoke to Westcott about several men whose injuries from shrapnel had been treated. “Of course,” the medic stated, “these operations were done by IS medics and we know they only look after their own, so these men were probably with IS.” He noted that government troops would put them through at least two “screenings.”

Westcott also recounted how a man was suspected of being ISIS because he had bruises on his shoulder—which could possibly have been caused by the recoil of a rifle.

Throughout the operation, any male aged over 15 who is accused of being a supporter of ISIS has been taken away for interrogation and detention. Evidence has emerged since October that alleged ISIS fighters in Mosul have been subjected to hideous torture or summarily executed by government forces.

As the last areas of the city fall to the government, thousands of men and teenagers face an uncertain future. An Iraqi Army officer told Westcott: “Most of the young men still inside now are with Daesh [ISIS]. We’re 100 percent sure they are Daesh.”

US Defense Secretary James Mattis had labelled the US policy in Iraq as “annihilation tactics.” He has implicitly endorsed the extra-judicial execution of non-Iraqis who are captured in Mosul who are alleged to be ISIS fighters. He declared last month in an interview: “Our intention is that the foreign fighters do not survive to return home to North Africa, to Europe, to America, to Asia, to Africa. We’re not going to allow them to do so.”

The remarks of Mattis serve only to underscore that every atrocity committed by Iraqi government forces takes place with the full knowledge and complicity of the US and the other imperialist states contributing troops to the anti-ISIS operations.

Seizing ‘The Belt and Road’ Opportunity: Challenges for Nepal

Pramod Jaiswal

Nepal signed China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) before the BRI Summit. During the BRI summit held in Beijing, the Nepalese Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport proposed to the Chinese Transport Minister to link Nepal’s border with road and railways connectivity. In this context, what are the opportunities and challenges for Nepal from China’s BRI? 

China's Motivations for Implementing the BRI

The BRI is China’s most ambitious foreign policy and economic initiative and President Xi Jinping's dream project. Ever since he announced the BRI towards the end of 2013, over 66 countries in Asia, Africa, West Asia and Europe have become the part of the initiative. It has two main components - the Silk Road Economic Belt connecting China with Europe through Central Asia by land, and the Maritime Silk Road Initiative connecting China to Southeast Asia, South Asia and Africa via a web of roads, high-speed rail, power lines, ports, pipelines, optic fiber lines and other infrastructure. Roughly, it comprises 70 per cent of the world’s population and Chinese investment worth US$4 trillion. 

There are several factors motivating the BRI. First, China wants to reduce the transportation costs of goods around the world. Second, it has huge surplus of construction materials, and hence, is looking for opportunities overseas. Third, the infrastructure focus helps China in its quest for greater international stature for the renminbi, to achieve the status of a global reserve currency. Fourth, through the BRI, China wants to secure energy supply through new pipelines in Central Asia, Russia, and Southeast Asia’s deepwater ports. Fifth, the development in infrastructure in countries along the BRI routes may increase growth in their economies which will contribute to a growing demand for China’s goods and services.

BRI and Nepal

Although Nepal is geographically positioned between two of the largest economies of the world, it has been untouched by their prosperity. Among several others, the prominent reason is a lack of infrastructure and connectivity with its neighbours.

Historically, Nepal has been the entrepôt between South Asia and China. There are a large number of Nepali traders residing in Lhasa and other parts of Tibet. During the reign of the Malla dynasty, Lhasa was a vibrant point for traders. However, at present, Nepal and China have few designated routes for trade, though both the countries enjoy good mutual relations. Hence, through BRI, Nepal can again revive itself as an entrepôt. 

Nepal can gain from the BRI by working at three levels. First, Nepal can improve its connectivity with China by building highways and railways between them. Second, Nepal can also seek a role in the BCIM (Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar) Economic Corridor by connecting Kathmandu to Kunming and Kolkata as the Qinghai-Tibet Railway is already extended to Xigatse and the Greater Mekong Sub-region has also improved. Third, is through the prospects of Nepal-India-China trilateralism. All three countries can invest in Nepal's hydropower and tourism sectors. Nepal is rich in water resources with a huge potential for hydropower. Both India and China have capital and technology to generate it and an energy-deficient India can be a market for it. Similarly, Nepal has the opportunity to develop as a sought after tourist destination; the rising middle class of the two most populous countries of the world, India and China, would be the potential market. 

Nepal has developed north-south road corridors, which provide the possibility of increasing connectivity between India and China through Nepal. The construction of the proposed Kathmandu-Nijgadh Fast-Track road is expected to reduce the distance between Raxaul and Kerung by nearly 150kms. An extension of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway to Kathmandu and further to Lumbini will create huge opportunities for Nepal. Several Special Economic Zones are proposed along the route. Nepal also has the potential to emerge as the new trade route for products from China (Tibet) and India (Uttar Pradesh and Bihar).

Challenges 

Although the BRI offers tremendous opportunities to Nepal, it has several challenges as well. India is alarmed by China’s plan to extend the Qinghai-Tibet Railway line to Kathmandu and further to Lumbini, which is 17km from the Indian border. It is equally concerned due to other infrastructure projects being proposed along the Nepal-China border. In response to China’s Qinghai-Tibet Railway, India proposed to build six rail links with Nepal that would be connected to the Indian railway grid: Raxaul, Jogbani and Jayanagar in Bihar, India, to Birgunj, Biratnagar and Bardibas in Nepal. In Uttar Pradesh, India, it will connect Nautanwa and Nepalgunj and in West Bengal, India, it will connect New Jalpaiguri with Kakarbhitta. 

India, which has a strong influence on Nepal’s foreign policy, officially abstained from the BRI Summit. It strongly opposed the BRI on grounds of sovereignty and other strategic concerns. This makes it a greater challenge for Nepal to taste the gains of BRI. Nepal also needs to address the genuine security concerns of both its neighbours, take them into confidence and build a favourable environment. Else, for Nepal, the BRI will remain a dream of prosperity than prosperity itself.

Technical University of Munich (TUM) Summer Scholarships for African Students 2017 – Germany

Application Deadline: 30th June 2017.

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be taken at (country): Germany

About the Award: The Summer School aims to create innovative concepts for sustainable Energy, Water- and Food supply in interdisciplinary and international teams with students from African partner universities.

During the first week, TUM scientists will provide theoretical knowledge and teach active approaches regarding decentralized food, water and energy technologies and their utilization in Africa. The second week then allows for interdisciplinary student teams to put their knowledge into practice and develop a concept of application for a certain region in Africa. The concepts will be published and, potentially, presented at international symposia and conferences.

Type: Short courses/Training

Eligibility: Graduate students and doctoral candidates from all recognized African universities and TUM students from the fields of energy or water engineering, economics, life science or social science with a strong focus on the energy-water-food-nexus who are fluent in English are able to apply.

Applicants should be fluent in English and matriculated at a recognized university in Africa.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Program: Scholarships are available for African students and include accommodation (in a shared room in a hostel in the city centre), excursions, classes, flight (economy class) from your home country to Munich.

Duration of Program: October 2 to October 13 2017

How to Apply: Please apply by no later than 30 June via our online application. The required documents include:

• your CV
• letter of motivation (1 – 2 pages)
• proof of enrollment of your university
• letter of recommendation
• your transcript of records
• language certificate (English)

Please note that due to security reasons the upload of attachments with the Internet Explorer is not possible!

Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: Technical University of Munich (TUM, Germany)

Important Notes: Please note that this program is solely meant for students either enrolled at a recognized university in Africa or enrolled at the Technical University of Munich (TUM) in October 2017 when the summer school takes place.

NRF/CONACYT Joint Research Fellowship for Mexican and South African Researchers 2017

Application Deadline: 28th July 2017

Eligible Countries: Mexico and South Africa

Fields of Research: Joint research proposals may be submitted in the following prioritised thematic areas:
 Advanced Manufacturing
 Astronomy
 Oceanography

About the Award: On 19 April 2010, South Africa and Mexico entered into a science and technology (S&T) agreement which resulted in the development of a Programme of Cooperation (PoC) which serves as an implementation plan for joint programmes between the two countries. The purpose of this call is to support the research by senior researchers, scientists, postdocs and shortterm research placements of doctoral students between the two countries. In this regard, funding will be made available for visits and exchanges of leading and young scientists, technical personnel or other experts conducting joint research within the above-mentioned thematic area of cooperation.
As a result of this PoC, joint researchers’ workshops on astronomy, oceanography and advanced manufacturing were held during 2015 to 2017.

Aims of the programme

 To contribute to scientific advancement in both countries through the funding of joint research
activities in specified research fields;
 To provide an opportunity for young researchers in the two countries to engage;
 To support the advancement of basic research; and
 To contribute meaningfully to research capacity development.

Type: Research

Eligibility: 

South Africa: This call is open to employed researchers residing in South Africa and affiliated with a recognised higher education or research institution such as a university, university of technology or science council. The South African PI must be in possession of a PhD.
Mexico: This call is open to Mexican researchers who will act as counterpart of South African researchers. Mexican researchers must comply with CONACYT’s eligibility criteria to act as Principal Investigators and counterpart to his/her South African peer.
An application must designate two Principal Investigators (PIs), one in South Africa and one in Mexico, who will bear the main responsibility for the project including its technical and administrative coordination
as well as scientific and financial reporting.

In terms of human capital development, South African applications from historically disadvantaged individuals are encouraged, as is the involvement of historically disadvantaged higher education and research institutions.

Selection Criteria: Following the closing date indicated, applications will be subject to a scientific peer review by recognised experts, organized by each side. The experts will evaluate each proposal based on the following criteria:
 Scientific and technical merit
 Suitability and feasibility
 Value addition by the collaboration
 Potential for promoting equity and redress
 Capacity building (student involvement/ doctoral & postdoctoral research placements)
 Composition and suitability of the consortium in addressing the identified research question
 The adequacy of the proposed knowledge sharing and research uptake approach

Particular emphasis is to be placed on the training of students to be achieved through research and the transfer of knowledge and know-how for capacity development of young researchers. Applicants are urged to ensure the involvement of young researchers from previously-disadvantaged communities.

Following local evaluation, a shortlist of projects to be funded will be constituted through consultations between the NRF and CONACYT based on the results of the evaluations done in both countries. Please note that, although the two Parties undertake to execute the evaluation and selection process as quickly as possible so as to notify applicants of the results as soon as possible, the nature of the bilateral process requires the alignment of the commencement of each phase of the process with the partnering country, whose schedules may differ significantly.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Program: Support will be provided for collaborative basic, applied and innovation research projects.

Funds can be used to cover the following costs:
 Research-related costs
 Exchange programmes
 Doctoral and Postdoctoral Research Placements
 Knowledge sharing costs

In the case of meetings, research visits and exchanges of scientists, personnel, experts and students, as well as reciprocal visits undertaken as part of joint research projects and the attendance of seminars, symposia and other meetings funded under this agreement, the sending Investigator will be responsible for financing international travel, visas, and medical insurance.
Fees relating to accommodation, ground transport, living expenses, and the organisation of events (venue, catering, audio-visual equipment etc.) will be the financial responsibility of the host investigator which is to be paid from his / her allocation of the joint funding.
The following may NOT be funded from the funds allocation:
 Consultant’s fees
 Educational expenses (scholarships and/or bursaries, etc.)
 Large equipment
 Project management fees
 Salaries and temporary staff fees.

Duration of Program: The projects will be supported for three years from January 2018 to December 2020.

How to Apply: Mexican and South African applicants shall write a joint application to be submitted to both CONACYT and the NRF. The joint application must be written in English

It is important to go through the Application Instructions in the Program Webpage before applying.

Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: National Research Foundation (NRF), National Council for Science and Technology (CONACYT)

Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute (DEDI) Summer School for Young Egyptians 2017

Application Deadline: 30th June 2017

Eligible Countries: Egypt

To be taken at (country):  Copenhagen, Denmark

About the Award: The Forum aims at developing a better understanding of media ethics, providing the participants with knowledge and understanding of their future profession and its challenges, in addition to widening their knowledge of the other countries that have other challenges in the field of media through the following:

• Building an understanding of the importance of media ethics.
• Debating the universality or the particularity of ethics?
• Defining the impact of cultural and other values on the understanding of ethics.
• Brainstorming to define universalities and flexible frames for journalism ethics.
• Exchanging knowledge and expertise between young Egyptians and their colleagues from Denmark.

Type: Short courses/Training

Eligibility: 

• Applicants should be students of Mass Communication (Journalism, Radio/Television, Integrated Marketing) and young practitioners from Egypt to join other participants from Denmark.
• Applicants should be from 20 to 27 years old.
• English language proficiency is a must.
• Applicants should be willing to working within a large group people with a diversity of backgrounds.
• Applicants should be fully committed to the Forum and to engage in all the activities of the Forum during the whole week.

Number of Awards: 24

Value of Program: All expenses will be covered by The Danish-Egyptian Dialogue Institute (DEDI).

Duration of Program: August, 20th till 27th, 2017

How to Apply: Eligible applicants should send the application form, you can download it here: https://goo.gl/irfqI9 , along with a motivation letter of approximately 500 words and their CV to the email: df2017@dedi.org.eg no later than the Friday, June 30th, 2017. Successful applicants only shall be contacted for personnel interviews. Applications sent without one of the required documents will be disregarded.

Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: The Danish-Egyptian Dialogue Institute (DEDI).

AGIP Postgraduate Scholarships for Young Nigerian Students (Study in Nigeria & Overseas) 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 30th June, 2017

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Nigeria

To be taken at (country): Nigeria and Overseas higher institutions

Eligible Fields of Study: Only candidates with offer of admission in disciplines related to the following areas should apply;

• Geosciences
• Engineering (Petroleum, Civil, Structural, Mechanical, Sub Sea, Electrical/Electronics, Marine, Chemical)
• Petroleum Economics
• Law (Oil and Gas/Petroleum)

About Scholarship: Nigerian Agip Exploration (NAE) Limited, on behalf of the NNPC/NAE/Oando PSC, is committed to the training and development of manpower as part of its Social Investment programme. Nigerian Agip Exploration (NAE) Limited, has supported the education of hundreds of Nigerian students through its Post Graduate scholarship scheme. Nigerian Agip Exploration (NAE) Limited, along with its PSC partners, initiated this scholarship programme to help build capacities of young and brilliant Nigerians and further boost the pool of qualified manpower for deep offshore activities in the Nigerian Oil & Gas industry.

The award is in two categories: –

1. Overseas – For study in a reputable overseas university
2. Local – For study in a recognized Nigerian university

Type: Postgraduate (Masters)

Selection and Eligibility Criteria: To qualify, applicants MUST:

1. Possess a minimum of Second Class Upper Bachelors degree from a recognized Nigerian University.
2. Must have secured admission into a Nigerian or Overseas University (based on the category being applied for) for a one year Master’s Degree programme in any of the disciplines listed below.
3. Not above 28 years of age by 31 December 2017.
4. Have completed the one year National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme.

Number of Scholarships: Several

Value of Scholarship: The NAE scholarship award applies to tuition, books, field trips, accommodation, living expenses and a return economy ticket for selected one-year course of study.

Duration of Scholarship: for the period of study. The Computer Based Test for shortlisted candidates shall be conducted on 15th July, 2017.

How to Apply: To apply, candidates should follow the application steps in the Scholarship Webpage (Link below)

Visit Scholarship Webpage for Details

Sponsors: Nigerian AGIP Exploration Limited

Important Notes:

ONLY Shortlisted candidates will be contacted for the aptitude test.
2. Shortlisted candidates will be contacted with details of the qualifying test via SMS and Email (Ensure to provide valid email and phone contacts).
3. Employees of NAE and other affiliate companies and their dependents are not eligible.
4. Current and past beneficiaries of similar awards from NAE, other companies and agencies are not eligible.
5. Please ensure you understand the Instructions carefully before you start this application to avoid errors and disqualification.
6. Strict compliance with above guidelines is required.
7. Application closes midnight, 30th June, 2017.

Completion of the application form and test invitation shall NOT be construed as a commitment on the part of the NNPC/NAE/OANDO PSC nor shall it entitle applicants to make any claims whatsoever and/or seek any indemnity from NAE and/or any of its partners by virtue of responding to this invitation to apply for Post Graduate scholarship award.

World Bank Young Professionals Program (YPP) for Young Talent 2017

Application Timeline: 28th  July, 2017

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: member countries of the World Bank Group

To be taken at (country): Candidate’s country

Eligible Field of Study: The Program is designed for  such as economics, finance, education, public health, social sciences, engineering, urban planning, agriculture, natural resources and others.

About the Award: For more than 50 years, the World Bank’s Young Professionals Program has been the preeminent program preparing global development leaders.

Placed directly with their respective hiring teams, Young Professionals are expected to make significant contributions towards the unit’s work program while they gain a broad overview of the WBG’s policies and work. As part of their two-year program and in line with their hiring units’ business needs and Young Professionals interests, they are expected to undertake a ‘stretch/exposure assignment’ where they will gain valuable on-the-job experience.

Type: Internships/Jobs

Eligibility: The following are the minimum requirements to be eligible for the Young Professionals Program.

• Citizenship of a member country of the World Bank
• 32 years of age or younger (i.e. born on or after October 1, 1985)
• A PhD or Master’s degree and relevant work experience
• Fluency in English
• Full proficiency in one or more of the WBG’s working languages: Arabic, Chinese, French, Portuguese, Russian, and Spanish is desired but not required.
• Specialization in a field relevant to the WBG Technical/Operations such as economics, finance, education, public health, social sciences, engineering, urban planning, agriculture, natural resources, and others.
• At least 3 years of relevant professional experience related to development or continued academic study at the doctoral level.

Selection Criteria: Candidates will be assessed based on three main competencies:

• Client Orientation: Commitment to Clients, Results Orientation, Integrity and Ethics
• Professional Experience: Technical Expertise (Depth & Breadth), Strategic Perspective, Problem Analysis
• Team Leadership: Teamwork, Listening and Communication, Innovation, Negotiation

Number of Awardees: Forty (40)

Value of Programme: Young Professionals spend 24 months of Five years in a structured development program, and enjoy a ‘stretch/exposure assignment’ where they will gain valuable on-the-job experience.

Compensation and Benefits

Salary: As an entry-level professional in the WBG, Young Professionals are offered an internationally competitive salary, based on their education and professional experience.
Health, Life, Accident, and Other Insurance Programs: Young Professionals and their families (including declared domestic partners) may choose from three comprehensive medical/dental benefit plans. The WBG also provides basic life and accident insurance to all staff at no cost, and staff can elect optional life and accident insurance plans. The WBG provides disability and workers’ compensation coverage to staff at no cost.
Pension Plan: The WBG sponsors a comprehensive pension plan for eligible staff. Upon separation from the WBG, either a lump sum or a pension will become payable to the staff based on eligibility.
Relocation Benefits: These benefits are only applicable to staff who are not residents of the greater Washington-Baltimore metropolitan area at the time of appointment.
Relocation Travel: The World Bank will bear the cost of one-way transportation of staff and immediate dependent family from the staff member’s residence.
Relocation Shipment: You may choose to have the World Bank handle your shipping arrangements or you may elect the Optional Shipment Grant.
Relocation Grant: A one-time grant is included in the first paycheck to cover the cost of relocation.
Mobility Premium: A financial benefit is provided for a fixed period to cover expenses associated with being an expatriate staff member, based on family size and nationality. This benefit is not available for U.S. citizens and U.S. permanent residents who are based in Washington, DC.
Tax Allowance: U.S. staff receive an additional quarterly payment to cover the federal, state, and local income tax liabilities on their World Bank Group income. Expatriates and U.S. permanent residents do not incur U.S. income tax liability and are thus not eligible for this benefit.
Financial Assistance: The World Bank Group offers several financial assistance programs, including a two-year interest-free settling-in loan to those who relocate upon appointment.

Duration of Programme: Young Professionals are offered a 5-year term contract

How to Apply: Click here to apply

It is very important to go through the Application Process of the World Bank YPP in the Program Webpage (Link below) before applying.

Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: World Bank Group

Leap Africa Social Innovators Programme and Awards (SIPA) 2017 for Young African Entrepreneurs

Application Deadline: 16th July 2017

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be taken at (country): Nigeria

Eligible Field of Study: None

About the Award: The Social Innovators Programme (SIP) supports youth between 18 and 35 years, whose ideas and initiatives offer effective solutions to challenges in local communities across Nigeria. Selected Fellows get a chance to join IYF’s global YouthActionNet®community of over 1,100 young social innovators being supported by 21 national and regional institutes like the Social Innovators Programme (SIP) in 21 countries, across 5 continents. The Social Innovators Programme is managed by LEAP Africa, with partnership support from the International Youth FoundationYouthActionNet® programme.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: Candidates must meet the following requirements to be considered for the SIP Fellowship:

• Applicants must be Nigerians  resident in Nigeria
• Applicants must be between ages 18 – 35 years
• Applicants must be Initiators/ Cofounders of the named project/venture/enterprise/ Foundation
• Social enterprise must be creative, innovative & replicable
• Social enterprise must be contributing positively to impact local communities and lives of Nigerians in different sectors (E.g Health, Agriculture, Education, ICT etc.)
• Applicants must be Able to show proof of work done and impact beyond 12 months prior to date of application for the awards. (Initiative must be a minimum of two year in existence)
• Applicants must establish commitment to sustaining the initiative beyond Fellowship year

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Award: The Fellowship connects  outstanding change agents to training, funding, and professional network support required to strengthen their existing initiatives and enhance their impact and sustainability.

How to Apply: Candidates can to apply via the Fellowship webpage (See link below)

Visit Fellowship Webpage for details

Award Provider: Leadership, Effectiveness, Accountability & Professionalism (LEAP) Africa