19 Dec 2018

Artificial Intelligence and the Future of War

Michael T. Klare

There could be no more consequential decision than launching atomic weapons and possibly triggering a nuclear holocaust. President John F. Kennedy faced just such a moment during the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 and, after envisioning the catastrophic outcome of a U.S.-Soviet nuclear exchange, he came to the conclusion that the atomic powers should impose tough barriers on the precipitous use of such weaponry. Among the measures he and other global leaders adopted were guidelines requiring that senior officials, not just military personnel, have a role in any nuclear-launch decision.
That was then, of course, and this is now. And what a now it is! With artificial intelligence, or AI, soon to play an ever-increasing role in military affairs, as in virtually everything else in our lives, the role of humans, even in nuclear decision-making, is likely to be progressively diminished. In fact, in some future AI-saturated world, it could disappear entirely, leaving machines to determine humanity’s fate.
This isn’t idle conjecture based on science fiction movies or dystopian novels. It’s all too real, all too here and now, or at least here and soon to be. As the Pentagon and the military commands of the other great powers look to the future, what they see is a highly contested battlefield — some have called it a “hyperwar” environment — where vast swarms of AI-guided robotic weapons will fight each other at speeds far exceeding the ability of human commanders to follow the course of a battle. At such a time, it is thought, commanders might increasingly be forced to rely on ever more intelligent machines to make decisions on what weaponry to employ when and where. At first, this may not extend to nuclear weapons, but as the speed of battle increases and the “firebreak” between them and conventional weaponry shrinks, it may prove impossible to prevent the creeping automatization of even nuclear-launch decision-making.
Such an outcome can only grow more likely as the U.S. military completes a top-to-bottom realignment intended to transform it from a fundamentally small-war, counter-terrorist organization back into one focused on peer-against-peer combat with China and Russia. This shift was mandated by the Department of Defense in its December 2017 National Security Strategy. Rather than focusing mainly on weaponry and tactics aimed at combating poorly armed insurgents in never-ending small-scale conflicts, the American military is now being redesigned to fight increasingly well-equipped Chinese and Russian forces in multi-dimensional (air, sea, land, space, cyberspace) engagements involving multiple attack systems (tanks, planes, missiles, rockets) operating with minimal human oversight.
“The major effect/result of all these capabilities coming together will be an innovation warfare has never seen before: the minimization of human decision-making in the vast majority of processes traditionally required to wage war,” observed retired Marine General John Allen and AI entrepreneur Amir Hussain. “In this coming age of hyperwar, we will see humans providing broad, high-level inputs while machines do the planning, executing, and adapting to the reality of the mission and take on the burden of thousands of individual decisions with no additional input.”
That “minimization of human decision-making” will have profound implications for the future of combat. Ordinarily, national leaders seek to control the pace and direction of battle to ensure the best possible outcome, even if that means halting the fighting to avoid greater losses or prevent humanitarian disaster. Machines, even very smart machines, are unlikely to be capable of assessing the social and political context of combat, so activating them might well lead to situations of uncontrolled escalation.
It may be years, possibly decades, before machines replace humans in critical military decision-making roles, but that time is on the horizon. When it comes to controlling AI-enabled weapons systems, as Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis put it in a recent interview, “For the near future, there’s going to be a significant human element. Maybe for 10 years, maybe for 15. But not for 100.”
Why AI?
Even five years ago, there were few in the military establishment who gave much thought to the role of AI or robotics when it came to major combat operations. Yes, remotely piloted aircraft (RPA), or drones, have been widely used in Africa and the Greater Middle East to hunt down enemy combatants, but those are largely ancillary (and sometimes CIA) operations, intended to relieve pressure on U.S. commandos and allied forces facing scattered bands of violent extremists. In addition, today’s RPAs are still controlled by human operators, even if from remote locations, and make little use, as yet, of AI-powered target-identification and attack systems. In the future, however, such systems are expected to populate much of any battlespace, replacing humans in many or even most combat functions.
To speed this transformation, the Department of Defense is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars on AI-related research. “We cannot expect success fighting tomorrow’s conflicts with yesterday’s thinking, weapons, or equipment,” Mattis told Congress in April. To ensure continued military supremacy, he added, the Pentagon would have to focus more “investment in technological innovation to increase lethality, including research into advanced autonomous systems, artificial intelligence, and hypersonics.”
Why the sudden emphasis on AI and robotics? It begins, of course, with the astonishing progress made by the tech community — much of it based in Silicon Valley, California — in enhancing AI and applying it to a multitude of functions, including image identification and voice recognition. One of those applications, Alexa Voice Services, is the computer system behind Amazon’s smart speaker that not only can use the Internet to do your bidding but interpret your commands. (“Alexa, play classical music.” “Alexa, tell me today’s weather.” “Alexa, turn the lights on.”) Another is the kind of self-driving vehicle technology that is expected to revolutionize transportation.
Artificial Intelligence is an “omni-use” technology, explain analysts at the Congressional Research Service, a non-partisan information agency, “as it has the potential to be integrated into virtually everything.” It’s also a “dual-use” technology in that it can be applied as aptly to military as civilian purposes. Self-driving cars, for instance, rely on specialized algorithms to process data from an array of sensors monitoring traffic conditions and so decide which routes to take, when to change lanes, and so on. The same technology and reconfigured versions of the same algorithms will one day be applied to self-driving tanks set loose on future battlefields. Similarly, someday drone aircraft — without human operators in distant locales — will be capable of scouring a battlefield for designated targets (tanks, radar systems, combatants), determining that something it “sees” is indeed on its target list, and “deciding” to launch a missile at it.
It doesn’t take a particularly nimble brain to realize why Pentagon officials would seek to harness such technology: they think it will give them a significant advantage in future wars. Any full-scale conflict between the U.S. and China or Russia (or both) would, to say the least, be extraordinarily violent, with possibly hundreds of warships and many thousands of aircraft and armored vehicles all focused in densely packed battlespaces. In such an environment, speed in decision-making, deployment, and engagement will undoubtedly prove a critical asset. Given future super-smart, precision-guided weaponry, whoever fires first will have a better chance of success, or even survival, than a slower-firing adversary. Humans can move swiftly in such situations when forced to do so, but future machines will act far more swiftly, while keeping track of more battlefield variables.
As General Paul Selva, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told Congress in 2017,
“It is very compelling when one looks at the capabilities that artificial intelligence can bring to the speed and accuracy of command and control and the capabilities that advanced robotics might bring to a complex battlespace, particularly machine-to-machine interaction in space and cyberspace, where speed is of the essence.”
Aside from aiming to exploit AI in the development of its own weaponry, U.S. military officials are intensely aware that their principal adversaries are also pushing ahead in the weaponization of AI and robotics, seeking novel ways to overcome America’s advantages in conventional weaponry. According to the Congressional Research Service, for instance, China is investing heavily in the development of artificial intelligence and its application to military purposes. Though lacking the tech base of either China or the United States, Russia is similarly rushing the development of AI and robotics. Any significant Chinese or Russian lead in such emerging technologies that might threaten this country’s military superiority would be intolerable to the Pentagon.
Not surprisingly then, in the fashion of past arms races (from the pre-World War I development of battleships to Cold War nuclear weaponry), an “arms race in AI” is now underway, with the U.S., China, Russia, and other nations (including Britain, Israel, and South Korea) seeking to gain a critical advantage in the weaponization of artificial intelligence and robotics. Pentagon officials regularly cite Chinese advances in AI when seeking congressional funding for their projects, just as Chinese and Russian military officials undoubtedly cite American ones to fund their own pet projects. In true arms race fashion, this dynamic is already accelerating the pace of development and deployment of AI-empowered systems and ensuring their future prominence in warfare.
Command and Control
As this arms race unfolds, artificial intelligence will be applied to every aspect of warfare, from logistics and surveillance to target identification and battle management. Robotic vehicles will accompany troops on the battlefield, carrying supplies and firing on enemy positions; swarms of armed drones will attack enemy tanks, radars, and command centers; unmanned undersea vehicles, or UUVs, will pursue both enemy submarines and surface ships. At the outset of combat, all these instruments of war will undoubtedly be controlled by humans. As the fighting intensifies, however, communications between headquarters and the front lines may well be lost and such systems will, according to military scenarios already being written, be on their own, empowered to take lethal action without further human intervention.
Most of the debate over the application of AI and its future battlefield autonomy has been focused on the morality of empowering fully autonomous weapons — sometimes called “killer robots” — with a capacity to make life-and-death decisions on their own, or on whether the use of such systems would violate the laws of war and international humanitarian law. Such statutes require that war-makers be able to distinguish between combatants and civilians on the battlefield and spare the latter from harm to the greatest extent possible. Advocates of the new technology claim that machines will indeed become smart enough to sort out such distinctions for themselves, while opponents insist that they will never prove capable of making critical distinctions of that sort in the heat of battle and would be unable to show compassion when appropriate. A number of human rights and humanitarian organizations have even launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots with the goal of adopting an international ban on the development and deployment of fully autonomous weapons systems.
In the meantime, a perhaps even more consequential debate is emerging in the military realm over the application of AI to command-and-control (C2) systems — that is, to ways senior officers will communicate key orders to their troops. Generals and admirals always seek to maximize the reliability of C2 systems to ensure that their strategic intentions will be fulfilled as thoroughly as possible. In the current era, such systems are deeply reliant on secure radio and satellite communications systems that extend from headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists worry that, in a future hyperwar environment, such systems could be jammed or degraded just as the speed of the fighting begins to exceed the ability of commanders to receive battlefield reports, process the data, and dispatch timely orders. Consider this a functional definition of the infamous fog of war multiplied by artificial intelligence — with defeat a likely outcome. The answer to such a dilemma for many military officials: let the machines take over these systems, too. As a report from the Congressional Research Service puts it, in the future “AI algorithms may provide commanders with viable courses of action based on real-time analysis of the battle-space, which would enable faster adaptation to unfolding events.”
And someday, of course, it’s possible to imagine that the minds behind such decision-making would cease to be human ones. Incoming data from battlefield information systems would instead be channeled to AI processors focused on assessing imminent threats and, given the time constraints involved, executing what they deemed the best options without human instructions.
Pentagon officials deny that any of this is the intent of their AI-related research. They acknowledge, however, that they can at least imagine a future in which other countries delegate decision-making to machines and the U.S. sees no choice but to follow suit, lest it lose the strategic high ground. “We will not delegate lethal authority for a machine to make a decision,” then-Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert Work told Paul Scharre of the Center for a New American Security in a 2016 interview. But he added the usual caveat: in the future, “we might be going up against a competitor that is more willing to delegate authority to machines than we are and as that competition unfolds, we’ll have to make decisions about how to compete.”
The Doomsday Decision
The assumption in most of these scenarios is that the U.S. and its allies will be engaged in a conventional war with China and/or Russia. Keep in mind, then, that the very nature of such a future AI-driven hyperwar will only increase the risk that conventional conflicts could cross a threshold that’s never been crossed before: an actual nuclear war between two nuclear states. And should that happen, those AI-empowered C2 systems could, sooner or later, find themselves in a position to launch atomic weapons.
Such a danger arises from the convergence of multiple advances in technology: not just AI and robotics, but the development of conventional strike capabilities like hypersonic missiles capable of flying at five or more times the speed of sound, electromagnetic rail guns, and high-energy lasers. Such weaponry, though non-nuclear, when combined with AI surveillance and target-identification systems, could even attack an enemy’s mobile retaliatory weapons and so threaten to eliminate its ability to launch a response to any nuclear attack. Given such a “use ’em or lose ’em” scenario, any power might be inclined not to wait but to launch its nukes at the first sign of possible attack, or even, fearing loss of control in an uncertain, fast-paced engagement, delegate launch authority to its machines. And once that occurred, it could prove almost impossible to prevent further escalation.
The question then arises: Would machines make better decisions than humans in such a situation? They certainly are capable of processing vast amounts of information over brief periods of time and weighing the pros and cons of alternative actions in a thoroughly unemotional manner. But machines also make military mistakes and, above all, they lack the ability to reflect on a situation and conclude: Stop this madness. No battle advantage is worth global human annihilation.
As Paul Scharre put it in Army of None, a new book on AI and warfare, “Humans are not perfect, but they can empathize with their opponents and see the bigger picture. Unlike humans, autonomous weapons would have no ability to understand the consequences of their actions, no ability to step back from the brink of war.”
So maybe we should think twice about giving some future militarized version of Alexa the power to launch a machine-made Armageddon.

End of India’s long, dark night?

Aijaz Zaka Syed

The spring of hope has arrived at last. The Bharatiya Janata Party and its powerful propaganda machine had pitched this as a contest between Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi — Namdar versus Kamdar (the entitled one vs someone who has worked his way up). And the voters have spoken what they think of the performance of Kamdar! The Indians have rejected the politics of hate.
The BJP went to absurd lengths to win the just-concluded elections in five states. Prime Minister Modi himself led from the front launching unbelievably personal attacks on the Congress leadership, not sparing even a convalescing Sonia Gandhi and the long-deceased icons of the Gandhi-Nehru family.
The Hindutva brigade tried every trick in its book to polarize and split the electorate along sectarian lines with Yogi Adityanath and others addressing hundreds of public meetings spreading sweetness and light and promising the kind of anarchy Uttar Pradesh boasts today.
Yet if the Congress has managed to win and carry these big Hindi heartland states — Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh – the credit goes to Rahul Gandhi and young leaders like Sachin Pilot.
The success arriving as it did on the day Rahul completed one year at the helm of the grand old party couldn’t have been sweeter considering the open hostility and witch hunt that he has faced at the hands of the saffron clan and much of the ‘Modi-fied’ media.
From being endlessly ridiculed as Pappu (idiot) to being questioned on his very ‘Indianness’ and leadership and communication skills, Rahul has been the target of an incredibly vicious campaign for the past five years and more. And it has been personally led by none other than Modi himself deliberately distorting every word uttered by the opposition leader.
This is why Rahul has every reason to pat himself on the back for not just standing up to the BJP and weathering its vicious attacks but coming off with flying colors.
The Congress leader has remained humble and gracious in his victory, never once crowing after capturing the three strategic BJP fortresses.
It had been a totally one-sided contest from the word go. A typical David versus Goliath kind of battle, if ever there was one. Not a mean feat considering the massive resources and big moneybags at the BJP’s disposal and the unabashed support it has been receiving from the media.
Yet given the overwhelming popular anger and rural distress in these battleground states over the continuing devastating effects of demonetization, GST and the anti-incumbency factor, it is surprising that the Congress did not register a far emphatic victory. The BJP managed to put up a strong show both in MP and Rajasthan, losing many seats by a couple of hundred votes or even less.
Which means although the saffron brigade may have lost these assembly polls thanks to its disastrous management of the economy and neglecting farmers, its core constituency largely remains intact.
The toxic influence of the RSS now pervades all arms and sinews of the body politic. From the government and administration to bureaucracy and from universities and think tanks to the media, no area remains free of its sway. Secular parties will, therefore, have to work harder to fight this permissive influence for the sake of their own future and survival, if not for anything else.
And now that the BJP has suffered these losses in these critical states, seen as the core of the party’s ‘Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan’ worldview, it is certain that its battle-hardened election-winning machine led by Modi and Amit Shah will pull out all stops for the greater battle ahead in 2019.
Is the opposition up to the task? While this much-needed victory has understandably lifted the mood in the long-demoralized and dispirited Congress and other opposition parties, the battle ahead is hardly going to be an easy one.
With its back to the wall, the BJP is sure to fight even harder and will do everything to retain power. Justice Markandey Katju’s apprehensions that a desperate Parivar could start a major communal conflagration or even a war with Pakistan to rally popular support aren’t without basis.
The only way for the secular opposition parties to fight the BJP and its powerful Parivar is to rally all their forces and put up a united fight. Nothing else is going to work.
Notwithstanding the vital lessons of Karnataka, where a last-minute Congress-Janata Dal (S) coalition was able to keep out the BJP, the grand old party spurned fellow travelers such as the BSP and SP and chose to go it alone in both MP and Rajasthan.
If only the Congress had tied up with secular parties, the electoral tally in these states that would elect 65 MPs in 2019 would have been decidedly better.
Of course, Telangana has been an exception. The Congress’ partnership with Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam, once bitter rivals, did not take off because of the far more irresistible alternative that was offered by Chandrashekhar Rao’s Telangana Rashtra Samiti.
In addition to its formidable alliance with Asaduddin Owaisi’s Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen, what really worked for the TRS was its unprecedented welfare measures targeting virtually every section of the electorate. The Muslim community, for instance, has benefited much from the 121 minority residential schools established by the Telangana government. This is why Rahul’s rallies with Naidu in what had once been a Congress bastion failed to sway the voters.
Yet an accommodative approach by the Congress and other secular stakeholders is what is badly needed in months and years ahead.
What will it take for the grand old party to come off its high horse? The Congress holds the key to opposition’s challenge to Modi. After all, it is the only national party with presence in all parts of the country. It remains the only force that can stop the saffron juggernaut. The Congress holds the lynchpin to opposition’s grand alliance against the ideology of hate.
Yet at a time when it is fighting for its very survival across the country, the Congress inexplicably continues to harbor these delusions of grandeur and has repeatedly failed to reach out to other secular parties.
The BJP has always been quick to cobble up alliances. Indeed, the BJP of Vajpayee and Advani grew from a 2-member outfit to its overarching presence today, riding on the shoulders of its allies like the Janata Dal of yore. It acquired a pan-India acceptability cleverly using its secular allies.
When will the Congress wake up to the new political realities of a new India? The answer holds the key to 2019 and the nation’s future. Only a more flexible and nimble-footed Congress that is willing to walk the proverbial extra mile to put together a rainbow coalition can prevent the BJP from returning to power.
What lies ahead is not just a battle between the BJP and Congress or between Modi and Rahul Gandhi. At stake is the very idea of a democratic and inclusive India.

Bangladesh to relocate Rohingya refugees on remote island

Rohantha De Silva 

The Bangladesh government is planning to move hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees from Burma (Myanmar) into prison-like dwellings on the remote and geographically unstable silt island of Bhasan Char.
Around 900,000 Rohingya refugees are currently living in bamboo shelters and other makeshift accommodation in flood-prone valleys in Bangladesh, having fled murderous attacks by the Burmese military and Buddhist supremacist forces since August last year.
The refugees are from Burma’s north-western Rakhine state where they constitute an oppressed Muslim minority. Stripped of their citizenship rights in 1982, they have been subjected to systematic, state-sanctioned oppression and violence, including murder, rape, the destruction of whole villages and mass expulsions. A recent UN report estimates that almost 400 villages have been destroyed, and about three quarters of a million Rohingya have been forced to flee Burma.
The Burmese government brands the Rohingya, who have lived in Burma for decades, or even centuries, as “Bengalis” or “illegal immigrants” and has called for their expulsion to neighbouring Bangladesh. About 200,000 Rohingya refugees were already living in Bangladesh before the latest exodus.
The Rohingya have sought refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh in the hope that they would be sympathetically treated in the Muslim majority country. These hopes, however, have been cruelly dashed by successive governments in Dhaka.
Despite widespread public sympathy for the refugees, the Awami League government initially used the military to block the entry of the latest wave of refugees. When this failed the government forced the refugees into squalid, over-crowded settlements and camps that lack clean water, proper sanitary and health facilities and inadequate supplies of food.
The government now wants to shift them to Bhasan Char. The prison-like conditions, which the government is attempting to hide, were revealed in video footage published late last month by the British-based Guardian newspaper.
According to the newspaper, the Bangladesh government plans to send some 700,000 refugees to the island, which is situated at the mouth of the Meghna River, and only accessible by boat.
The refugees will be housed in tiny breeze-block concrete rooms 2m x 2.5m, with small, steel-barred windows. There will only be one bathroom per 25 housing units. The government wanted to begin moving the refugees in October but construction delays forced a postponement until early next year.
Nervous about domestic and international criticism, the government is attempting to hide information about the facilities and has placed the island under the tight control of the navy. Apart from registered construction workers, selected UN members and government officials, all access to the island and the building site is strictly prohibited. No official details or photos of the facilities have been released.
An anonymous human rights activist who shot the video told the Guardian that the yet-to-be-completed facility was “eerie” and said that the “hundreds of thousands of prison-like units [would create] an entire city of Rohingya… This feels more like a prison camp than a refugee haven.”
Bhasan Char, which is prone to severe monsoonal flooding and typhoons, is a three-hour boat ride from the mainland and under military control. The shape-shifting island emerged from the muddy waters of the Bay of Bengal less than two decades ago.
While the government has tried to justify its moves by claiming that the relocation is a temporary arrangement, the concrete structures at Bhasan Char make clear that the facilities are to be permanent. Refugees will only be able to leave the island if they agree to return to Burma or are accepted by a third country.
With national elections scheduled for late December, the Bangladesh opposition parties are attempting to exploit widespread popular concern about the treatment of the Rohingya refugees for their own political gain. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is waiting until the elections are over before releasing any details of its plan which will inevitably involve forcible relocations.
The US-based Human Rights Watch has warned that the government’s plans “essentially turn the island into a detention centre.” The agency’s Asia deputy director, Phil Robertson, told the Guardian: “Bangladesh’s plan to transform a desolate isle into a packed settlement of Rohingya housed in stark concrete residential blocks raises concerns for both freedom of movement and long-term sustainability.”
Spelling out some of the future dangers that the refugees will face, he added: “The housing blocks on display look sturdy, but how will they fare if a typhoon hits and floods the island? Will Dhaka ensure that anyone who agrees to move to the island will be allowed to leave and return freely?”
Last month the Bangladesh government attempted to forcibly repatriate 2,200 refugees to Burma but was forced to abandon these plans in the face of widespread protests. Mohamad Saddiq Hossain, a community leader from the Kutupalong refugee camp, told the Dhaka-based Telegraph on November 18: “We will not return without being given our rights as citizens.. . We would rather die here than be taken back there.”
While Rohingya continue to flee Burma, the refugees, rather than endure the miserable treatment meted out in Bangladesh, are prepared to risk their lives by attempting to sail to Malaysia, Indonesia and other countries. Over 200 lives have been lost in the Bay of Bengal since August last year.
The Guardian reported on December 5 that six boats carrying refugees from Burma had been washed ashore or stopped by authorities since October. Refugee boat sailings generally stop during June and August because of dangerous monsoon conditions. The fact that these sailings have resumed is another indication that the persecution of Rohingya by the Burmese government and its military and police continues unabated.

Canada’s media foments anti-China campaign after Meng arrest

Roger Jordan

Since Canada, acting at Washington’s behest, arrested senior Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, Canada’s major media outlets have gone into high gear to justify her seizure as “lawful” and to depict China as a menace to Canada and the world.
The criminal charges the US has brought against Meng are transparently trumped up and politically motivated. Yet this has not stopped the media from greeting China’s complaints over Meng’s arrest with hoots, and from portraying Canada as under attack from an overbearing and bellicose China.
The Globe and Mail gloated, in a December 14 editorial titled "The end of the Trudeau government's China delusion," that Meng's Dec. 1 detention and the subsequent tit-for-tat arrest of two Canadian citizens in China have put paid to the Liberal government's plans for a free trade deal with Beijing. "The case of Meng Wanzhou has torpedoed the Trudeau government’s China policy," enthused the Globe, the traditional mouthpiece of the Bay Street financial elite. "At the same time, it has also sunk China’s Canada policy. Call it a win-win."
The neoconservative National Post was equally jubilant. Writing in the wake of the arrest by Chinese authorities of former Canadian diplomat Michael Kovrig and businessman Michael Spavor, the Post declared their arrests could "prove useful," because "they ought to make it impossible for our prime minister, or any future prime ministers, to keep turning a blind eye to the criminal and thuggish nature of Beijing’s rulers."
This turns reality on its head. The Beijing regime is no doubt authoritarian, representing as it does the capitalist oligarchy that emerged from the Stalinist bureaucracy’s restoration of capitalism in the People’s Republic. But it is not the aggressor in this case.
On the contrary, Canada, in collusion with its closest geostrategic and economic ally, mounted a political provocation, effectively kidnapping Meng on the very same day that US President Donald Trump met Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the G20 summit with the ostensible aim of reaching a deal to settle their US-instigated tariff war.
The US is seeking to extradite Meng to face two charges of fraud, each of which carries a potential penalty of 30 years in prison. The charges arise from Washington’s unilateral extraterritorial sanctions on Iran—sanctions that in their global reach are both illegal and tantamount to an act of war. As observers have noted, Meng has clearly been singled out for exemplary treatment. Till now the US had not tried to hold executives of major corporations personally liable when seeking retribution for alleged cases of “sanctions busting,” choosing rather to levy financial penalties on the corporations involved.
The day after Meng's arrest was made public, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau acknowledged that he was warned in advance about the planned action. Trump's National Security Adviser, John Bolton, also revealed that he knew about the plan to detain Meng, underscoring that her impending arrest was discussed at the highest levels of both the US and Canadian states.
Acting on the orders of Canada’s Justice Minister and Attorney-General Jody Wilson-Raybould, Crown prosecutors sought to deny bail to Meng, who in addition to being Huawei’s Chief Financial Officer is the daughter of the company’s founder and current CEO, Ren Zhengfei. Instead, a judge imposed onerous and humiliating bail conditions on Meng. These include that she must wear an electronic ankle tag at all times and pay for a round-the-clock security detail tasked with watching her every move, until her extradition hearing is concluded, a process that is expected to take many months.
US President Donald Trump has himself underlined the political character of the charges against Meng, exploding Trudeau’s pretense that her arrest was simply a legal-administrative matter. Last week Trump said he might intervene in Meng’s case if it would help the progress of trade talks with China. In other words, Meng is to be used as a bargaining chip in US imperialism's drive to subordinate China to its global predatory economic and geostrategic interests.
Reports have since emerged confirming that the arrest of Meng is part of a carefully prepared campaign, mounted by the United States and its allies in the Five Eyes global spy network, to prevent Huawei and other Chinese telecommunications and computer companies, from expanding their influence in global markets.
The Sydney Morning Herald has revealed that a meeting of Five Eyes intelligence chiefs in Halifax, Nova Scotia last July discussed measures to combat the influence of Huawei and Chinese technology more broadly in the development of global 5G networks. The US, Australia, and New Zealand have already banned Huawei from their respective 5G markets, and Washington is pressuring Britain and Canada to follow suit.
According to a report in Monday’s Globe and Mail, the Halifax meeting, which Trudeau attended in part, was the second time this year “spy chiefs from the Five Eyes intelligence network briefed Prime Minister Justin Trudeau … about the national-security risk from Chinese high-tech giant Huawei.”
For both commercial and military-security reasons, US imperialism is determined to prevent China from becoming a major player in global technology markets, especially in the area of wireless 5G communications. As Michael Morell, who twice served as the acting director of the CIA put it in a Dec. 14 Washington Post column, the US is engaged in a "tech war" with Beijing.
Morell—no doubt outlining the ambitions of the Pentagon and National Security Agency should the US dominate the world’s 5G networks—warned that China could use Huawei-developed 5G technology as "espionage platforms;" and, since 5G will be "particularly suitable for connecting things…and other mission-critical functions,” to conduct “sabotage, as well." The article concluded in a belligerent militarist tone, "There may not be an end to this technological cold war anytime soon, but it is vital for our national security that we not cede the field…and win the battle for 5G."
This is part of a much broader US-led strategy of confrontation towards China, arising in response to the loss of American imperialism’s global economic dominance. Beginning with the Obama administration's "Pivot" to Asia, Washington has vastly expanded the military resources it has deployed in the Asia-Pacific to prepare for an armed clash with China.
American warships and planes have repeatedly launched provocations over disputed territories in the South China Sea. These tensions have only escalated under Trump, whose tariffs against steel, aluminum, and other imports are principally aimed at forcing Beijing to permit greater foreign ownership in key economic sectors and to abandon its plans to make China a high-tech leader, under its so-called “made in China 2025” strategy.
The Globe and National Post editorials welcoming the Meng affair as an opportunity to shift the Trudeau government and public opinion behind a more aggressive stance against China underscore the broad support within the Canadian ruling circles for the US offensive against China.
During the past year, both the media and security-intelligence establishment have stepped up pressure on the government and other institutions to take a hardline stance towards China.
This included media support or at least acquiescence to Trump’s imposition on Canada of a clause in the renegotiated North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that gives Washington an effective veto over any future free trade deal between Ottawa and Beijing.
In his maiden public speech as head of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), David Vigneault warned of national security threats to Canada from foreign technology. While he did not mention China by name, this was clearly understood to be his target.
Last week, the Globe revealed that senior CSIS officials met with representatives of the country's top research universities to urge them to beware of Huawei and curb Huawei-funded academic research.
Important sections of Canadian big business are concerned about the potential damage to Canada-China trade caused by the deterioration of bilateral relations.
But the Canadian ruling class views maintenance of its economic and military-security alliance with the US and of North American global hegemony as vital to upholding and advancing its own imperialist interests.
That is why not only has the Trudeau government done Washington’s bidding in the Meng case and key corporate media voices pressed Ottawa to join the US in taking a more belligerent stance against Beijing.
It is also why successive Conservative and Liberal governments have taken steps, behind the backs of the Canadian people, to integrate Canada ever more fully into the US military-strategic offensive against China. These include:
▪ The Harper Conservative government’s conclusion of a secret agreement with the US in 2013 for enhanced cooperation between the US and Canadian militaries in the Asia-Pacific.
▪ The Canadian Armed Forces’ negotiation of “forward-basing” agreements with Singapore and South Korea to facilitate military deployments in the event of a conflict in the Asia-Pacific.
▪ The Liberal government’s identification of China as a "global strategic threat" in its June 2017 National Defence Policy Review—the same review that announced a more than 70 percent increase in military spending over the next decade.
▪ The Canadian military’s deployment of ships and submarines to the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca, and its assertion Canada must have a growing presence in these waters to assert its “strategic interests” and assure its role as a “global player.”

General practitioners abandoning Britain’s National Health Service

Ben Trent

The Royal College of General Practitioners (RCGP) says that one in three GPs will likely quit their practice within five years.
This confirms previous findings that a haemorrhaging of family doctors from the UK’s National Health Service (NHS) is underway, as tens of thousands of people seeking treatment and medical advice already struggle to get appointments nationwide. Many are forced to go to hospital Accident and Emergency departments that are at breaking point.
The RCGP surveyed over 1,000 GPs, with 31 percent of respondents stating they were likely to leave the general practice workforce within five years. Stress was one of the main reasons cited. Out of those surveyed, 37 percent said that there were vacancies needing filling in their current practice. Even more concerning were the 5 percent who stated their belief that their practice would close within the next year.
Another survey released by the General Medical Council (GMC) regulating body concluded there was a high risk of doctors leaving the profession “in unprecedented numbers.” Its poll of 2,600 doctors found that more than half (56 percent) were looking into other career options, with a quarter having already cut their hours or gone part-time. Of concern, noted the GMC, was that the poll revealed that 21 percent of 45- to 54-year-olds and two-thirds of 55- to 64-year-olds planned to take early retirement by 2021. These figures could escalate, with the GMC warning that its findings come amid a backdrop of uncertainty over Brexit, which could affect the 9 percent of UK licensed doctors who are European Economic Area (EEA) qualified.
This corroborates earlier findings, from the national GP work-life survey conducted at the end of 2017, which included 2,195 GPs in England. It found that 39 percent of respondents expected to leave “direct patient care” by 2022. This was comparable to 19.4 percent who expected to leave in 2005 and 35.3 percent in 2015.
The work-life survey found that the principal reasons for stress included: increasing workloads, having too little time to do justice to the job, paperwork, changes to meet requirements of external bodies, and increasing demands from patients.
In September, it was revealed that over 1,200 GPs were receiving support from a specially created mental health service that had been set up to assist primary care doctors. The main reasons were stress, fatigue and addiction-related issues.
The Independent reported that the data suggested that as many as 357 surgeries were at risk of closing due to the direct risks of departing GPs. Given the average number of patients on the books of each surgery, this could result in a staggering 3 million people losing their doctors.
A Freedom of Information investigation conducted by the Pulse GP news website revealed that 1.3 million patients have seen their surgery closed as a result of practice closures or mergers over the last five years. Nearly 450 GP surgeries were closed during that period.
The past two years have seen an unprecedented acceleration of this process. Last year alone, there were 134 GP surgery closures displacing more than 450,000 patients.
Doctor Helen Stokes-Lampard, chief of the RCGP, warned, “We are talking about highly-trained, highly-skilled doctors, that the NHS is at risk of losing—some will retire, which is to be expected, but many are planning to leave earlier than they otherwise would have done because of stress and the intense pressures they face on a day-to-day basis, whilst simply trying to do their best for their patients.”
The crisis of departing health sector workers comes despite the pledge by the Conservative government, made as far back as 2015, to increase the number of GPs by 5,000. Official figures released this May instead show that the number of GPs in England has dropped by a 1,000 since 2015. Vacancies across the NHS, at the end of June, stood at a staggering 107,743 health sector workers .
While data suggests that up to 320 GPs were retained through the GP retention scheme—designed to support GPs who would otherwise have left general practice—the figures are very small and inconsequential comparative to the numbers of GPs leaving. Statistics made available by NHS Digital for 2016/17 show that 5,159 GPs left the profession, equating to 430 departures a month.
Pointing to the historic implications, Dr. Richard Vautrey, chair of the British Medical Association’s (BMA) General Practitioners Committee of England, said, “For the last 70 years general practice has been the foundation on which the NHS is built, but without proper support, investment and a plan to tackle the current retention crisis, it is in serious risks of crumbling.”
In March, a BMA survey found that 54 percent of respondents reported that retention rates had worsened or significantly worsened, with only 7.5 percent reporting any improvement in retention rates.
Last year, Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC) reported that more nurses and midwives left the register than joined, reversing the year-on-year increase of registrants from 2013 to 2016. The number of registered nurses and midwives dropped by more than 5,000 last year alone, with England having more than 40,000 nursing vacancies.
As with GPs, terrible conditions, as the result of cost-cutting, and the decimation of frontline services have forced nurses and midwives to leave the register. The NMC conducted a survey between June 2016 and May 2017. Of the 4,544 responses received by the NMC from nurses and midwives regarding the reasons for them leaving the register, less than half cited retirement.
In contrast:
* 44 percent cited poor working conditions, for example, low staffing levels and workload.
* 28 percent cited a change in personal circumstances, such as ill-health and childcare responsibilities.
* 27 percent cited disillusionment with the quality of care provided to patients, along with poor pay and benefits .
GP surgery closures and problems in recruitment and retention of family doctors, nurses and midwives are a direct outcome of the starving of funds and policies aimed at accelerating the privatization of the NHS carried out by successive Labour and Conservative governments.
Private GP surgeries have sprung up across the country, in some cases within the same premises of NHS-run surgeries. Those who have money can pay £80 and £140 respectively for 20- and 40-minute consultations and to jump the queues. They can even have full health checkups by paying £450. In contrast, tens of thousands of working-class people continue to wait up to four weeks to get an appointment to see their family doctor in a flying consultation.

Troops to be deployed in case of no-deal Brexit

Robert Stevens & Chris Marsden

Theresa May’s Conservative government announced yesterday that 3,500 soldiers were on standby to deal with economic disruption and to confront social unrest in the event of a no-deal Brexit.
The UK faces crashing out of the European Union (EU) if no agreement can be reached by Parliament before a January 21, 2019 deadline. May refused to put the agreement reached with the EU to a vote in Parliament on December 11, knowing that it would have been voted down. The UK is scheduled to exit the EU on March 29, 2019.
Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson told Parliament that his department “will have 3,500 service personnel held at readiness, including regulars and reserves, in order to support any government department on any contingencies they may need.”
The announcement that ministers were to “ramp up” preparations for a no deal came after the Cabinet met Tuesday morning. The Guardian reported, “Downing Street said delivering the prime minister’s deal ‘remains the top priority,’ but when presented with three options on whether to increase, maintain or wind down preparations, there was unanimity in cabinet to implement all no-deal contingency planning across departments.”
The decision was made after Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn once again refused to move a motion of no confidence in the government, after a day in which Corbyn’s political prevarication descended into farce.
At just after 3:00 p.m. yesterday, Labour’s central office let it be known that Corbyn would move a motion of no confidence on the prime minister, not the government, just ahead of May addressing Parliament at 3:30 p.m., if she did not announce a parliamentary date for a debate on her proposed deal with the EU.
The circulated text read: “That this house has no confidence in the prime minister due to her failure to allow the House of Commons to have a meaningful vote straight away on the withdrawal agreement and framework for the future relationship between the UK and the EU.”
The media immediately declared that Corbyn had “bottled out.” His was a non-binding motion committing neither Labour nor Parliament to anything.
He specifically avoided putting through a Vote of Confidence in the government as a whole, which under the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act of 2011 would have to be acted on and debated once the leader of the opposition demands it. Had Corbyn tabled a motion with the specific wording, “That this house has no confidence in her majesty’s government,” a motion of confidence would have to be passed in the government within 14 days, or a general election would be called.
The Democratic Unionist Party, on which May depends for a majority, and the hard-Brexit Tory European Research Group both immediately made clear that they would not support Corbyn’s toothless resolution anyway.
When May spoke, she announced that she intended to seek concessions from the EU and would then present them to MPs to vote on during the week of January 14, i.e., on the eve of the voting deadline. Her intention was clearly to present MPs with an ultimatum—vote for her deal or face a hard Brexit—in order to minimise any rebellion by Tories and the DUP and hopefully to also secure the reluctant backing of pro-Remain Blairite Labour MPs.
To make matters worse, Corbyn followed May without putting his motion! It was only after three hours of debate—and after Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell had said Labour had got what it wanted when May set a date and would not proceed with the motion—that Corbyn then put his motion, stating that a January vote was unacceptable.
So pathetic was Corbyn’s move that May walked out of the parliamentary chamber immediately, with Downing Street describing his motion as a “stunt” that will not be granted any parliamentary time for debate.
Once again Corbyn has been instrumental in allowing two unaccountable cliques, the Tory Brexiters on one side and Remain in the EU-supporting Blairites on the other, to dominate political events—including planning the use of troops against the working class.
Corbyn’s politics are an example of parliamentary cretinism on steroids. He justifies not acting on principle, of demanding an end to a Tory government that has imposed savage austerity on millions and which is up to its neck in deadly military adventures in the Middle East and internationally, with calculations that waiting a little longer—and allowing May’s plan to be rejected—will open up the possibility of cross-party support for a general election so that Labour can renegotiate a soft Brexit, or, failing that, the second referendum urged by the Blairites.
As is now the norm, this left his right-wing opponents free to denounce him for not calling for the government to be brought down: Not because they want this to happen, but because this would finally get the issue of a general election off the agenda and clear the path for a second referendum with the option of remaining in the EU.
Former Labour minister Chris Leslie commented, “This feels like a pantomime on the [EU/UK Brexit deal] vote: in then out, on then off. It seems the [Labour] leadership will do anything including pulling its punches against the Government to avoid a People’s Vote.”
Labour MP Chuka Umunna added, “We need to settle the issue of whether there can be a general election to resolve the chaos so this confidence motion is overdue. If it fails we can then move straight on to holding a People’s Vote on Brexit and let the electorate decide—the only way of breaking the deadlock in Westminster.”
The differences between Corbyn and his critics are largely of a tactical rather than a principled character. Corbyn is opposed to the mad gambol of the Blairites and their allies in the pro-Remain Scottish National Party and Liberal Democrats towards a second referendum on the basis that this could further destabilise a country that is already deeply divided politically over Brexit and, more importantly still, socially polarised after a decade of unrelenting austerity and a collapse in the living standards of the working class.
He wants to make an attempt to negotiate a soft Brexit, focused on maintaining access to the Single European Market with some form of customs union, while still allowing UK business to strike the independent trade deals with the US and other non-EU countries that is the central concern of the Brexiteers. He also wants to appease anti-immigrant sentiment by ending free movement of EU labour in favour of “managed migration.” However, he has made clear that if this pro-capitalist wish list fails, then he will back a referendum on Remain.
No one needs to wait to see what a Corbyn government would look like in office. Its political essence is revealed in the Brexit crisis. Nothing he says or does is based on an appeal to the working class to act against the government and the employers, to oppose austerity and militarism and avert the growing danger of military and police repression. Otherwise he could never have moved a resolution calling for May to be replaced while leaving the Tories in government!
His speech made clear his class loyalties by being peppered with references to the demands of big business. In finally tabling his non-vote of no-confidence, Corbyn again took the opportunity to present himself and Labour to the ruling elite as the only political force that can avoid further instability. In response to May’s announcement, he said, “We face an unprecedented situation, the Prime Minister has led us into a national crisis.”
“The country, workers and businesses are increasingly anxious,” he added. Outlining the concerns of big business, he declared, “The [Confederation of British Industry] said yesterday: ‘Uncertainty is throttling firms and threatening jobs not in the future but right now. … The British Chamber of Commerce has said: ‘There is no time to waste.’”

Fascist cell uncovered in German police force

Marianne Arens

On August 2, 2018, the Frankfurt-based lawyer, Seda Basay-Yildiz, received a letter evidently from far-right radicals. Using the vile language of the Nazis, the letter denounced Basay-Yildiz as a “lousy Turkish pig” and even threatened to “slaughter” her two-year-old daughter. The lawyer’s private address, which had never been published, was also included in the anonymous fax, which was signed “NSU 2.0.”
Ms. Basay is a prominent lawyer in Germany. She represented the Simsek family in the trial of the NSU fascist terror gang which murdered 10 people, most of whom were migrant workers. Basay is also the lawyer for Sami A, who has been declared a “threat” to the German state. When the state administration in North Rhine Westphalia illegally deported Sami A to Tunisia, Ms. Basay filed an appeal against the deportation, resulting in a fine of €10,000 for the responsible authority.
The anonymous hate letter, dated 2 August 2018, referred to this latter case. “In retaliation for the 10,000 euro penalty we will slaughter your daughter,” it read. One day later, on 3 August, Basay lodged a complaint with the police. However, it was only at the start of December, four months later, that Ms Basay learned more—and then via the press, not from the police.
The complaint made by the lawyer was apparently a crucial clue in exposing a far-right network within the Frankfurt police. Attempts to ascertain how Ms Basay’s home address became public led directly to the service computer of the First Police Station in Frankfurt. According to official records, a policewoman had requested this information, without giving any reason, shortly before the threatening letter was sent.
Following a search of the mobile phone and other hard drives of the policewoman, it emerged that she had conducted a xenophobic and right-wing exchange with four other police officers over a considerable period. Through WhatsApp, the five officers had exchanged neo-Nazi messages, pictures of Hitler and swastikas, as well as messages denouncing immigrants and disabled people.
These findings were apparently kept secret by the authorities for months. Based on information from the Hessian State criminal office, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) reported on the existence of a right-wing police network in Frankfurt only in early December, although an internal inquiry against the suspects had already commenced.
The lawyer was not informed of any of these developments and only read about them in the FAZ, which reported her saying: “I would have preferred it if the police had informed me beforehand.” The lawyer, concerned for the safety of her daughter, had repeatedly asked the police for information, without ever receiving a proper answer.
Officially, it is now being said that the police and prosecutors are extremely cautious, fearing that the case may assume “even larger dimensions”, i.e., far more suspects than the five policemen could be involved.
Leading politicians are now making every effort to play down the case. CDU member of parliament Armin Schuster stated: “We must be very careful to ensure that there is no social unrest!” Schuster is chairman of the interior committee in the German Bundestag and a leading advocate of a pan-European police network.
The comment by a member of the Bundestag for the Greens in Hesse, Omid Nouripour, is also significant. Asked by the Neue Presse in Frankfurt whether he believes “that the police are more predestined for extremism than other social groups,” Nouripour emphasized: “No way.” He then demanded an “early warning system” for the police, claiming that this could prevent similar cases in future.
Using such arguments, politicians are seeking to distract attention from their own role. The Greens share power in the state of Hesse with the CDU, and both parties are responsible for the systematic rearming of the security forces. They have deported refugees more systematically and brutally than many other states, thereby creating conditions in which the far right could thrive.
It is not just a few “rotten apples” in an otherwise “healthy” system. This case again shows that the fascist threat stems not from the working population, but rather from the state apparatus. The far right cell within the Frankfurt police is actually the tip of a massive iceberg.
Right-wing extremist structures exist in all parts of the state apparatus. Recently, the head of the German domestic intelligence service (BfV), Hans-Georg Maaßen, was relieved of his post after denying that neo-Nazis had run riot in the city of Chemnitz.
In its most recent report, the BfV does not mention the Alternative for Germany (AfD), although this party regularly incites against immigrants, stirs up racism and downplays the crimes of the Wehrmacht and the Nazi state. The Socialist Equality Party (SGP), on the other hand, is referred to in the BfV report as “left-wing extremist” on the grounds that it is opposed to “alleged nationalism, imperialism and militarism” and criticizes capitalism.
A neo-Nazi network was also uncovered last year in the Bundeswehr, when the terror plans of Franco A. emerged by accident. The Bundeswehr officer had registered as a Syrian refugee, procured firearms and planned attacks on high-ranking politicians, seeking to blame them on refugees. Nevertheless the Higher Regional Court in Frankfurt Main saw no reason to bring charges against him.
More recently, when the Focus magazine published new details in November about a neo-Nazi terrorist cell in the German Army involving about 200 former and active Bundeswehr soldiers, other media outlets did not react and the matter was quickly hushed up and dropped.
The judiciary in Germany often looks the other way when it comes to the criminal activities of fascists. It accepts the close connection of the prosecution and the police. No satisfactory explanation has ever been offered in the cases of Oury Jalloh and Amad Ahmad, who both burned to death in police custody in separate incidents. In both cases, the prosecution accepted the unconvincing arguments given by police.
Another example is the NSU trial, which ended in July 2018 after five years, and 438 days of hearings. The only defendant to be sentenced was Beate Zschäpe, the only survivor of the NSU murder trio. The trial simply ignored the role played by the dozens of undercover agents and police officers, who actively supported or were active in the milieu surrounding the trio. Prominent supporters of the NSU such as Ralf Wohlleben and André Eminger, who assisted in the murder of nine immigrants and a policewoman, received only brief prison sentences. They are already both at large.
Attorney Seda Basay-Yildiz took part in the NSU trial as a co-prosecuting attorney for the Simsek family. In an informative review of the NSU trial by the radio station Bayern 2 (“What’s left of the NSU trial?”), she notes that she lost many illusions and became “more political” in the course of the trial. She stated: “In the case of every family of the victims, the family itself was always the first to be suspected—all families with an immigrant background. According to the constitution we should all be the same but this is simply not the case.”

Rising homelessness: The reality of life for workers in a “booming” US economy

Genevieve Leigh 

On any given night in the United States 553,000 people experience homelessness, according to the 2018 Annual Homeless Assessment Report (AHAR) published by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and sent to Congress on Monday.
AHAR 2017
The report shows that homelessness is on the rise for the second year in a row. It underscores the harsh reality for broad sections of workers in the world’s richest and most “advanced” capitalist country, under what is routinely described as a “booming” economy.
The report sheds light on many aspects of the worsening social crisis in America. Below are some of its most essential findings:
• Some 36,000 of those experiencing homelessness on any given night in 2018 were unaccompanied youth (defined as people under the age of 25). Of this subset, almost 90 percent were between the ages of 18 and 24. Just over half of these unaccompanied youth were unsheltered—a much higher rate than for all people experiencing homelessness.
• Homelessness declined this year for all racial groups except people identifying themselves as white, who saw an increase of four percent. White people accounted for 54 percent of the homeless overall.
• Half of all people experiencing homelessness were in one of five states: California, New York, Florida, Texas or Washington.
• In January 2018, 3,900 people were staying in sheltered locations specifically reserved for people displaced by presidentially declared national disasters. These people were displaced from areas struck by Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, Maria and Nate, as well as regions hit by Western wildfires and other storms or natural disasters.
Largest changes in homeless people in families with children
Among the top factors driving the increase in homelessness is the drastic rise in housing costs in major cities. This is exacerbated by the continuation of wage stagnation, despite a near-record low official unemployment rate.
According to the report, over half of all people experiencing homelessness resided in one of the nation’s 50 largest cities. The most notable increase took place in King County, Washington, which includes Seattle, the sixth most expensive city in the US. Homelessness rates there rose by 4 percent.
In New York City, where the critical loss of affordable housing is well documented, homelessness increased by 2.8 percent. The report revealed that nearly three in 10 people in families that experience homelessness in the US do so in New York, which has an estimated 52,070 people in homeless families.
The rise in homelessness among people in families with children increased in 12 states between 2017 and 2018. The largest increases were in Connecticut, which experienced a 44 percent increase (516 more people in homeless families with children), and Massachusetts, which saw a 17 percent rise (1,959 more people).
The results of the HUD homeless report are damning, and even more so when one considers its significant limitations. The data largely comes from locally conducted “point in time” surveys, which are nearly a year old. This method of data collection involves teams of government workers who take a headcount of everyone they can find living outside on a single night in January.
Homeless man in New York City, Credit: WIkipedia user Lujoma ny
In addition, a number of communities did not participate at all in the 2018 national count, including San Francisco, which has seen an immense increase in homelessness in recent years. It is likely that the number of homeless people in the United States is significantly under-reported.
Earlier this year, a report by the National Low Income Housing Coalition revealed that there does not exist a single place in the US where someone working a full-time minimum-wage job could afford to rent a modest two-bedroom apartment. A person working 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, would require a $26.87 hourly wage to afford such an apartment without spending more than 30 percent of his or her income. In the nation’s capital, Washington DC, where the current minimum wage is $13.25, one would have to earn $34.48 an hour to afford a modest two bedroom apartment.
These two reports taken together tear to shreds the notion that the Democratic Party’s “radical” demand for a $15 an hour minimum wage would seriously lessen the crisis facing workers. The cost of housing coupled with the attack on wages and full-time work has pushed hundreds of thousands of workers into precarious living situations, if not outright homelessness.
Such conditions are widespread across industries. Nearly 95 percent of the jobs created during the Obama administration were part-time, contract, on-call or temporary. This piecemeal work, referred to as the “gig” economy and cynically sold to the younger generation as “flexible” work, excludes health care and other benefits and is often unreliable.
It has become commonplace for workers to hold down two or three part-time jobs in order to make ends meet and provide for their families. Just 39 percent of Americans say they have enough savings to cover a $1,000 emergency room visit or car repair.
Out of Reach report on minimum wage
As the World Socialist Web Site has documented in the case of Texas Amazon worker Shannon Allen, who has been living out of her car for months after being injured on the job, tens of thousands of workers live one paycheck away from homelessness, though they are employed by some of the largest and richest companies in the world.
Reports have emerged this year documenting the growing number of adjunct college professors, many of whom have a Masters degree or PhD, who are forced to live in their cars. Dubbed the “fast food workers of the academic world,” a quarter of these workers are said to be enrolled in public assistance programs. During the wave of teachers’ strikes that erupted early in the year across the US, thousands of teachers spoke out about being forced because of low wages to take second and even third jobs to make ends meet.
In the auto industry, companies have entered into special “competitive cost structure” agreements with the United Auto Workers under which more experienced “legacy” workers are pushed out of the plants and replaced by low-paid, second- and third-tier workers, making as little as the $9 Michigan minimum wage.
These younger workers are often brought on as temporary part-time (TPT) employees, with no rights and no job security. They can be fired at will. They face the most brutal working conditions, as exemplified by the case of Jacoby Hennings, the 21-year-old TPT worker who held jobs simultaneously at two auto plants in Michigan and allegedly killed himself in the fall of 2017 in the UAW local union hall, under still unexplained circumstances. His story is representative of an entire generation of workers.
AHAR 2017
The statistics on rising homelessness are all the more significant when one considers that they have not only persisted, but worsened in the midst of the supposedly “booming” US economy.
In the “financial recovery” overseen by Democratic President Barack Obama and continued by Donald Trump, the ruling class has grown richer than ever. The Dow Jones Industrial Average has tripled since 2009, propped up by a new financial bubble created by the Federal Reserve’s $4 trillion in quantitative easing. As the Financial Times wrote at the end of this year’s third quarter: “For the big, diversified US banks—Bank of America, Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase and Wells Fargo—the story of the third quarter was simple: reap the benefits of a good economy, contain expenses, pay less taxes, buy back shares, and make lots of money.”
These vast fortunes were made on the backs of the working class, whose experience since the 2008 crisis has been a nightmare of immense proportions. Democratic and Republican politicians alike, at the behest of the banks and corporations, used the 2008 crash to create the best possible conditions for the financial oligarchs. This meant gutting social services, casualizing labor, loosening safety regulations and attacking healthcare and other benefits.
The indifference and contempt of the ruling class for the plight of workers is indicated by the official response to the HUD report on homelessness. It went virtually unmentioned by both big business parties and barely reported by the corporate-controlled media.
In the eyes of the banks and corporations, the chronically underemployed and unemployed are seen not as economic refugees, but as what Marx called the “industrial reserve army,” available to provide labor for sudden expansions in production while keeping wages low due to their precarious situations.

18 Dec 2018

Carrington Youth Fellowship Initiative (CYFI) 2019 for Young Nigerian Entrepreneurs

Application Deadline: 13th January, 2019

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Nigeria

To be taken at (country): Interviews follow at the US Consulate, Lagos, Nigeria

About the Award: The CYFI fellowship is built around year-long social innovation projects that are designed by fellows and supported by the U.S. Consulate and private partners. Following successful completion of their projects, fellows remain involved with CYFI and the U.S. Consulate through the CYFI Alumni Program.
Former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, Walter Carrington, was a champion of civil liberties, democracy and closer ties between the U.S. and Nigeria. CYFI invites applications from fellows who are committed to putting the ideals of Walter Carrington into practice. The CYFI Board of Directors will select fellows who demonstrate the exceptional passion, skill, experience, strategic thinking and vision necessary to implement their own innovative and impactful projects.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: 
  • Passion
    You are committed to making a significant contribution to your community and country
  • Skill & Experience
    You have a unique set of skills and experiences that you can use to make an impact
  • Strategic Thinking
    You are excited about the opportunity to launch an innovative CYFI project.
    You know how to design a project that is based on sound research, uses resources creatively, builds or improves on existing systems, and leverages partnerships with complimentary organizations
  • Vision
    You know the area of social change in which you would like to work, and you can articulate the positive change that you would like to make
Selection: Applicants selected for an interview will be notified by the CYFI Board. Interviews will be held at the U.S. Consulate General in Lagos.

Value of Program: 
  • Implement concrete, youth-oriented solutions to issues that concern you
  • Access U.S. Government resources and contacts
  • Catch the attention of American and Nigerian leaders in the public and private sectors
  • Work alongside talented and motivated peers with diverse backgrounds, but similar visions
  • Participate in CYFI Alumni Program
How to Apply:
  • In addition to providing biographical information, applicants will be asked to complete a hypothetical scenario.  All fields are required.
  • You may save the application and return to it at a later time.  Please note however that incomplete applications will not be considered.
  • To start the application, proceed to fill the form (to be available soon).
Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: An Initiative of the U.S. Consulate General, Lagos.