10 Jan 2019

Preventing the Next 26/11: Intelligence and India's Security Apparatus

Alok Joshi

There is a long-standing debate on the role, means, and end goals of intelligence. Is dissemination the purpose? Do ownership issues come into play between intelligence and law enforcement only in the event of success or failure? Such issues that bedevil the current debate are self-defeating and certainly not in consonance with the challenges that India faces. Across the world, intelligence agencies have restructured themselves to be embedded in operational work - it is no longer about 'them' and 'us'. Instead, they focus on building synergies, enhancing their technological wherewithal, and working out the best processes that can deliver the greatest advantages. For this to take place in India, there must be better dialogue between various arms of the security apparatus and serious thinking on how best to use available resources and anchoring new technologies.
The events of 26/11 provide an instructive backdrop to discuss the range of technologies that allow a state to prepare for similar security eventualities. Institutional changes are important, particularly in the interplay between intelligence and executive policing, to absorb and benefit from these technologies. This is not to critique the way events were handled in 2008, nor an attempt to cover every aspect related to it. Instead, it is a look at expanding the current discourse on the possibility of such a situation recurring, and India's preparedness to meet threats with all the resources at its command. This article will limit itself to the technologies that are available to India today, and will presuppose the development of advances in big data analytics and Artificial Intelligence (AI).
The first consideration is of the initial inputs regarding the likely threat to Mumbai from a seaborne vector, with the identification of some specific targets. It is now generally accepted that any operation of such magnitude would require advance planning of at least 3-6 months to mature and be ready for execution. What are the options if a similar threat assessment is received today? In the author's view, the initial discussion between intelligence and law enforcement should focus on a set of questions that could be instrumental in identifying gaps in existing knowledge about the nature of the threat, and help better appreciate the potentially catastrophic consequences of a likely future event:  
Why is the threat emanating at this stage?
Are there any geopolitical factors that could incite or encourage adversaries? Are there any internal political dynamics involved?
Which groups are likely to give effect to such a threat?
What is the current interplay of such groups? Are they competitive or collaborative?
What is their current standing with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)?
What are their linkages within India?
What is the information available about the principal players and their movements over the preceding months?
Today, India is in a much better position to elicit answers to these questions largely due to ingresses made into the databases of militant organisations and other key institutions in Pakistan. Photographs of affiliated activists and over ground workers culled from social media and cyber operations are now in possession - this could be the starting point of enquiries. When this stage is reached, an assessment of whether cooperation through India's liaison relationships with other countries is required for both human intelligence (HUMINT) and technical coverage must be made. For a meaningful assessment, it is essential for each agency to ensure that their databases are effectively populated and their integrity maintained.
A close look at the likely targets of any terror strike must follow. LIDAR's surveying capabilities can provide precise details of such targets; this includes not only structural details but cues to work out the best angles from which to protect or approach a target. LIDAR imagery can also create a virtual 3D environment to facilitate mock drills to familiarise security forces with the geophysical opportunities and constraints that can deter or give a fillip to operations in progress.
In addition, CCTVs are deployed on a large scale as a part of megacity policing. While they are currently utilised for post-incident investigations, the preventive aspects of CCTV coverage must also be exploited. This is possible only if there is a strong and comprehensive database of suspects that can provide comparative results. The concerned agencies can also work out algorithms to collate images of suspects, which involves specificity drawn from the generic profile construction of a militant suspect from a particular region, including voice matches. To be sure, a number of false positives may also be produced, but the exercise would still act as a sieving mechanism, and more importantly, as a deterrent.
Moving forward to the stage of operational deployment, there are now technologies available to enable close monitoring of any crisis situation and backhaul data from a variety of sources. An operations room that can monitor a developing situation in real-time and give ground feed to decision-makers is accessible to most city-based forces. In this regard, the deployment of drones along with the ops teams is critical. Drone imagery must be made available to the consumers as quickly as possible, and simultaneously fed into a centralised data base for future reference.
One of the principal requirements of policing in such situations is secure communications, both for maintaining close coordination among various teams as well as to jam those of the adversary. Today, capabilities exist to geo-fence areas in a closed environment and allow only white-listed devices to function. There is also a need to keep track of what is being projected on social media, given that exaggerated accounts or deliberate disinformation often give rise to rumour mongering and result in communal and law and order disturbances.
With the assistance of the India Navy and Coast Guard, India possesses the ability to track any non-registered shipping and also receive alerts if an Indian flag vessel is in distress in the face of a seaborne threat. Satellite communications among the suspect vessels can be closely monitored, and underwater sensors in proximity to select vulnerable targets can also be deployed.
The management of databases is going to be the key to success in policing, especially in mega-cities, in the near term. Big data offers possibilities of target discovery and locking, and the activation of various sensors available in the cyber, telecom and/or geospatial fields to take the entire exercise to its logical conclusion. One other advantage of working on databases is the availability of historic data for deeper insight. There are certain projects at various stages of fruition in the areas of smart munitions and autonomous weapons that can have a multiplier effect for India's offensive capabilities.
Community outreach is another important aspect of inter-agency coordination. This involves tapping into all stakeholders that have the expertise to offer solutions, whether government or non-government. There is considerable talent that is yet to be harnessed to develop holistic solutions for national security. Governmental process and systems, too, much be adapted to current contexts, particularly in the areas of recruitment or induction, and in procurement. It is certainly within India's capacity to configure solutions that both use existing resources and take advantage of new developments, such as the opportunities presented by technology,  to meet evolving security challenges.
No two situations develop on exactly similar trajectories, and it is possible that the next terror event is a combination of physical and cyber attacks or even low-level biological weapons. A combination of human resources and technological capability offers a template of solutions that India's senior leadership must consider in all sincerity. Institutional mechanisms, too, will need to be reassessed to give the personnel working in the technical domains due importance in the country's security architecture. Command and control structures will likely need modification to ensure that information flowing from the technical domain is absorbed, worked on and feedback given to re-calibrate sensors.
Customising available technologies as per the needs of security agencies and ensuring that they work in synergy with other wings of the police while refurbishing India's security architecture is admittedly ambitious, but it must be addressed head-on. To ensure effective outcomes from the various technologies now available, doctrines and organisational structures must be reviewed, and if need be, revised.

9 Jan 2019

Michelin Challenge Design (Fully-funded to Detroit, USA) 2019

Application Deadline: 1st March, 2019

Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): Online, Detroit, USA

About the Award: Megacities are struggling to meet the future economic, environmental, emotional and social needs for sustainable mobility in a time of rapidly changing technology.
Most discussions around the future of mobility are focused on what people will be driving, the technologies that will be used and the brands that will survive. Hundreds of billions of dollars will be spent over the next 20 years maturing the technologies and creating the devices that will be used in the sustainable mobility ecosystems of the future.
Less frequently asked is ‘why’. Why would a user choose a particular mobility system? Your design will be much deeper and more meaningful for users if you first recognize why certain emotional needs of users are important before proceeding to how you will address the needs and what your design product will be.
For the 2019 Michelin Challenge Design, your challenge is to inspire users by successfully identifying one of the following emotional needs: joy, trust, security or freedom; and designing a mobility solution that will invoke that emotion for users in one of the following megacities: Berlin, Mumbai, New York, Sao Paulo or Shanghai in 2035.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: 
  • Fans, students, individual designers, studio designers, consultants, design schools, Transportation designers, including OEM and suppliers, are all eligible to enter.
  • Michelin Challenge Design is open to residents of any country. Parents or legal guardians of entrants less than the age of majority in their state, province or country must sign the MCD Questionnaire and the MCD Entry Form. Michelin Challenge Design is void where prohibited by law. All entries for the Michelin Challenge Design must be received by August 1 of the previous year.
  • By participating you agree to be bound by the Rules and Procedures of this challenge and by the decisions of the Michelin Challenge Design Jury and of Michelin, whose decisions shall be final and binding in all respects. Any entries or displays may be withdrawn or declined for any reason at any time.
  • Entrants must include all data and information and fulfill all requirements as required by the Michelin Challenge Design Rules and Procedures and Entry Form in order for the entry to be valid. Entrants must provide all data and information that is accurate and complete. If more than one person designed an entry, all designer names must appear on the “Designer(s) Name(s)” portion of the Michelin Challenge Design Entry Form.
  • Student designers who are working with an engineering department, at a university, are required to take the lead role in the development of any submitted work. This means that the designer has final say to all technical questions that will have an impact on the functional and aesthetic result of the design work.
Selection Criteria: Jury evaluates based on the following:
  • Relevance to the theme
  • Concept originality
  • Design value and quality
  • Developmental potential
  • Design displayability.
Value of Contest: 
  • Roundtrip coach airfare to Detroit to attend 2019 North American International Auto Show (NAIAS-Detroit) for the sole designer or, in the case of a team design, one team representative. Michelin will book the airfare on your behalf; any guests will be at your expense.
  • Up to Five (5*) nights hotel accommodations in Detroit for NAIAS, including hotel internet service, room rate and taxes at a Michelin-selected hotel. You will be responsible for all other incidentals, and the hotel will ask for a credit card to cover any charges other than room, internet, and taxes.**
  • Michelin-arranged transportation from Detroit Metro Airport to Detroit hotel upon arrival and from Detroit hotel to Detroit Metro Airport at departure***
  • Travel Visa: If required and you provide Michelin with your receipt, Michelin will reimburse you the expense. This does not apply to passport fees.
  • Daily per diem of $50.00 USD/day* (maximum of $250.00 USD) for meals and miscellaneous expenses, available for you at check in to your hotel in the form of a VISA® gift card.
  • Entry credentials for Press Days and Industry Preview days at NAIAS (January 2019)
  • Invitation to attend and recognition at the private Michelin Designer’s Reception – the Monday night during press days at NAIAS – highlighted by the exposure to NAIAS, media, designers and other winners.
  • Private Portfolio Review with some members of the Michelin Challenge Design Jury
  • Recognition on www.michelinchallengedesign.com web site
  • Recognition on www.cardesignnews.com web site
  • Inclusion in Michelin Challenge Design promotional materials and events throughout the year
  • Invitation to join a new Michelin Challenge Design Alumni website
  • Michelin Challenge Design may also recognize a select number of entries for Honorable Mention which will be publicized on the Michelin Challenge Design and Car Design News web sites.
How to Apply: 
  • No purchase necessary to participate.
  • For Internet entries, visit http://www.michelinchallengedesign.com and complete and submit the online Michelin Challenge Design Entry Form with all accompanying required materials.
 Entry Portal

Visit Contest Webpage for details

Mandela Institute for Development Studies (MINDS) Diamond Empowerment Fund Scholarships 2019 for African Students

Application Deadline: Ongoing

Eligible Countries: Angola, Botswana, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Liberia, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe.

About the Award: The Fund was inspired by Nelson Mandela who encouraged DEF’s co-founders to tell the world the positive impact Africa’s diamonds were having in building healthy and educated communities on the continent.

Type: Postgraduate

Eligibility: The MINDS Diamond Empowerment Fund Scholarship will be earmarked for students from a diamond producing country whose chosen post-graduate study will be in a field that meets the needs for improving the quality of life for Africans. Preference will be given to students who want to gain critical skills in short supply on the continent, e.g. in STEM areas like biotechnology, robotics, aerospace, nanotechnology, neuroscience, artificial intelligence, ICT law, mining taxation, agriculture technology, etc.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The Scholarship will cover some or all of the expenses below, depending on whether a partial or full scholarship is awarded:
  • Tuition
  • Accommodation and meals
  • One return ticket per duration of studies
  • A fixed stipend.
How to Apply: Apply now
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage see link below) before applying
Visit Programme Webpage for Details

West African Research Association (WARA) Residency Fellowship 2019 for African Researchers

Application Deadline: 1st February 2019 11:59pm

Eligible Countries: West African countries

About the Award:  Each residency will last 4-8 weeks and will provide the visiting scholar with opportunities for library research, guest lecturing, and/or collaborative work with American colleagues.

Type: Research, Fellowship

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: WARA will pay the round-trip travel costs of the selected scholar as well as a stipend of $3500 to help cover meals and local transportation costs. Host institutions are encouraged to provide additional support in the form of housing, office space, library privileges, laboratory facilities, or other supports for the period of the residency.

Duration of Program:  4-8 weeks

How to Apply: All applications must be submitted online and will include:
  • Name and contact information for representative of WARA host institution
  • A 50-80 word abstract of the proposed residency, clearly indicating the purpose of the Residency (clearly indicate the host institution contact person)
  • A proposal of no more than six (6) double-spaced pages profiling the visiting scholar, his or her proposed residency activities, how the residency will contribute to the goals of WARA, the expected impact or outcome of the residency, and any support that the host institution is prepared to contribute
  • Curriculum vitae for the visiting scholar
  • A letter of interest from the scholar
  • A letter of support from a relevant administrator (dean, department chair, etc.) at the host institution
  • Proof of citizenship in the form of a copy of the scholar’s passport (please note: only scholars who are eligible for non-immigrant visas to the U.S. will be considered)
All applications for WARA grants, including the WARA Residency Fellowship, must be submitted through the online application.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Important Notes: Please note that applications can only be made by WARA member institutions for the purpose of bringing a specific scholar to their campus. Applications from individual scholars will not be accepted.

Aga Khan Foundation Scholarship 2019/2020 for Developing Countries (Masters & PhD)

Application Deadline: 31st March 2019. In certain countries internal deadlines may be earlier.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: The Foundation accepts applications from nationals of the following countries: Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Syria, Egypt, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Madagascar and Mozambique. In France, Portugal, UK, USA and Canada, applications are accepted from those who are originally from one of the above developing countries, are interested in development-related studies and who have no other means of financing their education.

To be taken at (country): Anywhere. However, for the 2019-20 application cycle, the Foundation will not accept applications from students planning to attend universities in UK, Germany, Sweden, Austria, Denmark, The Netherlands, Italy, Norway and Ireland.

Accepted Subject Areas? Masters and PhD focused areas are Architecture, Health, Civil Society, Planning & Building, Culture, Rural Development, Economic Development, Humanitarian Assistance, Education, Music.

About Scholarship: The Aga Khan Foundation provides a limited number of scholarships each year for postgraduate studies to outstanding students from select developing countries who have no other means of financing their studies, in order to develop effective scholars and leaders and to prepare them for employment, primarily within the AKDN. Scholarships are awarded on a 50% grant : 50% loan basis through a competitive application process once a year in June or July.
The Foundation gives priority to requests for Master’s level courses but is willing to consider applications for PhD programmes, only in the case of outstanding students who are highly recommended for doctoral studies by their professors and who need a PhD for the fulfilment of their career objectives (academic or research oriented).

Type: Masters, PhD

Selection Criteria and Eligibility: The main criteria for selecting award winners are:
  1. excellent academic records,
  2. genuine financial need,
  3. admission to a reputable institution of higher learning and
  4. thoughtful and coherent educational and career plans.
Candidates are also evaluated on their extra-curricular interests and achievements, potential to achieve their goals and likelihood to succeed in a foreign academic environment. Applicants are expected to have some years of work experience in their field of interest.
Preference is given to students under 30 years of age.

Number of Scholarships: A limited number of scholarship will be available

Value of Scholarship: The Foundation assists students with tuition fees and living expenses only. The cost of travel is not included in AKF scholarships. Applicants are requested to make every effort to obtain funding from other sources as well, so that the amount requested from the Foundation can be reduced to a minimum. Preference is given to those who have been able to secure some funding from alternative sources.

Loan Conditions: Half of the scholarship amount is considered as a loan, which must be reimbursed with an annual service charge of 5%. A guarantor is required to co-sign the loan agreement. The payback period is five years, starting six months after the study period funded by the Aga Khan Foundation.

How long will sponsorship last? For the duration of the degree programme

How to Apply:
  • Application forms can be obtained from the Aga Khan Foundation or Aga Khan Education Board/Service office in the applicant’s country of current residence
  • Completed applications should be returned to the agency from which the form was obtained, or to the address indicated on the front of the form. They should not be sent to Geneva.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for Details

Living on a Quagmire Planet: This Could Get a Lot Uglier

Tom Engelhardt


Sixty-six million years ago, so the scientists tell us, an asteroid slammed into this planet. Landing on what’s now Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula, it gouged out a crater 150 kilometers wide and put so much soot and sulfur into the atmosphere that it created what was essentially a prolonged “nuclear winter.” During that time, among so many other species, large and small, the dinosaurs went down for the count. (Don’t, however, tell that to your local chicken, the closest living relative — it’s now believed — of Tyrannosaurus Rex.)
It took approximately 66 million years for humanity to evolve from lowly surviving mammals and, over the course of a recent century or two, teach itself how to replicate the remarkable destructive power of that long-gone asteroid in two different ways: via nuclear power and the burning of fossil fuels. And if that isn’t an accomplishment for the species that likes to bill itself as the most intelligent ever to inhabit this planet, what is?
Talking about accomplishments: as humanity has armed itself ever more lethally, it has also transformed itself into the local equivalent of so many asteroids. Think, for instance, of that moment in the spring of 2003 when George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and crew launched the invasion of Iraq with dreams of setting up a Pax Americana across the Greater Middle East and beyond. By the time U.S. troops entered Baghdad, the burning and looting of the Iraqi capital had already begun, leaving the National Museum of Iraq trashed (gone were the tablets on which Hammurabi first had a code of laws inscribed) and the National Library of Baghdad, with its tens of thousands of ancient manuscripts, in flames. (No such “asteroid” had hit that city since 1258, when Mongol warriors sacked it, destroying its many libraries and reputedly leaving the Tigris River running “black with ink” and red with blood.)
In truth, since 2003 the Greater Middle East has never stopped burning, as other militaries — Afghan, Iranian, Iraqi, Israeli, Russian, Saudi, Syrian, Turkish — entered the fray, insurgent groups rose, terror movements spread, and the U.S. military never left. By now, the asteroidal nature of American acts in the region should be beyond question. Consider, for example, the sainted retired general and former secretary of defense, Jim “Mad Dog” Mattis, the man who classically said of an Iraqi wedding party (including musicians) that his troops took out in 2004, “How many people go to the middle of the desert… to hold a wedding 80 miles from the nearest civilization?” Or consider that, in the very same year, Mattis and the 1st Marine Division he commanded had just such an impact on the Iraqi city of Fallujah, leaving more than 75% of it in rubble.
Or focus for a moment on the destruction caused by some combination of U.S. air power, ISIS suicide bombers, artillery, and mortars that, in seven months of fighting in 2017, uprooted more than a million people from the still largely un-reconstructed Iraqi city of Mosul (where 10 million tons of rubble are estimated to remain). Or try to bring to mind the rubblized city of Ramadi. Or consider the destruction of the Syrian city of Raqqa, the former “capital” of ISIS’s caliphate, left more than 80% “uninhabitable” after the U.S. (and allied) air forces dropped 20,000 bombs on it. All are versions of the same phenomenon.
And yet when it comes to asteroids and the human future, one thing should be obvious. Such examples still represent relatively small-scale local impacts, given what’s to come.
The Wars From Hell
If you happened to be an Afghan, Iraqi, Libyan, Syrian, Somali, or Yemeni in the twenty-first century, can there be any question that life would have seemed asteroidal to you? What Osama bin Laden began with just 19 fanatic followers and four hijacked commercial airliners the U.S. military continued across the Greater Middle East and North Africa as if it were the force from outer space (which, in a sense, it was). It doesn’t matter whether you’re talking about cities turned to rubble, civilians slaughtered, wedding parties obliterated, populations uprooted and sent into various forms of exile, the transformation of former nations (however autocratic) into failed states, or the spread of terrorism. It’s been quite a story.  More than 17 years and at least $5.6 trillion after the Bush administration launched its Global War on Terror, can there be any question that the wildest dreams of Osama bin Laden have been more than fulfilled? And it’s not faintly over yet.
More remarkable still, just about all of this has largely been ignored in the country that functionally made it so. If you asked most Americans, they would certainly know that almost 3,000 civilians were slaughtered in the terror attacks of 9/11, but how many (if any) would be aware of the several hundred civilians — brides, grooms, revelers, you name it — similarly slaughtered in what were, in essence, U.S. terror attacks against multiple wedding parties in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Yemen? And that’s just to begin to mention the kinds of destruction that have gone on largely unnoticed here.
In the first 18 years of this century, tens of millions of people have been uprooted and displaced — more than 13 million in Syria alone — from what had been their homes, lives, and worlds. Many of them were sent fleeing into countries like Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. Sooner or later, more than one million Syrians made it to Europe and 21,000 even made it to the United States. In the process, Washington’s wars (and the conflicts that unfolded from them) unsettled ever more of the planet in much the way those particulates in the atmosphere did the world of 66 million years ago. So consider it an irony that, here in the U.S., so few connections have been made between such events and an unceasing series of American conflicts across the Greater Middle East and Africa — or that the thought of even the mildest sorts of retreats from any of those battlegrounds instantly leaves political and national security elites in Washington (and the media that cover them) in an uproar of horror.
Consider this a tale of imperial power gone awry that — were anyone here truly paying attention — could hardly have been uglier. And no matter what happens from here on, it’s hard to imagine how things won’t, in fact, get uglier still. I’m not just thinking about Donald Trump’s Washington in 2019, where such ugliness is par for the course. I’m thinking about all of those lands affected by America’s unending post-9/11 wars (and the catastrophic American-backed Saudi one in Yemen that goes with them) — about, that is, the region and the conflicts from which Donald Trump sorta, maybe, in the most limited of ways was threatening to begin pulling back as last year ended and about which official Washington promptly went nuts.
We’re talking, of course, about the conflicts from hell that have long been labeled “the war on terror” but — given the spread of terror groups and the rise of the anti-immigrant right in Europe and the United States — should probably have been called “the war for terror” or the “war from hell.” And it’s this that official Washington and much of the mainstream media can’t imagine getting rid of or out of.
Naturally, doing so will be ugly. In functionally admitting to a kind of defeat (even if the president insists on calling it victory), Washington will be tossing aside allies — Kurds, Afghans, and others — and leaving those who don’t deserve such a fate in so many ditches (just as it did in Vietnam long ago). Worse yet, it will be leaving behind a part of the world that, on its watch, became not just a series of failed or semi-failed states, but a failed region. It will be leaving behind populations armed to the teeth, bereft of normal lives, or often of any sort of life at all, and of hope. It will be leaving behind a generation of children robbed of their futures and undoubtedly mad as hell. It will be leaving behind those cities in rubble and a universe of refugees and insurgents galore. Even if ISIS doesn’t rebound, don’t imagine that other horrors can’t arise in such circumstances and amid such wreckage. Ugly will be the word for it.
And for some of that ugliness, you can indeed thank Donald Trump, whether he withdraws American troops from Syria, as promised, or not. After all, here’s the strange thing: though no one in Washington or elsewhere in this country had paid more than passing attention to it, the recent Syrian “withdrawal” decision wasn’t The Donald’s first. Last March, he “froze” $200 million that had been promised for Syrian aid and reconstruction, money that assumedly might have gone to derubblizing parts of that country — and rather than being up in arms about it, rather than offering a crescendo of criticism (as with his recent decision to withdraw troops), rather than resignations and protests, official Washington and the media that covers it just shrugged their collective shoulders. It couldn’t have been uglier, but Washington was unfazed.
As for countermanding the president’s order and staying, we already know what more than 17 years of endless American war have delivered to that region (as well as subtracted from the American treasury). What would another two, four, or eight years of — to use a fairly recent Pentagon term — “infinite war” mean? Here’s one thing for sure: ugly wouldn’t even cover it. And keep in mind that, despite Donald Trump’s recent Syrian and Afghan decisions (both of which are reversible), so much of what passes for American war in this century, including the particularly grim Saudi version of it in Yemen and those Air Force and CIA drone assassination strikes across much of the region, has shown little sign of abating anytime soon.
Using Up Precious Time
And then, of course, there’s that other issue, the one where withdrawal can’t come into play, the one where ugly doesn’t even begin to cover the territory.
In case you haven’t instantly guessed — and I suspect you have — I’m thinking about what’s happening to the place known to its English-speaking inhabitants as Earth. It no longer takes a scientist or a probing intelligence to know that the planet that welcomed humanity all these thousands of years has begun to appear a good deal less gracious thanks to humanity’s burning of fossil fuels and the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. By now, no matter where you live, you should know the litany well enough, including (just to start down a long list): temperatures that are soaring and only promise to rise yet more; a record melting of Arctic ice; a record heating of ocean waters; ever fiercer storms; ever fiercer wildfires(and ever longer fire seasons); rising sea levels that promise to begin drowning coastal cities sometime later this century; the coming of mega-droughts and devastating heat waves (that by 2100 may, for instance, make the now heavily populated North China plain uninhabitable).
Nor do you have to be a scientist these days to draw a few obvious conclusions about trends on a planet where the last four years are the hottest on record and 20 of the last 22 years qualify as the warmest yet. And keep in mind that most of this was already clear enough at the moment in planetary history when a near-majority of Americans elected as president an ardent climate-change denier, as were so many in the party of which he became the orange-haired face. And also keep in mind that the very term climate-change denier no longer seems faintly apt as a description for him, “his” party, or the crew he’s put in control of the government. Instead, they are proving to be the most enthusiastic group of climate-change aiders and abettors imaginable.
In other words, the administration heading the country that, historically, has been the largest emitter of greenhouse gases is now in the business — from leaving the Paris climate accord to opening the way for methane gas releases, from expanding offshore drilling to encouraging Arctic drilling, from freeing coal plants to release more mercury into the atmosphere to rejecting its own climate-change study — of doing more of the same until the end of time. And that’s certainly a testament to something. Ultimately, though, what it’s doing may be less important than what it isn’t doing. On a planet on which, according to the latest U.N. report, there are only perhaps a dozen years left to keep the long-term global temperature rise under 1.5 degrees centigrade, the Trump administration is wasting time in the worst way imaginable.
An Asteroidal Future
Even 18 years into a series of “quagmire” Middle Eastern wars, the U.S. could still withdraw from them, however ugly the process might be. It could indeed bring the troops home; it could ground the drones; it could downsize the Special Operations forces that now add up to a secret army of 70,000 (larger than the armies of many nations) at present deployed to much of the globe. It could do many things.
What Washington can’t do — what we can’t do — is withdraw from the Earth, which is why we are now living on what I increasingly think of as a quagmire planet.
In the 1960s, that word, quagmire (“a bog having a surface that yields when stepped on”), and its cognates — swamp, sinkhole, morass, quicksand, bottomless pit — were picked up across the spectrum of American politics and applied to the increasingly disastrous war in Vietnam. It was an image that robbed Washington of much of its responsibility for that conflict. The quagmire itself was at fault — or as historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., put it at the time: “And so the policy of ‘one more step’ lured the United States deeper and deeper into the morass… until we find ourselves entrapped in that nightmare of American strategists, a land war in Asia.”
Embedded in the war talk of those years, quagmire was, in fact, not a description of the war as much as a worldview imposed on it. That image turned Vietnam into the aggressor, transferring agency for all negative action to the land itself, which had trapped us and wouldn’t let us go, even as that land was devalued. After all, to the Vietnamese, their country was anything but a quagmire. It was home and the American decision to be there a form of hated or desired (or sometimes, among America’s allies there, both hated and desired) intervention. Much the same could be said, of course, of the Greater Middle East in this century.
When it comes to this planet in the era of climate change, however, quagmire seems like a far more appropriate image, as long as we keep in mind that we are the aggressors. It is we who are burning those fossil fuels. It is, as our president loves to put it, “American energy dominance” that is threatening to submerge Miami, Shanghai, and other coastal cities in the century to come. It is the urge of the Trump administration to kneecap the development of alternative energies, while promoting coal, oil, and natural gas production that is threatening the human future. It is the acts and attitudes of Trumpian-like figures from Poland to Saudi Arabia to Brazil that threaten our children and grandchildren into the distant future, that threaten, in fact, to turn the Earth itself into a rubblized, ravaged planet. It is Vladimir Putin’s Russian petro-state that is at work creating a future swamp of destruction in the Arctic and elsewhere. It is a Chinese inability to truly come to grips with its use of coal (not to mention the way it’s exporting coal plants to Africa and elsewhere) that threatens to make our world into a morass. It is the lack of any urge on the part of fossil fuel CEOs to “keep it in the ground” that will potentially take humanity down for the count.
In that context, think of the man who, from his earliest moments in the Oval Office, wanted to withdraw the United States from the Paris climate agreement, filled his cabinet with climate-change aiders and abettors, was desperate to obliterate his predecessor’s modest steps on climate change, and never saw a coal mine, oil rig, or fracking outfit he didn’t love as the latest asteroid to hit Planet Earth. Under the circumstances, if the rest of us don’t get ourselves together, we are likely to be the dinosaurs of the Anthropocene era.
Donald Trump himself is, of course, just a tiny, passing fragment of human history. Already 72, he will undoubtedly be taken down by a Big Mac attack or something else in the years to come and most of his record will become just so much human history. But on this single subject, his impact threatens to be anything but a matter of human history. It threatens to play out on a time scale that should boggle the mind.
He is a reminder that, on this quagmire planet of ours, we — the rest of us — have no place to go, despite NASA’s plans to send humans to Mars, the rise of privatized projects for space tourism, and a Chinese spacecraft’s landing on the far side of the moon. So, if we care about our children and grandchildren, as 2019 begins there is no time to spare and no more burning issue on Planet Earth than this.

Land Grabbers: the Threat of Giant Agriculture

Evaggelos Vallianatos

In the 1980s, I met a retired general at a Borders bookstore in northern Virginia. He used to buy tons of military history books. I used to buy environmental and classics books. We started talking about books. But, slowly, in our discussion of Latin America, I criticized American policies, especially the immoral support of  landlords against landless peasants.
“If I knew you a few years ago, I would take you outside the town and shoot you,” he said to me.
I dismissed this vicious threat as a sign the old man was crazy. But the threat, nevertheless, mirrors the invisible war around farming, food, and the environment. I felt the tension of that ceaseless war for decades.
Agrarian reform
In January 28 – February 1, 1992, I was attending an international climate and development conference in Brazil. I was one of the speakers addressing agrarian reform.
I argued that it was necessary for governments and international institutions to protect peasant farmers from the violence of large industrialized farmers. Moreover, Brazil and many other countries, including the United States, should give land to peasants and very small family farmers because the farming they practice has had negligible impact on climate change. In contrast, agribusiness and, especially animal farms, are having significant effects on global warming.
Taking this position in 1992, apparently, was controversial. Once at the conference in the gorgeous city of Fortaleza, Ceara, Northeast Brazil, I learned I would not be delivering my paper. Instead, I joined a few professors in a small room wasting our time: debating agrarian reform and drawing recommendations destined to oblivion.
Fear in the countryside
This is just one example of what happens to unwelcomed ideas. Governments ignore or suppress them. Powerful media refuse to publish them. Advocates of those ideas often abandon them. Sometimes, they risk death.
That study opened my eyes to the injustices and violence of modern industrialized agriculture. This is agriculture in name only. It is rather a factory exploiting land, crops, animals and people. It is armed by weaponized science, large machinery, synthetic fertilizers and pesticides and, since the mid-1990s, genetic engineering.
Farmers immersed in this mechanical and chemical farming are pretty much divorced from democratic or ecological concerns and politics. They convince themselves they own the world. They have no trouble in poisoning and even destroying the land, which they own by the thousands of acres.
I wrote Fear in the Countryside as a historian. I knew that large-scale farming in antiquity and the dark ages institutionalized slavery and brought the collapse of nations and civilizations.
Giant agriculture has been having similar effects on us and our civilization.
I caught a glimpse of that scary reality during my tenure at the US Environmental Protection Agency. I studied American agriculture in depth.
American agriculture
I was astonished by the insistence of the leaders of American agriculture their model was the best: the world’s farmers should become like those of Iowa; I could not explain their obsession with gigantic monopolies and farms; I was outraged agricultural schools have been serving agribusiness; and I found it unfathomable that farmers are destroying the soil and poisoning the water with deleterious pesticides and fertilizers. And, ironically, I found myself serving a toothless regulatory bureaucracy doing the bidding of agribusiness.
These bad practices have been spreading the world over.
The peasant model
Timothy Wise, a senior researcher at the Small Planet Institute and Tufts University, explains why. His timely and important book, Eating Tomorrow: Agribusiness, Family Farmers, and the Battle for the Future of Food (The New Press, February 2019) summarizes the invisible war of agribusiness against peasants and family farmers. He gathered his data in Iowa, Mexico, India, Mozambique, Malawi, and Zambia.
He found Iowa “blanketed in genetically modified corn and soybeans, dotted with industrial hog factories and ethanol refineries.”
In Mexico, India and Africa, Wise talked to peasants who raise about 70 percent of the food in their countries. They do that without any support from their governments and international farm assistance organizations. In addition, these peasants raise food in traditional ways enriching the soil and diminishing the harsh realities of climate change. And yet, despite these achievements, both governments and foreign food assistance experts are ridiculing them and, often, grab their land. That’s why, Wise says, peasants describe foreign-funded agriculture as land grabbing.
Wise also observed the foreign philanthropic, agribusiness and government coalitions pressuring the peasants to abandon their native seeds, crop diversity, and “patient soil-building practices” for growing one crop wholly dependent on petrochemicals and GMOS.
Most peasants turn them down.
The agribusiness coalition, however, has plenty of land for transplanting the Iowa model of farming – despite global warming and the repeated failures of the “green revolution” to gain a foothold in Africa. The green revolution is the slogan of agribusiness.
For example, the Gates Foundation, the largest international aid farm donor, has been pushing the agenda of agribusiness in Africa.
The agribusiness danger
The agribusiness forces causing food and environmental chaos in 2019 are not that much  different than those I detected and denounced in 1976. Large farmers (American and non-American), agribusiness producing pesticides, fertilizers, machinery and seeds. GMOs entered the fray in the mid-1990s.
This phalanx of agribusiness power also includes tainted philanthropic foundations, the World Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and governments.
Wise sheds light on the social and ecological harm of the global domination of agribusiness: massive world hunger, especially in Africa and India; loss of 25 million acres of crop land every year; too much synthetic fertilizers in the fields of farmers, year in and year out, are causing the contamination of groundwater and the acidification of the natural world, including the decline of the organic matter and microbial diversity of the land.
The fertilizer not used by the crop escapes the land as nitrous oxide, an extremely damaging greenhouse gas.
Animal farms also contaminate the atmosphere with huge amounts of global warming gases. Wise says that the top 20 animal farms (global livestock conglomerates) together emit into the atmosphere more global warming gases than countries such as Germany, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom or France.
Obviously, time is running out for agribusiness. A former senior UN official, Olivier De Schutter, agrees. He urges the world to make “a decisive shift away from the agribusiness model.” Millions of peasants and small family farmers could not agree more.
Read Eating Tomorrow. No civilized human being is a cannibal. Tomorrow belongs to the future.
This book promises to outrage and inform you to say no to agribusiness. It’s well-written, inspiring, and incisive.