7 Apr 2018

It’s Time to Radically Redistribute Social Wealth

David Rosen

The U.S. is a very rich country.  The Federal Reserve estimates household net worth at $94.8 trillion at the end of the Q1 2017, with the nation’s overall total assets at about $225 trillion.
In the World Inequality Report 2018, a study by Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, and Gabriel Zucman, “Distributional National Accounts: Methods and Estimates for the United States,” makes a sobering point: “Income inequality in the United States is among the highest of all rich countries. The share of national income earned by the top 1% of adults in 2014 (20.2%) is much larger than the share earned by the bottom 50% of the adult population (12.5%).”  The authors note that while there is a 1-to-19 ratio between the income of the “lower class” (bottom 50%) and the “upper class (top 10 percent) in the U.S., the divide between the bottom and top classes in China is – at least for now – a 1-to-8 ratio.
In the face of the “recovery” from the Great Recession of 2007-08, Naomi Klein’s notion of “disaster capitalism” was implemented.  The Federal Reserve reports that in 2016, the richest 1 percent of families controlled a record-high 38.6 percent of the nation’s wealth.  The recently Congressionally-approved Republican bait-and-switch tax scam will only further increase inequality.
The truth of America’s deepening socio-economic inequality is obvious to all who choose to see, to know, what’s going on.  This condition exacerbates such ongoing conditions as deepening poverty, increased crime, growing drug addiction, failing health and overall social malaise.  The super-rich — whether defined as 0.1 percent, the 1 percent or the 10 percent — rule.  The government serves their needs.
Not since the rule of the Robber Barron’s during the fin de siècle era a century ago has the nation witness such tyranny of the 1 percent.  Today, they are back, but packaged as hip sophisticates and tasteful plunderers.  However hyped by the media, they truly rule.
In the face of such tyranny, the only way of preventing the nation becoming a 21st century feudal state, with robber barons become lords of the manor, is to radically redistribute America’s social wealth.
***
In a very revealing study, “Top Incomes and the Great Recession: Recent Evolutions and Policy Implications” (2012), Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez layout a very clear trajectory of wealth aggregation during the 20th century.  They note that “the share of total market income going to the top decile was as large as 50% at the eve of the 1929 Great Depression ….”  In the face of recovery and WW-II, it “stabilized below 35% between the 1940s and the 1970s.”  This was the era of the American Dream – the era that Trump seeks to invoke in his campaign slogan, “make American great again.”
They point out, “the top decile income share has risen from less than 35% during the 1970s to about 50% in recent years. This comes mostly from the very top. The top percentile income share itself has more than doubled, from less than 10% in the 1970s to over 20% in recent years.”  They conclude in no uncertain terms: “Again the key point that needs to be stressed from our viewpoint is the magnitude of the aggregate income shift that has occurred in the US since the early 1980s. The bottom 90% has become poorer, the top 10% has become richer, with an income transfer over 15% of US national income.”
The economist Stanley Stasch provides additional insight into how this economic coup de grâce was pulled off.  “From 1980 to 2005 the policies of President Reagan, the first President Bush, House Speaker Gingrich, and the second President Bush essentially destroyed the purchasing power of the bottom 60% of U.S. households (the bottom three quintiles),” he argues, “their share of national income declining from about 32% down to about 27% (a 15-16% reduction).”
Stasch notes that Reagan implemented three key developments that shifted national wealth: (i) secured the tax cuts the benefited the wealthy combined with tax increases for the non-wealthy, (ii) successfully attacked and, ultimately, severely weakened labor unions and (iii) federal spending adopted a new, more punitive approach dubbed “starving the beast” that shifted monies away from the middle and lower classes to the upper classes.
These policies had long term consequences.  “From 1980 to 2007, the top 0.01% of earners enjoyed a 408% growth in their income, the top 0.1% of earners enjoyed a 308% increase in their income, the top 0.5% enjoyed a 214% growth in their income, and the top 1.0% of earners enjoyed a 177% increase in their income,” Stasch points out.  He reminds readers, “During this same time period, the bottom 99% had to struggle with only a meager 8% increase.”
***
In 1873, Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner published, The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today, a satirical mockery of the greed and political corruption of late-19th century American life.  This critical period of U.S. development lasted from around 1870 to 1900 and saw the nation transformed.  Every aspect of American life was being remade – it was shifting from an agricultural to manufacturing nation, from east-coast enclaves to a true nation state, and from a relatively homogeneous Anglo population to one with increasingly diverse shades of white (e.g., Germans, Irish).  However, what most captured Twain and Warner’s mockery was the glutton and self-adoration of the super-rich, those they dubbed “the robber barons.”
A century later, the only thing that’s missing from the portrait of 21st century robber barons – symbolized by Donald Trump — is a Twain and Warner to mock them mercilessly.  A similar cabal of the superrich and their water-carriers control the Congress and succeeded, in late December 2017, with Pres. Trump signing the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act into law.
The cabal that pushed for the Congressional passage of the bill consisted of three very powerful forces, intimately tied to one another.  First and foremost were the superrich, often referred as political donors.  Most well-known among them are the Koch brothers and the Mercers, but there are hundreds of others throughout the country who use their wealth to lubricate Congressional – let alone local and state — office holders.  In the run-up to passage of the tax act, two Congressmen revealing the underlying truth driving the bill’s passage.  Rep. Chris Collins (R-NY) declared, “My donors are basically saying, ‘Get it done or don’t ever call me again.’”  And Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) was even more honest, reportedly saying that if the GOP didn’t pass the bill, “contributions will stop.”
The second force is the army of lobbyists that “assist” Congressional staff personnel drafting the legislation that became the law.  In 2017, there were 10,963 registered lobbyists in Washington, DC, and, according to Public Citizen, 6,243 registered lobbyists were worked on the tax bill.  It finds that there were more than 11 lobbyists per member of Congress working on tax reform.
Finally, many Fortune 500 companies aggressively backed passage of the tax bill through lobbying and other practices.  According the Vox, four conglomerates played an oversized role in pushing the bill’s passage — Comcast, Microsoft, Altria Group (formerly Philip Morris) and NextEra Energy. (Vox notes that Comcast, through its NBCUniversal subsidiary, is one of several major investors in Vox Media.)
The Republican-controlled Congress is not yet satisfied with its efforts to further expropriate the income and wealth of the middle class, working class and poor. This year, they are seeking to reduce spending on Medicare, Medicaid and anti-poverty programs.  For example, some Congressmen (as well as Republican-controlled state legislatures) are seeking to force welfare recipients to take jobs as a condition to receive benefits.
The sad truth of the decade-and-a-half marked by the Great Depression and WW-II was that it temporary uncut the ceaseless effort by the “ruling class” – capitalism — toward ever-greater expropriation of social wealth.  During the grand-days of fin de siècle, the robber-barons controlled 50 percent of social wealth; during the mid-20th century era of social crisis, its control dropped to 35 percent; in the era of Trump, their share is back to 50 percent.  One can only wonder if a series of catastrophes similar to those that took place in the 1930s-1940s is the only social force that redress the tendencies to ever-greater inequality?
The great challenge facing “progressives” in the upcoming elections of 2018 and 2020 is to acknowledge economic inequality and the need for a radical redistribution of social wealth.  Every political issue is real and important, however without anchoring it within the context of growing inequality it will lose its specificity, of the real lives of ordinary Americans.  Making matters worse, the ruling class controls not only the Congress, but the apparatus of state power, the federal bureaucracy, as well.  In particular, they write the laws and they enforce them, through the judiciary and the law-enforcement apparatus.
An ever-growing number of ordinary Americans are coming to realize that they are being had by one of the greatest con-man of the last century, Trump.  A host ofnot directly related social issues launched social movements.  Police shootings of black males, male sexual abuse, a school shooting and teacher strikes turned into Black Lives Matter, #MeToo!, Never Again and a growing number of state-based teacher strikes.  One can well image a deeply disturbing event taking place that galvanizes popular resentment against the superrich.  Americans are realizing that their pockets are being picked, their social wealth (however little it is) is being expropriated to make the new robber barons ever richer.
Unfortunately, it might take too long for the electoral process of change the deeply in-grained, half-century long tyranny of ruling-class wealth expropriation.  The condition of sustained legal theft is lived by many as the American way of life.  It’s time for a new, 21st century version of The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today, one in which sharp critics heartedly mock today’s robber barons, but also offer meaningful examples of alternatives to a different American in which wealth is radically redistributed.

Neutralizing The Messengers In India

Nava Thakuria

India continues to be a dangerous place for working journalists as the largest democracy in the globe has lost three journalists in mysterious accidents within the first three months of the year. Even the UN secretary general Antonio Guterres came out with a strong condemnation against the journo-killings and let the world know about India’s degraded index on safety & security of professional scribes. In fact, within few hours the central Indian provinces of Madhya Pradesh and Bihar had lost three scribes on 25-26 March 2018. Sandeep Sharma (35), a dedicated reporter of Bhind locality of MP, was deliberately mowed down by a truck in the morning hours, following which the television reporter (of News World) died in the hospital. Sandeep, who had reported against the local sand mafia, even received threats and informed the police but it did not help him to survive. On the previous night, two scribes namely Navin Nischal and Vijay Singh were hit by a luxury vehicle in Bhojpur locality of Bihar and died on their way to the hospital. Navin, who used to work for Dainik Bhaskar and Vijay, who was associated with a Hindi magazine, were riding on a two-wheeler when the accident took place.
The bygone year witnessed the killing of 12 journalists, where tiny northeastern State of Tripura contributed two casualties. The populous country thus emerged as one of the hazardous places for media persons after Mexico, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia etc.
India’s troubled neighbor Pakistan lost seven professional journalists and a media student to assailants in the year. On the other hand, its other neighbours namely Bangladesh, Myanmar and Maldives witnessed the murder of one scribe each in the last year. However Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Nepal and Tibet (now under Chinese occupation) evaded journo-killing incident during 2017.
Last year, India witnessed the killings of Hari Prakash (January 2), Brajesh Kumar Singh (January 3), Shyam Sharma (May 15), Kamlesh Jain (May 31), Surender Singh Rana (July 29), Gauri Lankesh (September 5), Shantanu Bhowmik (September 20), KJ Singh (September 23), Rajesh Mishra (October 21), Sudip Datta Bhaumik (November 21), Naveen Gupta (November 30) and Rajesh Sheoran (December 21).
On an average India loses five to six journalists annually to assailants, where the perpetrators normally enjoy impunity as the public outbursts against those murders remain lukewarm. However the horrific murder of Kannada editor-journalist Ms Gauri at her Bangaluru (earlier known as Bangalore) residence sparked massive protests across the country.
As the news of Gauri’s murder by unidentified gunmen spread, it immediately caught the attention of various national and international media rights organizations. Everyone out rightly condemned the incident and demanded actions against the culprits. Even the Communist leader and Tripura’s immediate past chief minister Manik Sarkar was influenced by the protest-demonstrations.
He personally joined in a rally in Agartala demanding justice over Gauri’s brutal killing, but when he young television reporter (Shantanu) from his State fall prey to the mob violence, he preferred to remain silent. The Tripura based journalists, while strongly condemning the murder of Shantanu, had to demand a response from Sarkar.
Later one more journalist (Sudip Datta) was murdered by a trooper belonged to the State police forces, which put Sarkar, who was also in charge of State home portfolio, in an embarrassing position. Otherwise popular for his simplicity, Sarkar also received brickbats for the murder of three media employees (Sujit Bhattacharya, Ranjit Chowdhury and Balaram Ghosh) together in 2013. Amazingly, within this period, no other northeastern States reported about journo-killing.
As usual, central States like Jharkhand, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana etc remained the killing field of journalists for many years and most of the journo- casualties in the country were reported from the zone. Shockingly most of the cases were not resolved legally and the victim families continue crying for justice against their irreparable losses.
India was ranked 136th among 180 countries in World Press Freedom Index (2017) of Reporters Sans Frontiers and the country was just ahead of its neighbours Pakistan (139), Sri Lanka (141) and Bangladesh (146). Norway topped the list of media freedom index, where as one party-ruled North Korea (180) was placed at its bottom. India’s other neighbours namely Bhutan (84), Nepal (100), Maldives (117), Afghanistan (120) and Myanmar (131) ensured better press freedom. Pakistan lost seven journalists namely Muhammad Jan, Taimoor Khan, Abdul Razzaque, Bakshish Ellahi, Haroon Khan, Samar Abbas & Utpal Das along with a novice scribe (Mashal Khan) to assailants last year.
Bangladesh witnessed the murder of rural reporter Abdul Hakim Shimul and Maldives drew the attention of international media with the sensational killing of Yameen Rasheed, a journalist & human rights defender. Relatively peaceful Myanmar reported one journo-murder (Wai Yan Heinn) in 2017.
According various international agencies over 95 media persons spread in 28 countries were killed in connection with their professional works last year. This year it has reached to 10 casualties till the end of March. The statistics were dangerous in previous years (120 fatalities in 2016, 125 killed in 2015, 135 in 2014, 129 in 2013, 141 in 2012, 107 in 2011, 110 in 2010, 122 in 2009, 91 in 2008 etc). The situation got deteriorated in Mexico (14 incidents of journo-killings), Syria (12), Iraq (9), Afghanistan (8), Yemen (8), the Philippines (6), Somalia (5), Honduras (4), Honduras (4), Nigeria (3), Russia (3), Turkey (3), Yemen (3), Guatemala (2), Peru (2), Dominican Republic (2), Colombia (2) etc.
The year also witnessed 262 journalists sent to the jails in different countries with slight improvement than in 2016 when 259 media persons got imprisoned worldwide. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Turkey still tops the list of detainees in 2017 with 73 scribes behind bars followed by China (41), Egypt (20), Eritrea (15), Vietnam (10), Azerbaijan (10), Uganda (8), Saudi Arabia (7), Bangladesh (4), Myanmar (3), Cambodia (2), Pakistan (2), India (2) etc.
In 2016, India witnessed the targeted killings of six working journalists, which was preceded by five cases in 2015. It improved its statistics in 2014 with the murders of only two scribes, but the year 2013 reported the killings of 11 journalists including three media workers in northeast India.
The vulnerable media community of the one-billion nation continues pursuing for a national action plan to safeguard the media persons in the line of military, police and doctors on duty. Their arguments are loud & clear, if the nation wants the journalists to do the risky jobs for the greater interest always, their security along with justice must also be ensured.

Egyptian Kangaroo Court Sentences 35 Morsi Supporters To Life Imprisonment

Abdus Sattar Ghazali

An Egyptian Kangaroo Court Wednesday (April 4) sentenced 35 alleged Muslim Brotherhood members to life in prison for allegedly forming “terrorist cells” to attack security forces and state institutions.
The Sohag Criminal Court sentenced another 155 defendants to three to 15 years on similar charges, including plotting to kill public figures and security officials, and joining an outlawed group, a reference to the Brotherhood which has been declared a terrorist group by the government of Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
Tellingly, the new harsh sentences against the Muslim Brotherhood members came a day after the Egyptian government announced that Field Marshal Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has won re-election as Egypt’s president with 97 percent votes.
According to CNN, observers have widely called the vote a farce, seeing it more as a referendum on el-Sisi than a free and fair election.
US-client General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who later assumed the title of Field Marshall, toppled Mohammad Mursi of the Muslim Brotherhood in July 2013. Mursi was the first democratically elected President of Egypt.
An Egyptian Kangaroo court last month sentenced 10 people to death and five others to life in prison for allegedly forming a “terrorist group” to plot attacks on security forces and other institutions.
The state-run MENA news agency said the defendants are affiliated with the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood. MENA said three of the 15 defendants were sentenced in absentia.
Egypt has cracked down on anti-government elements since the overthrow in July 2013 of Mohammad Mursi.
Hundreds of anti-government people, including Muslim Brotherhood supporters and members, have received death sentences since 2013, and Egypt has carried out dozens of executions, according to security sources and rights groups.
According to Cornell Center on the Death Penalty Worldwide database, in recent years there has been a sharp increase in Egyptian courts’ use of capital punishment, with the number of death sentences jumping from 109 in 2013 to at least 509. Since the beginning of 2015, there have been reports of at least 354 death sentences.
The Cornell Center believes there are at least 1,700 people under sentence of death, but no official figures are available due to intense state secrecy surrounding capital punishment. Amnesty International indicates that at least 1,413 death sentences were issued between 2007 and 2014.
Interestingly, in January this year, an Egyptian kangaroo court handed 268 supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi up to 25-year jail terms over a violent pro-Morsi sit-in following his removal in July 2013.
Giza Criminal Court sentenced 23 defendants to 25 years in prison, 223 to 15 years and 22 to three years, ordering them to pay altogether a fine of more than $2.1 million for the damages they reportedly caused to the surrounding zoo, public park and college building during their 45-day sit-in.
Egyptian judicial system has become a joke
In January this year CNN quoted an Egyptian attorney as saying that Egypt is using death sentences to settle scores.
Human rights advocates say the alarming numbers recorded by the Egyptian Coordination for Rights & Freedoms and the Initiative for Personal Rights are shocking — but the stories behind them are even more harrowing, the CNN said adding:
What happened to four families from the northern city of Kafr el-Sheikh is a case in point. After more than a year of campaigning to have their loved ones’ death sentences commuted in a case clouded by allegations of flaws in Egypt’s judicial system, they received phone calls directing them to collect their relatives’ bodies early on January 2.
Tellingly, an Egyptian Kangaroo Court in February 2016 sentenced a four-year-old child to life imprisonment. The child, Ahmed Mansour Qurani Ali, was convicted on four counts of murder and eight counts of attempted murder. The Egyptian military admitted the mistake only after the story had already circled the globe.
European Parliament condemns
In February last, the European Parliament condemned Egypt for its use of the death penalty and called for all planned executions to be halted pending a review of the cases.
Egypt is restricting “fundamental democratic rights”, members of the European Parliament (MEPs) said in a statement on February 7, adding Cairo should abolish capital punishment.
“The European Parliament ” calls for the end to all acts of violence, incitement and hate speech, reminding the Egyptian government that the universal protection of human rights and long-term prosperity go hand in hand,” it said.
UN human rights experts have also expressed concern that Egyptian officials are using evidence obtained through torture or ill treatment, often during periods of enforced disappearance, to sentence prisoners to death in military courts.

6 Apr 2018

Maldives president ends state of emergency

Rohantha De Silva

Maldives President Abdul Yameen ended the country’s state of emergency on March 22, after it was in force for 45 days, but is continuing his repression of political rivals. He withdrew the draconian emergency law a day after the police filed trumped-up terrorism charges against his chief opponents.
Those charged include former leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, jailed Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed and Justice Ali Hameed, four opposition lawmakers and an ex-police commissioner. Another opposition lawmaker, Abdulla Sinan, who had been arrested earlier, was detained on April 1, also on terrorism charges.
If convicted, the nine people charged with terrorism could be jailed for 10 to 15 years. In addition, two judges and a judicial officer were charged with receiving bribes to help overthrow the government.
A statement issued by Yameen’s office noted that “though there still exists a diminished threat to national security,” the president has decided to lift the state of emergency “in an effort to promote normalcy.” In reality, Yameen lifted the emergency not to “promote normalcy” but because, having cracked down on his opponents, he is seeking to deflect international criticism.
The US, EU and India demanded the lifting of the emergency, not out of any concern for democratic rights. Rather they are hostile to Yameen’s close ties with China, which cut across efforts to undermine Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean.
The present crisis erupted when the Maldives Supreme Court quashed the conviction of opposition leader and former President Mohamed Nasheed and ordered the immediate release of the eight other political figures on February 1. The court’s decision threatened Yameen’s parliamentary majority and would have allowed his rival Nasheed, currently in exile, to contest presidential elections due later this year.
To counter the court order, Yameen declared a state of emergency, arrested two Supreme Court judges and opposition leaders, then cracked down on opposition protests. Under pressure, the remaining Supreme Court judges reversed the February 1 decision.
Despite opposition from India, the Yameen government is strengthening its relations with China, which include major Chinese projects. The Maldivian ambassador in Beijing, Mohamed Faisal, told the S outh China Morning Poston March 22 this is part of a “global trend.” He continued: “A lot of people are seeing what China is doing because in terms of both economically and global power, China is rising.”
Chinese investment includes an airport expansion, a bridge connecting the airport to the capital Male, social housing and island resorts. Up to 2011, China had no embassy in Maldives. Since Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit in 2014, however, ties have rapidly developed. Chinese lending now accounts for more than 70 percent of the country’s foreign debt. Yameen has signed up to China’s One Belt, One Road infrastructure plan to integrate Eurasia, to which India and US are hostile.
India “welcomed” Yameen’s decision to end the state of emergency. At the same time, India’s external affairs ministry statement called for the “credible restoration of the political process as well as rule of law before elections are announced this year.”
When the crisis erupted in Maldives, Nasheed called for Indian military intervention, claiming Yameen was transforming the island into a “Chinese colony.” The Indian media repeatedly called on New Delhi to decisively intervene, warning that China was taking control of India’s backyard. As well as demanding an end to emergency rule, New Delhi made known that its armed forces were ready for any eventuality.
Over the past two months, however, India has been cautious, due to threats elsewhere. Last year, India and China were locked in a dangerous stand-off in their border areas on the Doklam Plateau. Despite boasting that it had stared down Beijing, New Delhi was clearly rattled by how close it came to an armed clash with China.
The Indian Express last week quoted an unnamed “senior government official” as saying: “We can’t stop what the Chinese are doing, whether in the Maldives or in Nepal, but we can tell them about our sensitivities, our lines of legitimacy. If they cross it, the violation of this strategic trust will be upon Beijing.”
For its part, China has bluntly stated that the political crisis in Maldives is an “internal matter” and “outside powers,” mainly India, should not get involved. In February, the Chinese navy conducted a naval exercise in the East Indian Ocean, which the Indian media immediately declared was a warning to New Delhi.
The Hindu wrote in its editorial on March 26 that “military intervention by India [in Maldives] was never a possibility” and called for a more cautious effort to influence the Yameen government. It urged New Delhi “to demonstrate its relevance to the Maldives as the biggest power in the South Asian region, while helping steer Mr. Yameen to a more reasonable and inclusive democratic course ahead of the presidential election later this year.”
None of this means India is retreating from its anti-China partnership with Washington and key US allies, Japan and Australia. The PTI reported on March 17 that the so-called quadrilateral alliance of India, US, Japan and Australia is going to discuss the Maldives issue at their next meeting. It quoted a senior US official as saying that Washington was closely monitoring the Chinese actions in the Indo-Pacific region and Maldives.

Catalan leader Carles Puigdemont released from German prison

Ulrich Rippert 

Former Catalan regional president Carles Puigdemont was released from detention yesterday afternoon in Germany, where he faces extradition to Spain. However, Puigdemont is not completely free, he may not leave Germany until further notice, had to post bail of €75,000 and must report weekly to the police in Neumünster.
On Thursday evening, the Higher Regional Court (OLG) in Schleswig agreed not to extradite Puigdemont to Spain on the charge of rebellion. However, the OLG has upheld the second allegation of misappropriation of public funds and therefore the former Catalan regional president could still be extradited to Spain. The arrest warrant was only “suspended” under certain conditions, a spokeswoman for the court said.
In a press release, the court explained its decision as follows: “The victim’s alleged behaviour is not punishable in the Federal Republic of Germany under the applicable law.” The relevant criminal offence of treason had not been met because it could not be associated with violence.
Thus, the Higher Regional Court very directly contradicted the Attorney General of Schleswig-Holstein, who had declared earlier this week that an admissible extradition request existed, and the risk of Puigdemont fleeing was real. On Tuesday, the Schleswig-Holstein Attorney General announced that an “intensive examination” of the European arrest warrant issued by the Spanish judiciary had revealed that an admissible extradition request existed.
The state prosecutor argued that the charge of rebellion against Puigdemont raised by the Spanish judiciary “essentially involved the allegation of holding an unconstitutional referendum on Catalonia’s independence from Spain, despite the anticipated violent clashes.” This accusation of rebellion found a similar equivalent in German criminal law in paragraphs 81 and 82 of the Criminal Code (High Treason); a verbal likeness of the German and Spanish regulations was not required by law. It is exactly this assessment that the higher regional court has now rejected.
The decision of the OLG has far-reaching consequences.
Puigdemont can no longer be handed over to Spain for “rebellion.” The court decision is binding on the federal government. On the existing legal basis, Puigdemont cannot be prosecuted in Spain or any other country on this charge. Whether the allegation of breach of trust can be upheld is highly questionable because it is not a charge of personal corruption. The Spanish authorities accuse Puigdemont, as regional president of Catalonia, of having financed the banned independence referendum using €1.6 million of public funds. However, if the referendum was not a call for rebellion, it is highly questionable whether the financing of it actually meets the charge of the misappropriation of public funds.
The first reactions to the verdict in Germany were divided. In a furious editorial, the conservative Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung stated, despite the verdict, Puigdemont remains “a criminal” who “cannot escape justice.” If he succeeded in escaping extradition, “he will have little choice but to hide from the Spanish courts in Belgium or elsewhere. If he is deported, he will go to jail in Spain.”
Media outlets and politicians who fear that an extradition of Puigdemont could cause violent protests in Catalonia and also in Germany, welcomed the verdict. “If things go well, if things go really well, then the verdict of the German judges is the beginning of a political solution, the beginning of negotiations,” commented the Süddeutsche Zeitung .
Gregor Gysi of the Left Party called on the German government to put pressure on Madrid and the judiciary. “Now, I expect that our foreign minister might go to Spain and try to talk them out of certain things, and not that our government sits there and says we must now execute their arrest warrants for things that are not punishable in Germany.”
In fact, the German government, which yesterday had refused to take a position on the verdict, then did exactly that.
Newsweekly Der Spiegel reports that the government had already agreed on its approach during a telephone conference on the day Puigdemont was arrested. According to information held by Der Spiegel, on the weekend before Easter, Justice Minister Katarina Barley (Social Democratic Party, SPD), Foreign Minister Heiko Maas (also SPD and former Minister of Justice), Chancellery Chief of Staff Helge Braun (Christian Democratic Union, CDU) and Hans-Georg Engelke, State Secretary in the Federal Ministry of the Interior and former head of “Terrorism/Islamism” at the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (as the secret service is called) held a telephone conference to determine the attitude of the government. It was agreed that the government would not veto any possible extradition of Puigdemont.
A few days later, the Attorney General of Schleswig-Holstein “consulted” with the Ministry of Justice to discuss further action, writes Der Spiegel. In other words, when the Schleswig-Holstein Attorney General requested Carles Puigdemont be held in detention at the beginning of this week pending extradition, stating that the charge of rebellion was justified and found “a comparable analogy in German criminal law in paragraphs 81 and 82 of the Criminal Code (High Treason),” this approach and this argument had been agreed with the highest government circles.
Thus, it is clear that the German government not only supported the undemocratic approach of the Spanish government, but wanted to use the arrest of Puigdemont to set a precedent for the prosecution of any form of protest and resistance against the ruling powers.
In particular, the reference to the law relating to High Treason illustrates the tradition in which the German government stands and how consciously it is working to build a European police state. High Treason is aimed at a violent upheaval within society, according to Rechtslexikon. It is an offence in which the perpetrator “undertakes to use force or threats of violence to undermine the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany or to change the constitutional order based on the Basic Law [constitution], i.e., to practically bring about an overthrow (revolution).”
The law had already been introduced at the founding of the German Reich in 1871 and since then has been repeatedly employed to persecute and suppress opponents of the imperial authoritarian state and later the Nazi dictatorship. The SPD founder August Bebel was persecuted on this basis as well as the KPD (German Communist Party) leaders Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. During the Nazi period, Hans and Sophie Scholl, along with other members of the White Rose resistance group were sentenced to death and executed on this basis.
Now, the German government is again resorting to these brutal forms of oppression to intimidate and nip in the bud any form of opposition, resistance and protest.
It is no coincidence that the criminalization of resistance and the introduction of police-state measures in Europe coincide with the largest strike movement in France against the labour market “reforms” of the Macron government and increased protest strikes in Germany. In Spain, the economic and social crisis is particularly acute. Not only have Amazon workers gone on strike, but pensioners have been organising mass demonstrations to fight for decent pensions and improved social benefits.
Even if the verdict of the Higher Regional Court in Schleswig-Holstein does not lead to Puigdemont being extradited and charged with “rebellion,” the German government is continuing its right-wing course.

Israel’s shoot-to-kill policy on Gaza border claims more lives

Jean Shaoul

Israel’s military forces killed seven Palestinian protestors along Gaza’s border and injured around 200 more, five of them seriously, according to Gaza’s health ministry. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) used live rounds and tear gas against protestors throwing stones and burning car tyres to create smoke to screen themselves from sniper fire.
About 10,000 Palestinians took part in the second “March of Return” protest yesterday, which they called “Jumat al-Kawshook” or “Friday of tyres.”
Also, solidarity protests took place in several towns and cities in the West Bank, including Ramallah and Al-Bireh. According to the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, 37 Palestinians were injured by live ammunition, rubber bullets and tear gas canisters.
Rallies in solidarity with the Palestinians in Gaza were called for Friday evening and Saturday in cities in the United States, Britain, France and elsewhere in Europe.
Israel’s Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman had earlier warned that “open-fire rules for the Gaza border will remain unchanged” and that anyone approaching the border was endangering their life. He promised a “reaction of the harshest kind like last week.”
Without providing a shred of evidence, Israel has accused Hamas, which governs Gaza, of using the protests as a cover for carrying out attacks on the border.
Friday’s demonstration was called as the culmination of the second of six weeks of peaceful protests, demanding the right to return of Palestinian exiles to their ancestors’ villages and towns in what is now Israel—a demand that Israeli officials reject because it would reduce Jewish citizens to a minority.
The Palestinians are also calling for the full implementation of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 of December 1948 stipulating that “the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date.”
Of the 1.9 million Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip, 1.3 million are refugees, according to Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics report in February 2018.
The March of Return will conclude on May 15, the 70th anniversary of the establishment of the state of Israel, which the Palestinians commemorate as Nakba (Catastrophe Day). The US is set to open its embassy in Jerusalem on that day, as announced last year by President Donald Trump. The Palestinians claim East Jerusalem as the capital of a future state.
Last Friday, Israeli troops and sharpshooters killed at least 16 people—a total that has now risen to 20 as others have succumbed to their injuries. At least 23 have been killed in the last week, including a Palestinian killed by an Israeli drone late Wednesday in the Gaza Strip, according to Gaza’s health ministry.
Evidence of the IDF killing spree is provided by video footage showing that at least two of those murdered were unarmed as they walked slowly towards the border with Israel, while another man was shot in the back as he ran away from the border holding a car tyre.
Not a single Israeli was killed or even injured, and no Israeli property was damaged or at risk.
A further 1,400 Palestinians were injured, more than half by live ammunition and steel-tipped rubber bullets. It was the deadliest day of violence since Israel’s 2014 war on Gaza, which killed 2,250 Palestinians, the majority of whom were civilians.
Ahmad Abu Artema, who conceived the idea of the March of Return, is not affiliated to Hamas, and rejects armed resistance, partly because it has failed. Instead, he puts forward a plan for mass civil disobedience as promoted by Mahatma Gandhi against British rule in India. His plan won the backing of several Gaza-based Palestinian groups. He said, “It’s not necessary to resist the occupation with bullets. You can resist the occupation with dabke[traditional Palestinian music and dancing], or by just sitting there.”
Irrespective of the value of such a strategy, it confirms that Israel used live fire on a peaceful, unarmed protest.
Israel’s chief military spokesman, Brigadier General Ronen Manelis, warned on Monday that the IDF would step up its violence on the Gaza border. He added that the IDF had restricted its actions thus far to the border fence, but it was prepared to “act against these terror organizations in other places too,” that is, within Gaza.
B’Tselem, the human rights organization, condemned Israel’s use of live fire on the civilian protesters, calling it criminal and illegal. It said that live fire should only be used when troops face “tangible and immediate mortal danger, and only in the absence of any other alternative.” It has launched a “Sorry Commander, I cannot shoot,” campaign, urging Israeli soldiers to disobey orders to shoot unarmed protesters in Gaza, which it argues are “manifestly illegal.”
The group criticized the Israeli military for announcing, even before the March began, that soldiers would use live fire against protesters, even if they were hundreds of meters away from the border fence.
The New York-based Human Rights Watch stated that last week’s killings were unlawful and “calculated,” and noted that the border protests posed no immediate threat to Israeli soldiers.
Within Israel, there have been small demonstrations in Tel Aviv, Jaffa and near the border with Gaza protesting at Israel’s unprovoked murders.
The US, Israel’s chief benefactor, unable to stop the holding of an emergency session of the UN Security Council, blocked a draft statement condemning Israel’s use of force against protesters at the Gaza border. Not one of the major powers spoke out against this filthy manoeuvre.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, then called for an “independent and transparent investigation” and reaffirmed “the readiness” of the world body to revitalise peace efforts.
This is a fraud and a diversion. Previous UN inquiries, including the report into the 2014 Israeli war on Gaza, provide detailed evidence of Israeli war crimes, but use irrelevant legal arguments to draw conclusions entirely at odds with their own evidence and absolve Israel of criminal responsibility for its actions. Last year, Guterres succumbed to US pressure, suppressing a UN report that found Israel practices apartheid against Palestinians.
Speaking for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, Lieberman flatly refused the UN’s pathetic entreaties, saying that the government would not carry out any inquiry into the casualties. “From the standpoint of the [IDF] soldiers, they did what had to be done,” he said. “All of our troops deserve a commendation.”
While the UN issued a warning to Israel to use “extreme caution” in facing the second round of mass protests, it toed the Israeli line and called on organizers of the March not to put women and children in danger.
Israel has repeatedly accused Hamas and other militant groups of using women and children as human shields to excuse its own murder of innocent civilians.
Trump’s Middle East envoy Jason Greenblatt went further in giving Israel a green light to do whatever it liked. He told the Palestinians to engage solely in peaceful protests and demanded that the protesters “should remain outside the 500-meter buffer zone; and should not approach the border fence in any way or any location.”
Turning reality on its head, he refused to condemn Israel’s murder spree, condemning instead “leaders and protestors who call for violence or who send protestors—including children—to the fence, knowing that they may be injured or killed.”
Greenblatt demanded the Security Council “send a clear message to the Palestinian leadership insisting that it put an end to these riots that only serve to sow violence and instability.”

JPMorgan CEO threatens rate hikes to break wages movement by US workers

Barry Grey 

In the midst of an expanding wave of teachers’ strikes in the US and mounting class battles in Europe, intensive discussions are underway within the American ruling class on measures to prevent the growth of a militant nationwide movement for higher wages and benefits. The corporate-financial elite is preparing the most ruthless measures—economic and political—to counter the emerging rebellion of US workers against the government, the corporations and the corporatist trade unions that do their bidding.
On Thursday, JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, who heads the largest US bank and is often called “the most powerful banker in the world,” warned of rising wages and raised the possibility of a sharp rise in interest rates to put a brake on economic growth and drive up unemployment. The aim of such a policy would be to weaken the working class and break its resistance to austerity and wage cutting.
In his annual letter to shareholders, Dimon wrote: “I believe that many people underestimate the possibility of higher inflation and wages, which means they might be underestimating the chance that the Federal Reserve may have to raise rates faster than we think…
“If growth in America is accelerating, which it seems to be, and any remaining slack in the labor markets is disappearing—and wages start going up, as do commodity prices—then it is not an unreasonable possibility that inflation could go higher than people might expect.
“As a result, the Federal Reserve will also need to raise rates faster and higher than people might expect.”
Significantly, Dimon cited the precedent of then-Fed Chairman Paul Volcker’s shock increase in interest rates in August of 1979, which precipitated the deep recession of 1980-82. The Reagan administration exploited the wave of plant closures and layoffs that followed the near doubling of interest rates to launch an anti-working class offensive and social counterrevolution that has continued to this day, under Democratic no less than Republican presidents.
The appointment of Volcker by Democratic President Jimmy Carter followed the 111-day national coal miners’ strike of 1977-78, in which the miners defied Carter’s back-to-work Taft-Hartley injunction, shaking the authority of the entire state. Volcker’s recessionary measures were followed by Reagan’s firing and blacklisting of the PATCO air traffic controllers in 1981, which was the signal for a decade of union-busting, wage cutting and strikebreaking, made possible by the treachery of the union leadership.
Dimon wrote: “Remember that former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volcker increased the discount rate by 100 basis points on a Saturday night back in 1979 in response to a serious double-digit inflation problem. And when markets opened the next business day, the Fed funds rate went up by over 200 basis points.”
In his letter, Dimon acknowledged that the course he was suggesting could lead to an implosion of stock prices, noting, “In this case, markets will get more volatile as all asset prices adjust to a new and maybe not-so-positive environment.”
“There is a risk that volatile and declining markets can lead to market panic,” he added.
He alluded to the ultra-low interest rate regime that has been maintained for more than three decades by the Fed, with near-zero rates put in place following the 2008 market crash, which has fueled the staggering rise in stock prices and accompanying enrichment of the corporate-financial elite. “While in the past,” he said, “interest rates have been lower and for longer than people expected, they may go higher and faster than people expect.”
The social basis for the stock market boom has been the suppression of the class struggle. This has been accomplished above all by the transformation of the trade unions into corporatist adjuncts of the government and big business. The central preoccupation of these anti-working class organizations has been to prevent strikes and isolate and betray them when they broke out, resulting in record low levels of strike activity, especially since the 2008 financial crisis.
What particularly alarms the ruling class in the current wave of strikes and protests by teachers in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Arizona and other states is the fact that they have been organized by rank-and-file teachers independently of and increasingly in defiance of the unions.
The New York Times recently quoted a teacher in the leadership of a rank-and-file group in Arizona as saying, “Our unions have been weakened so much that a lot of teachers don’t have faith in them.” The newspaper noted that the walkouts to date have occurred in states where the teachers unions are weak, the majority of teachers are not union members, and state laws bar unions from compelling workers to pay union dues. It has written worriedly of teachers using social media “to organize and act outside the usual parameters of traditional unionism.”
It and other capitalist media are commenting on the “tight” labor market and danger of the economy “overheating.” This week alone, the Wall Street Journal published two front-page articles on this theme, one with the headline “Iowa’s Labor Plight: Too Many Jobs,” and the other with a headline noting that “jobs outnumber workers” in Elkhart, Indiana, the center of recreational vehicle manufacturing in the US.
In essence, Dimon is telling the ruling class that regardless the consequences for stock prices and the fortunes and profits of significant sections of the corporate elite itself, the stability and continued rule of the capitalist class as a whole may require drastic measures to undermine workers’ militancy and step up the war on the working class.
Fear within the ruling elite of a wages movement was underscored Friday when US stock prices plunged following the release by the Labor Department of the March employment report. Alarm over the outbreak of a trade war between the US and China was compounded by the news that US wages had risen 2.7 percent year-over-year.
Two months ago, the Dow Jones Industrial Average plunged 665 points when the January jobs report showed a wage increase of 2.9 percent. But that was before the outbreak of the teachers’ strikes. This time, the very modest wage increase for March contributed to a drop in the Dow of 572 points.
As Dimon’s letter indicated, a rise in interest rates is only one component of an intensification of the offensive against the working class. The weakening of the working class by means of mass unemployment is to be accompanied by a frontal attack on what remains of basic social programs.
“The real problem with our deficit,” Dimon wrote, “is the uncontrolled growth of our entitlement programs… The extraordinary growth of Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security is jeopardizing our fiscal situation.”
Social Security could be “fixed,” the multimillionaire banker said, “by changing the qualification age and means testing, among other things.” He pointed out that when the program was initiated in 1935, the average life span after retirement was 13 years, while today it is 25. In other words, the destruction of health care for workers must be carried through to dramatically lower their life expectancy.
In his letter, Dimon did not spell out the political corollaries of his economic and social policies. However, in May of 2013, his bank issued a report on the euro area calling for the overturning of the bourgeois democratic constitutions established in Europe after World War II. The document, “The Euro Area Adjustment—About Half-Way There,” called for measures to protect the major international banks and stressed the need for “political reforms” of a dictatorial character to impose the necessary attacks on the working class.
The American financial oligarchy and the state are already beginning to implement similar measures to crack down on working-class opposition in the US, including the drive to censor the Internet and criminalize political dissent in the name of combating “fake news” and “Russian meddling.”

US sanctions target Russian officials and businessmen

Andre Damon

The US government imposed a new round of sanctions against Russia on Friday, targeting seven Russian businessmen and 17 government officials in the latest provocation against that country.
The move follows the expulsion of more than 100 Russian diplomats by the US and its allies in the wake of the alleged poisoning last month of Sergei Skripal, a double agent living in England, and his daughter.
In announcing the latest measures against Russia, the US government made no mention of the Skripal case, instead claiming the new sanctions were retaliation for alleged Russian “meddling” in the 2016 election.
The US has good reason to be circumspect in this regard. In recent days, the US and British narrative of the alleged poisoning by Russia has fallen apart. Both Sergei and Yulia Skripal are recovering from their alleged poisoning by a nerve agent supposedly ten times more powerful than VX nerve gas, leaving their pets, who were starved by UK authorities, the only casualties of the incident.
In an interview with Russian television, Viktoria Skripal, a relative of the two who lives in Russia, cast doubt on the British version of events and said she was afraid that the Skirpals were not being allowed to communicate and move freely by British authorities. Earlier this week, Russian TV ran a telephone interview between Yulia and Viktoria taped by Viktoria in which Yulia said both she and her father were recovering, were in good health and had suffered no lasting harm from the incident.
Viktoria told Russian media that the phone conversation was cut off abruptly and she has had no further communication from her cousin.
On Friday, the British Home Office announced that it had rejected Viktoria Skripal’s application for a visa to visit her relatives at the hospital in Britain where they are being held.
The US press has largely ignored these developments, as well as this week’s statement by the UK’s Porton Down chemical weapons laboratory that it had “not verified the precise source” of the material used, contradicting claims by UK Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson that Porton Down had definitively identified the source as Russian.
The breakdown of the official narrative has done nothing to slow the US campaign against Russia. This is because Washington’s actions have nothing to do with the alleged poisoning—a completely concocted provocation—or with supposed Russian “meddling” in the US elections, another entirely unsubstantiated fabrication woven by US intelligence agencies and dutifully disseminated by the US corporate media.
Rather, they are rooted in the growing conflict between the US and Russia on the world stage, particularly in Syria, and efforts to use the conflict with Russia, which threatens to escalate into a shooting war at any moment, to suppress domestic political opposition.
Hinting at the real issues animating the anti-Russian campaign, US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin declared Friday in his announcement of the new sanctions: “The Russian government engages in a range of malign activity around the globe, including continuing to occupy Crimea and instigate violence in eastern Ukraine” and “supplying the Assad regime with material and weaponry...”
After Trump speculated last week about withdrawing US troops from Syria, the New York Times and Washington Post, speaking for the US intelligence agencies and the Democratic Party, opposed any such action, declaring that such a course would empower Russia.
In an editorial titled “Trump’s Approach to Syria Is No Way to Run a War,” the Times wrote that Russia would “benefit from the president’s apparent desire to retreat from the Middle East.” It continued, “Already, Mr. Trump is letting Russia take the lead in Syria, ceding to Vladimir Putin the crucial diplomatic work of forging a political agreement between Mr. Assad and the Syrian rebels.”
The Washington Post said a continued US presence in Syria would be necessary to prevent “Russia from entrenching in the country at the expense of US allies including Israel and Jordan.”
Both newspapers warned that Trump’s policy was creating the conditions for the consolidation of an alliance between Turkey, Iran and Russia, which held a high-profile meeting to discuss Syria this week. On Thursday, Turkey, a NATO member, reported that it would purchase an advanced Russian missile defense system, reportedly capable of shooting down any US aircraft.
The latest sanctions announcement has also been accompanied by a new push to censor the Internet in the name of combating Russian “meddling” and “fake news.” On Friday, Facebook announced that it would require users who purchase ads on the platform to verify their identities, a major step toward ending the anonymous use of Facebook, something long demanded by the US intelligence agencies.
The move, coming ahead of Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s scheduled testimony before the US Congress next week, was accompanied by the announcement that Facebook would hire tens of thousands of censors to moderate content, and that it had had deleted thousands of allegedly “fake” accounts.
With the growth of the class struggle in the US coming together with bitter political warfare at the heights of American politics, all factions of the political establishment are seeking to project internal tensions outward by demonizing Russia and China.
The Democrats, in particular, working in alliance with the intelligence agencies, are focusing their efforts on exerting maximum pressure to ensure that Trump does not back down from the conflict with Russia.

China prepares to strike back as US trade war intensifies

Nick Beams

China has responded to US President Donald Trump’s threat to impose tariffs on a further $100 billion of Chinse goods by declaring it is ready to fight a trade war.
The proposed escalation was announced by Trump on Thursday in response to China’s decision that it would target 106 commodities, mainly agricultural products, if the US went ahead with its plan, announced earlier this week, to hit 1,333 Chinese goods worth $50 billion.
At a briefing with reporters in Beijing yesterday evening, Chinese Commerce Ministry spokesman Gao Feng said the US move was “extremely wrong” and China was preparing to retaliate.
“China is fully prepared to hit back forcefully and without hesitation,” Gao said. He added that the Chinese government had put in place “detailed counter-measures” and those measures did “not exclude any options.”
One option could be a decision to sell off holdings of US Treasury bonds, of which China holds almost $1.2 trillion. It is the largest foreign holder of US debt and any significant withdrawal would send US bond yields and interest rates up, causing major turmoil in US financial markets.
Bloomberg, citing highly placed but unnamed sources, reported in January that such a plan was under consideration in Chinese ruling circles.
The issue was raised by US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin in an interview on the business channel CNBC. He said there was a “level of risk that we could go into a trade war.”
But he sought to brush aside concerns that China would react by selling off its holdings of US debt under conditions where more money has to be raised to finance the Trump administration’s tax cuts. “I’m not concerned about that,” he said. “There are lots of buyers around the world for US debt.”
But the fact that the issue has been raised shows that the possibility of such a move is under consideration by both Chinese and US authorities in what would be a major escalation of economic warfare.
Since the initial tariff moves were announced on Tuesday, the US administration has been trying to calm markets by issuing assurances, particularly by the president’s top economic adviser Larry Kudlow, that the tariff measures are an opening gambit in securing a deal and that negotiations and discussions with the Chinese are taking place.
However, that ploy suffered a major blow with Trump’s announcement on Thursday that he had asked US Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer to consider tariffs on an additional $100 billion worth of Chinese goods.
Wall Street fell sharply on Friday, with the Dow down by more than 572 points, after dropping by almost 800 points in the course of the day. In remarks yesterday, Trump said there would be “a little pain,” but “we’re going to have a much stronger country when we’re finished, and that’s what I’m all about.”
How long the PR campaign, with claims that there are back-channel talks, can prevent a panic in US markets remains to be seen. But the Chinese authorities say no talks are taking place with members of the US administration.
Chinse Commerce Ministry spokesman Gao denied that there were any negotiations and said there had been none “for a period of time.” Under the present circumstances, “it’s even more unlikely for the two sides to engage in any kind of negotiations,” he added.
Even Kudlow, the leader of the market-calming operation, has had to admit that serious talks with China “have not really begun yet,” telling Bloomberg that whatever talks have taken place have been “unsatisfactory.”
Given the underlying forces behind the US trade war drive, there is very little room for manoeuvre. Trump has pointed to the US trade deficit of $375 billion with China and levelled accusations that through forced technology transfers and other measures Beijing is stealing American technology.
Of the two, the second is the more fundamental question. The overriding concern of the US administration is the “Made in China 2025” policy of the Xi Jinping regime, through which it is seeking to transform China into a technological leader in areas such as robotics, artificial intelligence, communications and pharmaceuticals. This is regarded as a direct threat to both US economic and military dominance.
The centrality of these considerations has been continually emphasised by White House trade adviser Peter Navarro, who, together with Lighthizer, is a key architect of the trade war measures. In a radio interview on Wednesday, he said: “If they [China] basically seize that high ground technologically by stealing from us, we will not have a future as a country in terms of our economy and our national security.”
In an interview yesterday, Navarro gave voice to the gangster-like character of the US actions. In words that recalled The Godfather, he said Trump had a “great relationship” with Chinese President Xi, but “this is business.” He continued, “And this is the kind of business where we have to stand firm against China’s unfair trade practices.”
As the trade war unfolds and escalates, both sides are seeking allies in the global arena, with attention focused on Europe and the European Union. Responding to questions from Bloomberg, the head of the Chinese Mission to the EU, Zhang Ming, said China and the EU “need to stand together with a clear-cut position against protectionism, and need to work with each other to uphold the rules-based multilateral trade order.” The US actions went “completely against the fundamental principles of the World Trade Organisation,” he said.
China has launched an action against the US under the WTO, but this will have no impact on the US administration because it regards the present system and the WTO itself as an essential cause of the US deficits. It maintains that the WTO framework cannot deal with the key question of intellectual property rights.
For its part, the US is seeking to use the earlier threat of tariffs on steel and aluminium, imposed on March 1 under “national security” provisions of a 1962 law, as a means of pressuring the EU to back it against China. The imposition of the tariffs on European products has been suspended until May 1 pending negotiations, with the US making it clear that part of the price for an exemption is EU support for its actions against China.
The bellicose character of the US actions were underscored by Kudlow in remarks earlier this week, in which he reprised the rhetoric surrounding the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 by calling for a “trade coalition of the willing” for action against China.
Both the actions of the Trump administration and the rhetoric accompanying them indicate that, whatever the moves and counter-moves, there is a fundamental issue at stake, which is irresolvable within the framework of capitalist economics and politics.
The US regards the economic growth of China and its move, flowing from that growth, into high-tech development as an existential threat, which will further undermine its already diminished economic power and lead to a weakening of its military supremacy as well. It is determined to use whatever means necessary to prevent that, threatening to plunge the world into the kind of economic chaos not seen since the Great Depression of the 1930s, as well as world war if that proves necessary.

Fifty years after May-June 1968, the class struggle erupts in France

Alex Lantier

A half century after the French general strike of May-June 1968, the class struggle in France is entering a new and explosive stage. A confrontation with revolutionary implications is emerging between the working class and the French government, backed by the entire European Union (EU).
Last week’s strike against President Emmanuel Macron’s decree privatizing the French National Railways (SNCF) shut down much of France’s mass transit. Air France workers demanding pay increases and electricity and garbage workers demanding recognition as a public service have joined striking rail workers. Students are occupying universities to protest new selection rules limiting access to a university education.
These developments come amidst a broad international upsurge of the class struggle. This year has already seen major strikes by metal and auto workers in Germany, Turkey, and Eastern Europe; railway workers in Britain; and broad layers of teachers in Britain and the United States.
These struggles take place under the shadow of the 50th anniversary of the French general strike of May-June 1968, the largest strike in European history. This mass mobilization of the working class shook French capitalism and the regime of General Charles de Gaulle to the core. Mass anger triggered by repression of student protests erupted into a strike of over 10 million workers, and red flags flew over factories across France.
Two factors saved de Gaulle. The first was the counterrevolutionary role of the Stalinist French Communist Party (PCF), then the leading party in the working class. It organized a return to work in exchange for wage increases, demoralizing workers by its betrayal of the revolutionary situation and allowing de Gaulle to win re-election in 1969. The second factor was that the strike erupted at the height of the 1945-1975 post-war boom. The bourgeoisie had resources to make concessions, buy time and prepare its response. It went on to decimate French manufacturing industries and implement policies of mass unemployment and austerity.
There will be no reformist outcome to the class struggle today. The crisis of world capitalism is far deeper than 50 years ago. The quarter century since the Stalinist bureaucracy’s dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the foundation of the EU in 1992 has seen deepening social inequality and an escalating imperialist war drive across the Middle East, Africa and Eurasia.
Macron will not retreat. The French ruling class is drastically restructuring class relations to join in the imperialist scramble to re-divide the world. As the major European powers all rearm, Macron has pledged to spend €300 billion on a military build-up by 2024, restore the draft, and hand billions of euros in tax cuts to the rich. He plans to slash state spending and basic social services—including pensions, public health care, and unemployment insurance—to finance the military machine.
Workers can only oppose the moves to turn France into a militarized police state by a revolutionary struggle to bring down the Macron government and mobilize the working class in France and across Europe in a struggle for state power. This struggle sharply poses the need to build a new revolutionary leadership in the working class.
Since 1968, the working class has had vast experiences with the organizations that falsely claimed to speak for socialism. The PCF was destroyed by its role in 1968 and its support for the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. The Socialist Party (PS), founded in 1969, proved itself to be a reactionary bourgeois party of austerity and war, from which Macron himself emerged.
As for the petty bourgeois descendants of various renegades from Trotskyism, which played a key role in setting up the PS—Lutte ouvrière, the Pabloite New Anticapitalist Party (NPA), or the lambertiste Independent Democratic Workers Party—they speak for privileged layers of the upper-middle class.
Workers are increasingly aware of their hostility to these groups. Protesters threw ex-lambertiste and ex-PS senator Jean-Luc Mélenchon out of one recent demonstration, shouting, “Leave, Mélenchon”, “Out with the PS”, “Hey you Senator, you did all the dirty deals” and “Neither God, nor master, nor Mélenchon.”
To contain the class struggle, the NPA is proposing an alliance stretching from the PS and the unions to the pseudo-left: “The path that is open can be extended to weave a united front bringing together unions, parties and associations of the social movement around common demands, a front with a long-term perspective for a broad convergence, for a general strike to make Macron retreat.”
This is cynical double-talk. Workers are not moving in the direction of a general strike to make a reactionary politician “retreat,” but to force him out. The NPA, moreover, is promoting a broad alliance of parties and unions that have helped implement the austerity policies Macron is now aiming at the workers. If one translated the NPA’s statement into plain English, it would say: “We are betraying you.”
The NPA and its allies play a carefully rehearsed role, to wear down opposition to militarism and austerity and allow Macron’s policies to pass. The unions are calling rotating transit strikes two days a week, until June. These will inconvenience and irritate the public, while leaving Macron in power and allowing him to wait for the end of the strike to announce the promulgation of his decree privatizing the SNCF, which he was negotiating with the unions only last month.
There is nothing for workers to negotiate with Macron. His policy is illegitimate and anti-democratic. In 2016, the unions negotiated the PS labour law that provides the basic framework for Macron’s decree and allows the unions and employers together to suspend the protections of the Labour Code and attack wages and conditions. The law was passed without a vote in parliament, using emergency powers, despite 70 percent popular opposition.
President François Hollande’s PS government violently repressed mass protests against the labour law during the state of emergency. This state of emergency was itself a political fraud, imposed in response to attacks carried out by Islamist networks that were in fact working under the protection of the intelligence services, as they helped wage NATO’s proxy war in Syria.
Macron was elected by default last year. Faced with the choice between the ex-banker and the unpopular neo-fascist candidate Marine Le Pen, less than half of voters participated in the legislative elections that gave Macron’s party a majority. Nonetheless, the parliament voted an enabling act adding vast powers to the PS labour law allowing Macron to slash working conditions by decree. Under this legislation, the unions have already approved contracts facilitating job cuts in auto and sub-minimum wages in the chemical industry.
The revolutionary struggles developing against Macron will inevitably bring workers into conflict with the parties of what has passed for the post-1968 “left.” This underscores the significance of the foundation in 2016 of the Parti de l’égalité socialiste (PES), the French section of the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). It re-established the presence of Trotskyism in France, fighting for the revolutionary mobilization of the working class against the pseudo-left and all the capitalist parties.
As the union bureaucracies openly participate in implementing austerity, the PES calls for the formation of rank-and-file organizations in workplaces, schools and working-class communities across France. These are critical to provide workers and youth with forums to discuss and organize opposition to the social attacks and war plans of the entire political establishment.
The PES will fight to connect the growth of rank-and-file organizations and of the class struggle to an internationalist, socialist and anti-war movement in the European and international working class to take state power and reorganize economic life on the basis of social need, not private profit. It appeals to workers and youth entering into struggle to support the PES and the ICFI, study its programme, and make the decision to join and build the Trotskyist movement.