27 Mar 2018

Russian diplomats expelled over allegations of poisoning of ex-spy in UK

Bill Van Auken

The coordinated mass expulsion of Russian diplomats announced Monday by Washington, 14 European Union countries, Ukraine and Canada over allegations of Moscow’s responsibility for the March 4 poisoning of former Russian spy and British double agent Sergei Skripal and his daughter in the southern English city of Salisbury marks a major escalation of the political and military threats against Russia, the world’s second major nuclear power.
It was reported Tuesday morning that the Australian government of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull was joining in this operation, preparing to expel two Russian diplomats that it claimed were “undeclared intelligence officers.”
British Foreign Minister Boris Johnson boasted that the actions of the various governments “stands in history as the largest collective expulsion of Russian intelligence officers ever and will help defend our shared security.” What he meant was that the Western retaliation against Moscow surpassed anything carried out during the most tense periods of the Cold War against the former Soviet Union.
This dangerous and provocative campaign, orchestrated by the military and intelligence agencies in the US and the UK, has been mounted based on wholly unfounded accusations. No more evidence has been presented to back up the latest diplomatic expulsions than the unsubstantiated statement made two weeks ago by British Prime Minister Theresa May and Foreign Minister Johnson that Russia was “highly likely” to have been behind what has been described as a nerve agent attack on the former double agent.
The British government has claimed that the nerve agent used in the attack on Skripal and his daughter was “of a type” (Novichok) that had once been manufactured in the Soviet Union. British authorities, however, have refused to provide Moscow with any sample of the alleged agent, as required by the rules set by the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), or to the UN Organization for the Prevention of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). The “of a type” description means that the substance used could have been manufactured virtually anywhere.
Indeed, even while it expelled three Russian diplomats “in solidarity” with London and NATO, the government of the Czech Republic ordered its intelligence service to conduct an investigation to determine whether the nerve agent could have been manufactured in that country.
The majority of the diplomatic expulsions were carried out by the Trump administration, with 60 Russian diplomats and their families—48 from Moscow’s embassy in Washington and 12 from the Russian mission to the United Nations—ordered to leave the country within one week.
In addition, Washington ordered the shutdown of the Russian consulate in the city of Seattle, Washington. This move was justified on the trumped-up pretext that it was too close to a US submarine base and Boeing aircraft plants, thereby supposedly representing some sort of military threat.
Asserting Russia’s use of “a military-grade chemical weapon on the soil of the United Kingdom” as fact, a statement issued by the White House Monday described this alleged act as “the latest in its ongoing pattern of destabilizing activities around the world.”
Among these “destabilizing activities” is Moscow’s backing for the government of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, where Russia has provided air support for government forces in overrunning one of the last major strongholds of the Islamist “rebels” in the Damascus suburb of eastern Ghouta, signaling a major reversal for the seven-year-old US-backed war for regime change.
Last week, the top US commander in Afghanistan, Gen. John Nicholson, charged that Russia was providing aid and arms to the Taliban, allegations that Moscow described as “absolutely baseless” and “nonsense.”
The reality is that, from the Middle East to Eastern Europe to South and Central Asia, Russia’s continued existence represents an obstacle to US imperialism’s drive to assert its global hegemony by military means. This is why Washington has jumped onto the bandwagon over the issue of the alleged attempted assassination of Skripal and his daughter and joined with London in pressuring the other European powers to fall into line.
London began the expulsions, ordering 23 Russian diplomats to leave the country. Moscow retaliated by expelling 23 British diplomats. The expulsions ordered by the other European powers Monday, however, were of a largely token character, with Germany and France each ordering four Russian diplomats to leave, the same number targeted by Canada. The exception was the virulently anti-Russian government of Ukraine, which expelled 13 Russian diplomats.
Despite the expressions of solidarity and unity against the alleged Russian crime, there are deep divisions within the NATO alliance over relations with Moscow. Germany has forged closer trade ties with Russia, particularly in relation to Russian natural gas and crude oil, with Berlin’s backing for the Nord Stream II pipeline that would double gas supplies from Russia to Germany.
The Skripal affair is being utilized by Washington and London to counter the moves by Paris and Berlin toward the development of an independent European military alliance, counterposed to the US-dominated NATO. Despite the formal statements of solidarity with the UK, divisions within both Germany and France over the hardline stance against Russia remain deep.
Moscow, meanwhile, has threatened to carry out tit-for-tat countermeasures against every country expelling its diplomatic personnel.
“We express a decisive protest over the decision taken by a number of EU and NATO countries to expel Russian diplomats. There will be a mirror-like response. We will work it out in the coming days and give our response with regard to each country … We consider this step as unfriendly and not serving the tasks and interests of establishing the causes and finding the perpetrators of the incident that took place on March 4 in Salisbury,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
Russia’s ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Antonov, told the media Monday, “What the USA is doing today is destroying what little remains of Russian-American relations. All responsibility for the consequences of the destruction of Russian-American relations rests with the USA.”
He added that “there is not a single piece of evidence of the Russian Federation’s interference in the investigation of the case as such, or of Russia’s involvement in the tragedy that took place in Salisbury.”
Britain’s Defense Minister Gavin Williamson, who recently responded to Moscow’s denials of the UK’s charges by telling the media that Russia should “go away and shut up,” delivered a provocative speech Monday in Estonia, where British troops are deployed as part of NATO’s buildup on Russia’s border. “The world’s patience is rather wearing thin with President Putin and his actions,” he said.
Meanwhile, in Washington, leading Democrats responded to the latest anti-Russian measures taken by the Trump administration by denouncing the US president for not going far enough in terms of provocations against Moscow.
Democratic Congressman Eliot Engel, the ranking Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, called the expulsion of the Russian diplomats a “welcome demonstration of Western unity and solidarity” and said he hoped that “in the future we will see more joint efforts to push back against Russian aggression.”
Engel added, however, that the US action only underscored “the administration’s weak response to Russia’s ongoing attack right here in the United States,” referring to the allegations of Russian “meddling” in the 2016 US presidential election.
Speaking for decisive layers within the CIA and other US military and intelligence agencies, the opposition of Democrats like Engel to Trump is rooted principally in differences over US imperialist strategy. They are pushing for a military confrontation with Russia, sooner rather than later.

From Bangladesh to Myanmar: Repatriation of Rohingya Refugees

Angshuman Choudhury

23 March 2018 marks two months since the first wave of repatriation of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh was to begin through a bilateral agreement with Myanmar signed in November 2017.

Since then, not a single refugee - of the 6,88,000 new arrivals - has been returned to Northern Rakhine, from where they fled after Myanmar security forces began a violent ‘counter-insurgency’ campaign in August 2017. As of March 2018, the Myanmar government has verified only 374 refugees for repatriation, out of the 8,032 names that Dhaka had sent across for the first phase.

There are several restraining factors that make full repatriation not just difficult under prevailing circumstances, but impossible.

Northern Rakhine's Changing Landscape
In a March report, Amnesty International - using detailed satellite imagery - revealed the rapid construction of new infrastructure by Myanmar's security forces on top of Rohingya villages that were razed to the ground after August 2017 and later bulldozed. The new structures include at least three military bases in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, helipads, fencing, roads, extensions of non-Rohingya (also known as ‘NaTaLa’) villages, and even a refugee processing centre.

The international community, in response to these new construction activities, has accused Naypyitaw of obliterating material evidence of mass killings that the Myanmar military stands accused of. The logic, however, seems to be the permanent alteration of the Northern Rakhine landscape to facilitate deeper military presence and prevent any reversal to the pre-August 2017 status quo. The new security infrastructure will also serve as a deterrent to current and future Rohingya insurgencies. 

Notably, the new landscaping makes it highly difficult for the displaced to return to, as the bilateral repatriation agreement stipulates, their "own households and original places of residence." The new installations also preclude reconstruction of burnt Rohingya villages, thus making long-term rehabilitation unviable.

A large part of the new construction is being done under Myanmar’s centralised plan to redevelop Rakhine State to strengthen the state’s economy. Hence, the landscaping falls within a quasi-legitimate, sovereign context of economic development, which was also prescribed in the Kofi Annan Commission’s report on Rakhine. 

Myanmar-Bangladesh Bilateral TensionsThe safe, dignified, and voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees cannot take place without total cooperation and understanding between Myanmar and Bangladesh. However, both parties seem to be nearing a zero-sum game.

Earlier in March, Myanmar began deploying heavily-armed troops along a section of its border with Bangladesh that lies next to a “no man’s land” where close to 1,500 Rohingya have been trapped since August 2017. This led to Dhaka’s fears of military aggression by Myanmar despite the latter’s assurance that the deployment was purely along counter-insurgency lines.

Thereafter, both sides have exchanged hostile rhetoric several times: Bangladesh’s finance minister has called the Myanmar government “evil” and “rogue,” and Myanmar has accused Bangladesh of flouting the bilateral agreement during verification of potential returnees. While Bangladesh doubts Myanmar’s willingness to take back the Rohingya, the latter insists that Dhaka is not serious about the process.
Myanmar's steady militarisation of the border, including laying of landmines and advance surveillance equipment, is a clear indication of Naypyitaw’s intent to keep a bulk of the displaced Rohingya out of its territory. To this end, ‘counter-insurgency’ and ‘preservation of territorial sovereignty’ are convenient smokescreens towards the achievement of a militarised buffer zone between Myanmar and Bangladesh. The strengthened border security also complements the upgraded military infrastructure in the hinterlands to create an overwhelming military dominance in Northern Rakhine.

A Prognosis
Will the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh ever return to Myanmar? There is no clear answer, but given the strong international pressure on Myanmar, and the bilateral agreement, a part of the displaced population may be taken back in the near future.

However, the repatriation process is going to be heavily controlled. Since the decision of whom to take back is with the Myanmarese authorities, the narrow citizenship verification norms (from the 1982 Citizenship Law) that reject the ‘Rohingya’ identity and instead impose temporary citizenship status are expected to govern the return process. 

Furthermore, it remains impossible to know for how long the returnees will be housed in the ‘temporary’ resettlement camps; the aftermath of the 2012 violence shows that they could remain there for years. All of this render the repatriation process unsustainable, and the returnees vulnerable to future re-displacements.

The limited repatriation expected could also fail tests of safety and voluntarism. Given the instability in Rakhine and anti-Rohingya polarisation, there is no guarantee of safety for the returnees. According to the UN, more than 77 per cent of refugees feel they do not have enough information to make good decisions - which means absence of voluntary consent for repatriation.

Dhaka clearly understands the reality of a prolonged repatriation process and has thus been redeveloping a remote island off its southern coast to relocate someof the refugees from the existing camps in Cox’s Bazar. This could ease pressure on mainland resources and ensure that the refugees are cut-off from the mainland populations to negate security threats that may arise. This, however, may be not a sustainable plan given the drastic impact of seasonal cyclonic storms and floods on these remote islands.

The situation, as of now, is bleak. Full repatriation may take at least 2-3 years, and that too as a best case scenario. 

26 Mar 2018

Mozilla Fellowships in Technology, Activism and Policy for Emerging Leaders 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 20th April 2018

Eligible Countries: All

About the Award: Mozilla Fellowships are a transformative experience for emerging leaders concerned with making the internet a safer, more accessible resource for everyone.
Mozilla Fellowships provide resources, tools, community and amplification to those building a more ​humane​ ​digital​ ​world. During their tenure, Fellows use their skill sets — in technology, in activism, in science, in policy — to design products, run campaigns, influence policy and ultimately lay the groundwork for a more open and inclusive internet.
Mozilla Fellows hail from a range of disciplines and geographies: they are policymakers in Kenya, journalists in Brazil, engineers in Germany, privacy activists in the United States, and data scientists in the Netherlands. During a 10-month tenure, fellows work on individual projects, but also collaborate on cross-disciplinary solutions to the internet’s biggest challenges. The Fellowships run from September 2018 through June 2019.

Type: Fellowship (Professional)

Eligibility: Mozilla is currently seeking Fellows that fit three particular profiles:
  • Open web activists: Fellows who work in the realm of public interest technology, addressing issues like privacy, security, and inclusion online. These open web activists will embed at leading human rights and civil society organizations from around the world, lending their technical expertise. Check out the list of this year’s featured host organizations, and apply to work with them.
  • Scientists and researchers: Fellows who infuse open-source practices and principles into scientific research. “Science” is defined broadly; Fellows may work in the natural sciences, formal and applied sciences, or humanities, social sciences and library and information sciences. Fellows are based in the research institution with which they are currently affiliated.
  • Tech policy professionals: Fellows who examine the interplay of technology and public policy, and craft legal, academic, and governmental solutions. These tech policy professionals are independent researchers and are not necessarily matched with a host organization or an institution.
Value of Award: 
  •  Fellows expand their network and sphere of influence; design impactful projects with the potential to reach millions; and learn from and collaborate with a global community of thousands of Mozillians.
  • Mozilla Fellows are also awarded competitive funding and benefits.
Duration of Program: 10 months

How to Apply: Learn more about Mozilla Fellowships, then apply. Applications close on April 20, 2018. Below, meet a handful of current Mozilla Fellows:

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Mozilla

TWAS C.N.R. Rao Award for Scientific Research for Least Developed Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 31st May 2018

Eligible Countries: Least developed countries

Type: Award

Eligibility: TWAS Fellows from the Least Developed Countriest (LDCs), who have made significant contributions to global science.

Selection: TWAS officers review the nominations and propose a winner for approval by Prof. C.N.R. Rao.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: USD5,000

How to Apply:

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: C.N.R. Rao

G(irls)20 Summit for Young Girls Worldwide (Fully-funded to Buenos Aires, Argentina) 2018

Application Deadline: 6th April 2018 15:00pm EST

Eligible Countries/Regions:
  • African Union
  • MENA (Middle East and Northern Africa)
  • South America (Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay, and Venezuela)
  • G20 member countries and regions: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada (1 Indigenous and 1 non-Indigenous delegate), China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, European Union
To Be Taken At (Country): Buenos Aires, Argentina

About the Award: G(irls)20 is coming to Argentina for the 9th annual Global Summit. 20+ young women from around the world will arrive in Buenos Aires for a week of leadership training, social enterprise development and mentoring by female leaders in the business and public sectors. Delegates contribute the economic and social issues facing girls & women in their countries to a Communiqué delivered to world leaders in advance of the G20 Summit and leave the Summit with increased confidence, new skills, and a global network that will allow them to make change as community and global advocates!
The G(irls)20 Summit is modeled after the G20 Summit and culminates in a one-day symposium with local and international panelists, keynotes, and experts on economic and social issues facing girls and women.
The week-long summit for delegates will include:
  • Workshops building valuable leadership skills — from Emotional Intelligence to Strategic Planning
  • Panels and speeches on the key issues facing girls and women globally — with an emphasis on digital inclusion and financial inclusion
  • Developing a Communiqué to G20 leaders, with recommendations based on the delegates unique experience and expertise
    Networking receptions with movers and shakers in the public and private sectors
  • Building a network of female mentors from the across the public and private sectors
    The opportunity to build lifelong friendships with 20+ young female leaders from around the world
Type: Training

Eligibility: 
  • Any young woman born within 1995-2001
  • Holds or can obtain a valid passport
  • Lives in and/or holds citizenship in any of the G20 member countries or additional participating regions (Middle East and North Africa, African Union, South America).
Number of Awards: 20+

Value of Award: G(irls)20 will cover the following costs for all delegates:
  • Flights to and from Buenos Aires from their nearest major city
  • Transportation to and from the airport in Buenos Aires
  • Accommodation in a shared room with one other female delegate
  • All meals during the week
  • Travel insurance
  • Costs associated with travel visas
What’s expected of a delegate? Every applicant submits one idea for a policy recommendation to be incorporated into the Communiqué + one idea for a community development project to launch at home. Successful delegates will be expected to:
  • Spend approximately 2 hours per week from June 2018 – October 2018 doing pre-summit work online
  • Participate fully in the week-long Summit, including attending all sessions, making new connections, asking questions, and bringing an open mind
  • Contribute to the development of a Communiqué.
  • Post-summit, launch a community development project at home. View past Social Impact Initiatives.
  • Monthly check-ins with her mentor following Summit
Duration/Timeline of Program:  
  • May 2018: Shortlisted Candidates will be invited by email to an interview over Skype
  • June 2018: Both successful and unsuccessful candidates notified by email
  • June – October 2018: Pre-summit work takes place online.
  • October 14 – October 20, 2018: The 9th annual Global Summit in Buenos Aires, Argentina! Please note all delegates must arrive on October 14th.
How to Apply: Apply Now!

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: G(irls)20

Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) Grants for Enterprise Development in Least Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 6th April 2018

Eligible Countries:
  • Funding will be prioritized for projects in the 7 countries: Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nepal, Tanzania, and Uganda.
  • Projects in other developing countries eligible for Norwegian development assistance may also be considered. Among these, projects in low-income countries will be given priority.
About the Award: Enterprise Development for Jobs aims to contribute to job creation in developing countries by stimulating the establishment of new business enterprises or expansion of existing ones.
The ultimate beneficiaries of the activities funded through the grant scheme are people in developing countries for whom new jobs are created.
The main objective of this call is to stimulate renewable energy projects that increase access to renewable energy and thereby contribute to job creation and poverty reduction.
The purpose of this call for proposals is to fund feasibility studies of renewable energy projects, pilot projects, and training, that can start implementation during 2018 or 2019.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: 
  • Potential grant recipients are companies that can demonstrate ability to increase access to renewable energy, measured by net increase in production capacity (in MW).
  • Eligible activities include but are not limited to feasibility studies, partner search, pilot projects, training of local staff, and local infrastructure investments related to the company’s investment in energy production capacity.
  • Only projects in the following sector will be given priority under this call for proposals: Energy, defined as renewable energy
  • Grants will not be given to private sector activities that produce weaponry or other military material, intoxicants such as alcoholic drinks and narcotics, or tobacco.
Requirements for applicants
  • The applicant must own a minimum of 25% of the planned investment (in cases where joint ventures are considered). Any exception to this rule must be based on special justification.
  • Grant recipients must have ethical guidelines for their business operations. These shall as a minimum meet the requirements of “Guidelines for the preparation of ethical guidelines for Norad grant recipients”. See ethical guidelines – Guide for Norad’s grant recipients. See also Declaration concerning ethical guidelines.
  • The applicant shall confirm that it has undertaken adequate security assessments for the employees that will work in high-risk areas, hereunder any mitigating measures related to training, guidance material, insurance and equipment.
  • Projects supported under this scheme must comply with the EEA Agreement rules on state aid.
Selection Criteria: Norad will assess and rank the applications based on the following criteria:
  • Likelihood of increasing access to renewable energy, measured by net increase in production capacity (in MW).
  • Geographical and sector-specific scope in accordance with applicable Norwegian priorities.
  • The project is commercially viable in the long term, but all or parts of the project would not have been realized without the grant (additionality).
  • To what extent the project is catalytic, i.e. triggering capital or other forms of engagement from the private sector.
  • The viability of the business plan and documented competencies and experience.
  • Cost efficiency of the grant-supported activities.
  • The extent of the applicant’s ownership and participation in the project.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:
  • The minimum grant size is NOK 500.000.
  • Applicants may submit a project outline for a long-term project, in which an initial estimate is made of the grant support needed for the various project stages. Funding for different stages may be triggered based on pre-defined milestones achieved.
  • Maximum funding rates for salaries to employees and consulting are respectively NOK 550 and NOK 1,000 per hour.
  • Travel between home country and project country is approved for economy class only. Travel within the country of origin or a third country must be justified.
  • Norad covers project expenses related to consulting and legal fees, as well as external experts’ work and travel costs. Fees for auditor review of the project reporting are also covered, as well as minor project-related costs such as mail, telephone, car rental, accommodation, etc.
How to Apply: APPLY

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD)

Important Notes: 
  • Please note that support is given only to grid-connected power projects and off-grid projects that serve local communities, but not to projects for own power consumption.
  • The scheme does not provide investment support or loans but does provide grants to activities that contribute to early-phase project development and activities that limit commercial risk before investment decisions are taken.

Australian College for Emergency Medicine (ACEM) International Scholarships for Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 29th April 2018

Eligible Countries: Developing Countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Australia

About the Award: The ACEM scholarship is to support attendance and presentation at the ACEM Annual Scientific Meeting and to increase awareness and support for emergency medicine in developing countries.
The International Scholarship aims to increase awareness and support for emergency medicine in developing countries. By nomination of a FACEM or trainee, the scholarship is designed to help increase the recipient’s skills and understanding of emergency medicine systems and standards throughout Australia and New Zealand.

Type: Short Course/Training

Eligibility: To be eligible to submit a nomination the nominator:
  1. Must either be a Fellow or trainee of ACEM in good standing of the College
  2. Have developed linkages with the nominee through previous international emergency medicine development activities in the nominee’s country
  3. Willing to accept responsibility for arranging a suitable program for the nominee (in liaison with the International Emergency Medicine Committee Administrator)
  4. Attend both the ACEM College Ceremony and ASM as a personal host of the nominee.
To be eligible for nomination the nominee must fulfil the following criteria:
  1. A doctor or other health professional from developing countries
  2. An actual or potential leader in the development of emergency medicine in their country
  3. Secured a committed sponsor who will host them and arrange their program
  4. Present on the challenges and opportunities relating to the development of emergency medicine in their country at the ACEM Annual Scientific Meeting (ASM) in the relevant year
  5. Give permission for ACEM to use their ASM presentation, and personal and professional information, including a photograph, for the purposes of publishing in the ASM program and other promotional material
  6. Is able to apply for his/her visa to travel to Australia/New Zealand prior to 31 July in the year of the application.
Selection Criteria: A Panel from the International Emergency Medicine Committee reviews applications and the ACEM Foundation awards the scholarship, all based on the following criteria:
  • Present at the Annual Scientific Meeting
  • Actual or potential leadership capacity in emergency medicine in the nominee’s country
  • Engagement in an area of work that would benefit from the opportunities and learning experiences at the ASM
  • Explanation of the value of the scholarship for the nominee, their environment and their country
  • Well-established relationships with FACEMs and is from a country with strong linkages with Fellows of the College
  • Have a reference from a Fellow or trainee of ACEM.
Preferable
  • Scope for the FACEM sponsor (or other FACEMs) to support the development of emergency medicine in the nominee’s country
  • Fom region which is a priority for the College
  • Desn’t have significant support from other sources
  • No previous record of attendance at any major emergency medicine conference(s).
Number of Awards: Up to six each financial year.

Value of Award:
Benefits include:
  • AUD$6,000 per recipient, with a maximum of AUD$30,000. The scholarship is to be used to cover the return economy-class airfares, visa, accommodation, travel and living expenses while the recipient(s) are in Australia or New Zealand.
  • The Scholarship may include visiting emergency departments within Australia and New Zealand to help increase the scholarship recipients skills and understanding of emergency medicine systems and standards throughout Australasia.
  • The recipients are presented with a certificate of the scholarship at the College Ceremony held in November every year.
Obligations include:
  1. Responsible for arranging a suitable program for the scholar (in liaison with the International Emergency Medicine Committee Administrator)
  2. Provide a report detailing the scholar’s experience to the ACEM Foundation by 1 February of the year following the scholarship.
Duration of Program: The expected length of stay is seven (7) days.

How to Apply: If the nominator and nominee meet the selection criteria above.
Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Australian College for Emergency Medicine (ACEM)

Ashoka Social Investment Accelerator for Social Entrepreneurs in Africa 2018

Application Deadline: 16th April, 2018 at 00:00 (GMT)

Eligible Countries: North, East and Southern African countries

About the Award: The aim of the accelerator is to support social entrepreneurs to refine their business model and become investment ready. It also aims to support them to find the right hybrid corporate structure to access both investment and philanthropy efficiently. The outcome at the end of the program is to produce a pitch deck, that you will be able to share with potential investors.
The Social Investment Accelerator consists of 8 modules. It will start with a kick-off 2-day workshop where the first 4 modules will take place. Over the 4 months period after the workshop, the other 4 modules will run as an online mentoring program. Entrepreneurs will be assisted by 3 experienced mentors and specific assistance will be provided by experts on topics such as marketing, sales, legal, accounting, impact, geographic expansion, support on business models. The Program will end with a Public Networking Event, where entrepreneurs will be given the opportunity to pitch in front of our partners, Business Angels and Social Impact Investors. See below for more details.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: The social entrepreneur/enterprise must:
  • Be legally registered in its country of operations.
  • Be based in South, East or North Africa.
  • Be built on a viable /sustainable business model, have a market-based approach.
  • Be looking to raise investment (angel, debt or equity).
  • Have at least 2 years of operations and of generating revenues.
  • Have the potential to scale and replicate in other settings or communities.
  • Have promise of substantial social impact through programs focussed on economic development, agriculture, nutrition, healthcare, education, as well as water and sanitation.
  • Have a team of minimum 5 people, with at least 2 English speaking persons who can dedicate time to the program.
Value of Award: 12 Finalists will receive the following
  • Finalists will participate in a two-day bootcamp in June 2018 in South Africa during which the first 4 modules of the toolkit will be addressed with all the social entrepreneurs, mentors, and experts.
  • An online mentoring program will approach the other 4 modules over the 4-month period after the Bootcamp. Each session (1 month = 1 module) will include a webinar with Mark Cheng, Ashoka Europe Director and Social Impact Investor, exercises to produce some slides (4-6) on each topic and collective Q&A. You will connect on a weekly basis with your mentors, who will provide feedback and advice. The outcome at the end of the online mentoring program is to produce a 30-40 slides deck (some slides will be produced during each module): the pitch deck will serve as a helpful tool for future pitch investment opportunities.
  • Join exclusive, online ‘peer’ calls, to network and exchange ideas with other shortlisted innovators and receive mentorship guidance from 3 selected professionals.
  • Have access to an exclusive network of Ashoka Fellows and partners.
  • Meet inspiring and innovative entrepreneurs.
  • The opportunity to pitch their business case to a panel of social impact investors during the closing event in November.
  • Travel costs to the boot camp and the closing pitching event will be covered for the 12 selected entrepreneurs (travel costs for one (1) team member per organisation will be covered).
Duration of Program: June 18 – November 6, 2018

How to Apply: Apply Here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), Ashoka Africa, LeFil Consulting and VC4A

Important Notes: Quantifiable results and testimonies often help to demonstrate the potential for social impact of a project. (include)

40 UNESCO/Poland Co-Sponsored Research Fellowships for Developing Countries 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 13th April 2018

To be taken at (country): Poland

About the Award: With a view to promoting human resource capacities in the developing countries and to enhancing international understanding and friendship among nations and the people of Poland, the Polish National Commission for UNESCO and the UNESCO Chair for Science, Technology and Engineering Education at the AGH University of Science and Technology in Krakow have placed at the disposal of certain Member States (see Annex I) forty (40) fellowships of six (6) months duration each, in Poland, starting on 1 October 2018. The beneficiaries of these fellowships will be given the opportunity to undertake an individual research programme in the field of Science, Technology and Engineering.

Type: Research

Eligibility: Applicants must hold the Bachelor’s or M.Sc. degrees. Applicants from outside the home country will often need to meet specific English language/other language requirements in order to be able to study there.
  • Candidates should have a Bachelor of Arts (B.A) or a Master of Arts (M.A) degree, preferably in Archaeology or Conservation
  • Be proficient in reading and writing in English
  • No more than 40 year-old
Number and Duration of Awards: Forty (40) fellowships of six (6) months duration each, in Poland.

Value of Scholarship: 
Facilities offered by Polish Authorities
  • Free tuition and access to the university facilities based on the local regulations. Accommodation at the AGH UST Student Campus organised for fellows by the UNESCO AGH Chair.
  • Monthly allowance of 1600 PLN (1 USD = approximately 4,0 PLN) corresponding to the salary of a local junior research fellow. Thus, all living expenses and accommodation in Poland are to be borne by the fellow with this allowance; and; (iii) A one-time special allowance of 1600 PLN to be paid upon arrival in Poland, this sum will cover different activities related to your stay in Krakow, such as an obligatory medical check-up upon arrival (in accordance with the internal regulations for all students); cultural, historical and/or touristic visits, conferences, workshops, and seminars related to your studies.
  • No provision to finance or lodge family members is made.
  • At the end of the research studies, the beneficiaries will receive a certificate attesting to their attendance at the host institution, this certificate will be given after receipt of the requested reports and financial clearance from the Institution.
Facilities offered by UNESCO
  • International travel expenses: (by the most direct, economical route) from the beneficiary’s country to and from Poland will be covered by UNESCO under its Regular Programme Budget.
  • Health insurance for fellowship beneficiaries who are declared medically fit: UNESCO fellowship holders may be covered by a health insurance policy, taken-out by the Organization for the duration of fellowship. The costs of this health insurance is subscribed to and covered by UNESCO on behalf of awarded fellows.
How to Apply: Candidatures should be submitted by the invited Member State. Original applications in duplicate must be channelled through the National Commission for UNESCO of the candidate’s country and communicated to Mr Stoyan Bantchev, Chief, Participation programme and Fellowships Section, by 13 April 2018 at the latest (GMT +01:00)  to UNESCO mailing address. An advance copy of the application should be sent by e-mail unesco4(at)agh.edu.pls.bantchev(at)unesco.org; b.qin@unesco.org and l.zas-friz@unesco.org. Applications should have imperatively the following attachments in DUPLICATE:  
  1. UNESCO fellowships application forms, including medical certificate, ALL four (4) pages duly completed in English using capital letter (illegible documents will be eliminated from the procedure, handwriting form must include capital letter only);
  2. Two photographs attached to the applications (4×6 cm);
  3. Certified copies (in English) of Bachelor’s or Master’s Degree/ PhD obtained; and,
  4. UNESCO certificate of language knowledge, duly completed by a relevant authority, if the mother tongue of the candidate is not English.
  5. Two letters of recommendation from someone related to the candidate’s work, as well confirming the candidate’s qualifications.
  6. The endorsed candidates should register themselves to the Fellowship e-registration system available below.
Online Application

Visit Fellowship Webpage for details

Award Provider: UNESCO, Poland Government

University of Manchester Global Development Institute (GDI) Masters Scholarships for Developing Countries 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 27th April 2018

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Developing Countries

To be taken at (country): UK

Eligible Fields of Study: 
  1. Development Economics and Public Policy
  2. Social Development
  3. Development Informatics
  4. Management and Development
Type: Masters

Eligibility: Eligibility for the scholarships is as follows:
  • You are a resident citizen of Ghana, Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania or Zambia, and have not previously studied outside Africa.
  • You hold a bachelor’s degree with a minimum classification of second class honours upper division (2:1) or its international equivalent.
  • You have at least three years of relevant post-graduation work experience (this does not include unpaid internships or voluntary work).
  • You have a clear idea of how studying in Manchester will benefit both your career and the wider community.
You must also hold one of the following English tests:
  • an overall score of 6.5 in IELTS, with 6.5 in writing and no other subsections below 6.0
  • Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE), with a C in English
  • Tanzanian National Examination, with a C in English
  • General Certificate of Education (issued by the Examinations Council of Zambia), with a 6 in English.
IELTS results must be dated 18/09/2016 or later and the school qualifications above must be dated 18/09/2011 or later in order to be accepted.
Please be aware that this is a competitive scholarship scheme, and eligibility does not guarantee an award.

Selection: Applicants will be advised of the outcome of their application within four weeks of the deadline.

Number of Awardees: 6

Value of Scholarship: The scholarship covers tuition fees, living expenses, flights to the UK, and visas.

Duration of Scholarship: 1 year

How to Apply: The closing date for applications for September 2018 is Friday 27 April 2018, but earlier application is advisable. Incomplete applications will not be considered.

All applications should be submitted using the online application form:
You will be required to submit the following supporting documents.
  • Copies of official degree certificates and transcripts of your previous study, showing the subjects taken and grades obtained. If these documents are in languages other than English please provide official translations.
  • Two written references (one academic and one professional), signed by the referee and on official headed paper.
  • Your CV.
  • Copies of English Language Certification (eg IELTS, TOEFL or Pearson test score report).
Successful applicants will be advised of the outcome of their application within a month of the deadline. Shortlisted candidates may be required to attend a Skype interview.
Please email scholarship.seed@manchester.ac.uk if you have any enquiries.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: University of Manchester

Future Africa/Carnegie Early Career Research Leader Fellowship Programme 2018

Application Deadline: 30th April 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): University of Pretoria, South Africa

About the Award: The Early Career Research Leader Fellowship is an initiative of the University of Pretoria’s Future Africa Institute, funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York. It serves early career research leaders in basic and applied sciences, engineering, social sciences, the humanities and the arts. It aims to grow African academics in their thought leadership, team development, stakeholder engagement, and collaboration with an intention to stimulate the emergence of centers of research excellence to solve complex problems that face Africa and the world.
The program design for the Early Career Research Leader Fellowship will aim to stimulate new thinking on the perceived frontiers of science to produce theoretical frameworks for transformation, develop novel questions and/or novel approaches to old and emerging new questions with a focus on adaptability, resilience, and co-design of systems for sustainable and equitable development in Africa.
This early-career fellowship will aim to develop research leadership tofill a critical gap in the African research capacity ecosystem. Emerging researchleadersin the natural and social sciences and humanities are encouraged to apply for this fellowship to help address Africa’s most urgent challenges and opportunities to develop a sustainable and inclusive bioresource-based economy.

Field of Study: Applications are welcome for such topic areas as:
  • Technological and non-technological exploitation of natural resources such as animals, plant biodiversity, micro-organisms and minerals to improve human health, address food security, and subsequently to contribute to economic growth and improved quality of life.
  • Ecological issues and climate change as influencers, promoters, and inhibitors of bioeconomic advancement.
  • The politics of the bioeconomy, including tensions around land and food security, biodiversity and indigenous knowledge, and economic growth and growing income insecurity and inequality.
  • Cultural perspectives and practices that influence, assist, or impair human interactions with the natural environment.
Type: Research, Fellowship

Eligibility: The Early Career Research Leader Fellowship Program seeks candidates who are committed to developing a new generation of scholars and research leadership in Africa.

Selection Criteria: 
  • To be selected, applicants need to display a compelling vision of their future involvement in the development of research projects, programs, human capacity, specific policies, or societal structures.
  • The selection process will consider individual qualities but also focus on ensuring a diversity of culture, subject background (natural and social sciences, humanities) and gender among the fellows.
The following criteria will be used as a guide for the nomination and selection of fellows:
  • A PhD degree or equivalent qualification;
  • A faculty or a continuing research position at a research institution;
  • Active in research and teaching at an African institution of higher education or research;
  • A sustained record of outstanding scientific or scholarly outputs;
  • Interest in translating and communicating the results of their work for impact in society;
  • Demonstrated leadership ability in research and beyond;
  • Interest in the role of research in addressing complex issues affecting society;
  • Interest in collaborations across disciplines and sectors (e.g. industry, civil society, government, etc.);
  • Commitment to participate in all the activities of the fellowship; and
  • Intent to share what is learned in the program with their broader networks.
All applications will be reviewed and shortlisted by representatives of Future Africa at the University of Pretoria, in collaboration with expert reviewers at other institutions.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 
  • The program itself will require that at least 70% (8-9 months) of the academic year is spent at the Future Africa Campus of the University of Pretoria. Furthermore, fellows will be expected to develop their research leadership projects and engage with other fellows for peer support.
  • Training and development components of the program will require onsite engagement with a number of different audiences for the duration of the stay at Future Africa. These will be integrated into an overall schedule to allow for participation in the advanced workshops and other skills transfer mechanisms envisaged to ensure the efficacy of the fellowship.
  • The Fellowship will carry the bulk of the costs associated with the program,including accommodation, meals, and allowances for attending one conference as well as traveling to the home institution once per annum. Costs for visas, vaccinations, travel and medical insurance, and travel not related to the academic content of the program will not be not covered by the program.
How to Apply: All applicants have to provide two support letters by academic referees (details are provided in the application form). One of the two referees has to commit to be involved in future communications and mentorship in case of selection of the applicant into the program. This referee will be informed about the progress of the fellow and should be willing to support the fellow if he or she requires it.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers:  Future Africa

India Is Alarmed At Growing China-Maldives Ties

Abdus Sattar Ghazali

The Maldives’ ambassador to China Mohamed Faisal says that the country would push ahead with Chinese projects and seek more investment from the country, regardless of concerns raised by regional power India.
His statement to South China Morning Post came after Maldivian President Abdulla Yameen lifted a state of emergency on Thursday March 22 after 45 days.
Rivalry between China and India has been playing out amid political turmoil in the Indian Ocean archipelago that erupted in early February. It has seen President Yameen ordering the arrest of two former leaders who staged a coup ahead of a presidential election to be held in September, with one of them seeking military intervention from India, and accusing the government of letting China “buy up” the Maldives.
“We have been caught up in this new way that the world is looking at China,” Faisal said adding:  “It is part of a global trend now – a lot of people are seeing what China is doing because in terms of both economically and global power, China is rising.”
“There has been tension and pressure on the Maldives … the talk of debt traps, land grabs in the nation is because we have been working with China. If we were working with India or the US, people would not be talking.”
Since Chinese President Xi Jinping’s first state visit to the Maldives in 2014, investment from China in the nation has boomed. Apart from the two biggest projects – the airport expansion and a bridge connecting the airport to the capital Male – other Chinese investments range from social housing to island resorts.
The two nations in December agreed to build an ocean observation station, a project initiated by China. It has triggered concerns in India that it might be intended for more than environmental monitoring, and could have military uses too.
China’s growing investments in South Asia have fuelled security worries in India, which sees ports acquired by China in Sri Lanka and Pakistan as representing “a string of pearls” to contain its regional power in the Indian Ocean.
More than 70 per cent of the Maldives’ foreign debt is owed to China, but Faisal said it was not having trouble making payments, adding that the country had some concessional loans it would be able to repay as its tourism market expanded.
Political crisis in the Maldives
Traditionally the archipelago of 1,200 islands and a population of 390,000 Muslims has been firmly in New Delhi’s sphere of influence, with India even intervening in 1988, when a group of mercenaries tried to seize power. Its support helped keep former strongman Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in power for three decades and later aided Nasheed, the country’s first democratically elected leader who became famous when he used his low-lying island nation to highlight the risk of rising sea levels and climate change.
But Male began tilting toward Beijing after Yameen, the half-brother of Gayoom, came to power in 2013 by defeating Nasheed.
In 2015, in a trial Nasheed was sentenced to 13 years in prison. He later received asylum in Britain.
China now sees the Maldives as a crucial part of its “One Belt One Road” project along ancient trade routes through the Indian Ocean and Central Asia. The initiative envisages building ports, railways and roads to expand trade – and China’s influence – in a swathe across Asia, Africa and Europe.
China’s massive lending to poor nations for such projects has raised concerns about their ability to repay. Already, Beijing has taken over ports it developed in Sri Lanka and Pakistan on long-term leases, according to western media reports.
Nasheed claims China is “buying up the Maldives” under Yameen, accusing the president of opening up the floodgates to Chinese investments with little or no oversight and transparency. China has dismissed those allegations.
Strategic importance
Mohan Guruswamy, fellow at the United Service Institution of India in New Delhi, argues that the Maldives is one of the world’s most geographically dispersed countries, as well as the smallest Asian country by both land area and population but it is the geography of the Maldives that makes it important in the increasingly contested Arabian Sea part of the Indian Ocean. The Maldives is spread over 1,192 coral islands – with an average elevation of about 1.5m – grouped in a double chain of 26 atolls spanning more than 90,000 sq km, making it a nation of 99 per cent water.
The atoll chain is the visible part of a 960km-long submarine ridge running north to south that makes it almost a wall to navigation from the eastern side of the Indian Ocean into the western side. At the southern and northern part of this island chain are the only two passages through which ships can pass safely. These are the designated sea lines of communication (SLOCs) through which Middle Eastern oil transits to countries like Japan and China. The busier northern SLOC passes between India’s Minicoy Island and the northernmost Maldivian atoll. This geography gives the Maldives a strategic importance far beyond its size and heft.
India’s influence in its neighborhood was dealt a stunning blow recently with the Maldives entering into a free-trade agreement with China signed by President Abdulla Yameen (former president Gayoom’s half-brother) on December 8, 2017, Guruswamy said.
China has opened its pocketbook and has also made the Maldives a component of its sprawling trade and infrastructure strategy, the “Belt and Road Initiative”. In addition Yameen’s government has signed more benign agreements to cooperate in promoting tourism, improving health care and assisting in coping with climate change. Climate change is a very important issue in the Maldives, with the island nation seriously running the risk of becoming a subterranean state in a few decades. China’s expertise in raising islands out of water might serve it in good stead.
India’s connection
Relations between India and Maldives go back several centuries. This relationship grew in the decades following Maldives’ independence from British colonial rule in 1965 and strengthened in the 1980s and 1990s. India supported the authoritarian rule of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, a half-brother of the current president, and enabled him to remain in power for three decades. It even dispatched troops to Maldives to avert a coup attempt to oust Gayoom in 1988.
India’s influence over Maldives began fraying after former President Mohamed Nasheed, who was perceived as India-friendly, was forced to resign in February 2012. An agreement signed by India’s GMR Infrastructure under Nasheed’s tenure for upgrading Male airport was abruptly terminated by his successor in November 2012. The contract was subsequently awarded to a state-owned Chinese company.
According to the Diplomat, until 2011, Maldives was not a priority in China’s foreign policy; Beijing did not even have an embassy in Male. However, Sino-Maldivian relations have grown remarkably since Chinese President Xi Jinping visited the archipelago in September 2014. China’s presence, especially in Maldives’ tourism sector and infrastructure building, has expanded. It has replaced Europe as Maldives’ largest source of tourists. China is funding and building mega infrastructure projects, including the Friendship Bridge linking Male to Hulhule Island and a 1,000-apartment housing project on Hulhumale, a suburb built on reclaimed land. Under the FTA, China and Maldives “would reduce the tariffs of over 95 percent of the goods to zero.
India’s response
So far India has not responded publicly to Nasheed’s demand that it deploy soldiers to end the crisis but last month, India’s Ministry of External Affairs issued a carefully worded statement aimed at China.
“We note that China has said that Maldives Government has the ability to protect the security of Chinese personnel and institutions in Maldives,” he said. “We hope that all countries can play a constructive role in Maldives, instead of doing the opposite.”
“India is in a very difficult position,” said David Brewster, an expert on Indian Ocean strategic affairs at the National Security College in Canberra. “It would like to see Yameen replaced, but it is not sure how to do that. “India’s primary concern is not to restore democracy, but rather to reduce China’s influence in the country.”

Scandal surrounding Japanese prime minister deepens

Ben McGrath

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has become embroiled once again in recent weeks in the scandal over a land sale to a far-right private school in Osaka Prefecture. The affair could negatively impact Abe’s chances of remaining head of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a leadership vote this September and thus extending his term as prime minister.
The finance ministry, which oversaw the bureau involved in the land sale, admitted on March 12 to removing the names of figures, including Abe, his wife Akie, Finance Minister Taro Aso, and the right-wing extremist group Nippon Kaigi, from at least 14 documents last year related to the sale. The Asahi Shimbun originally reported in February 2017 that the ultranationalist school, Moritomo Gakuen, purchased public land from the government in 2016 at approximately 14 percent its market value.
In an indication of a broader cover-up, a finance ministry official was found dead on March 7, leaving an apparent suicide note expressing fear of being made the scapegoat for the scandal. According to the NHK public broadcaster on March 15, the note read: “Some parts of the documents were too detailed, and my boss forced me to rewrite it. If this continues, I will be forced to bear all the responsibility by myself.”
Moritomo Gakuen operated a kindergarten in Osaka Prefecture until it lost its license last May. It intended to use the land supplied by the government to construct and operate a full elementary school. The school principal, Yasunori Kagoike, who has ties to Nippon Kaigi, and his wife, Junko, were arrested last July and remain in jail on charges of receiving illegal subsidies.
Kagoike implicated the prime minister’s wife in pushing the land deal, according to lawmakers who visited him in jail on Friday. Akie Abe is alleged to have lobbied on behalf of the school and was even made its honorary principal before resigning after the deal became public.
Masato Imai, of the conservative Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope), said Kagoike had been “asked whether Akie Abe had praised the land and said to please go ahead with the project, a comment that had been deleted from finance ministry documents.” Kagoike had said “there was ‘no mistake’ that she said something along those lines and that she received reports regarding negotiations to purchase the land.”
Prime Minister Abe apologized for the scandal, but maintains he was both unaware of the discounted land sale or the removal of his and other names from the documents. His approval rating has fallen below 40 percent, down 9.4 points this month, and regular protests have taken place outside his office. In an attempt to deflect criticism, he claimed during an Upper House budget committee session to “strongly feel responsibility as the head of the administrative branch.”
The investigation is ongoing. Nobuhisa Sagawa, who led the finance ministry’s financial bureau, which oversaw the land sale and document falsification, will testify before lawmakers of the National Diet on March 27. He already resigned, on March 9, from his new position as head of the National Tax Agency.
While all the facts may not yet be revealed, the scandal again highlights the intimate connections between Abe’s government and far-right extremist groups like Nippon Kaigi, to which Abe and most of his cabinet ministers belong. These extremists have long maintained that Japan must be able to pursue its imperialist ambitions using military force and that symbols such as the emperor and state-Shintoism should be promoted to encourage nationalism and militarism.
Such groups regard Japan as a victim in World War II and that war crimes like the Rape of Nanjing in 1937-38 or abuse of sex slaves either did not occur or were somehow justified by the nature of war.
The Moritomo Gakuen curriculum indoctrinates young children with these ultranationalist conceptions, including by forcing the students to recite the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, which demands loyalty to the emperor and sacrificing one’s life to the state when called upon. The school also has been accused of spreading hatred toward Koreans and Chinese.
The majority of the population opposes Japan’s remilitarization and regards Article 9 of the country’s constitution, known as the pacifist clause, as worth upholding. Article 9 bans a standing military and the use of military force overseas, but successive governments have claimed various loopholes, in order to build up Japan’s military—the Self-Defense Forces (SDF).
Abe and the LDP intend to revise Article 9 to formally recognize the SDF, but some within the ruling party are using the scandal to attack the prime minister, potentially paving the way for an even more militarist agenda.
The LDP’s Constitutional Reform Promotion Headquarters, in charge of drafting a revision, approved Abe’s proposal on March 22 to add language to the article recognizing the SDF but leaving the rest of the clause intact. The committee will draw up a final draft in the near future, but after the original deadline of the LDP convention, which took place yesterday.
Shigeru Ishiba, an Abe rival and former defense minister, opposed the constitutional change on the basis that it did not go far enough. He is using the land sale scandal to raise his own prospects of coming to power in September. He stated recently: “Unless we clarify who did this, trust for the Liberal Democratic Party will be shaken.”
In a bid to shore up his position, Abe told the LDP convention he “would like to apologise deeply to the public” for the scandal. At the same time, he reassured the party that the government would press ahead with plans to amend the constitution, declaring “now is the time.”
For the opposition parties, the scandal provides an opportunity to attack Abe without raising the underlying political issues or risking the prospects of themselves forming alliances with his rivals in the ruling party.
Whether it is Kibō no Tō, the so-called liberal Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, or the Japanese Communist Party, they have pushed the belief that if Abe is forced to resigned or can be removed through an election, somehow the rightward shift toward militarism will be halted. This will not be the case. Only the Japanese working class in conjunction with the international proletariat can put an end to the drive to war.