8 Feb 2021

Recent developments in Manaus, Brazil raise many issues about the future course of the COVID-19 pandemic

Benjamin Mateus


The health care system in the Brazilian city of Manaus, capital of Amazonas state, has been in a state of collapse for several weeks as a second wave of coronavirus has devastated the region. The onslaught began in late December and had been overtaxing the limited resources of the sprawling urban industrialized center, situated in the middle of the Amazon rainforest.

On January 8, the city declared a state of emergency in the face of the rapidly mounting cases. Refrigerated containers were returned to the hospitals to assist in storing bodies. Local officials informed the health ministry, warning that oxygen supplies would run out in a week, to no avail.

In a video published online, describing the asphyxiation of patients from lack of medicinal oxygen, Mario Vianna, the president of the Doctors Trade Unions of Amazonas, said, “patients are staying alive due to the efforts of medical professionals, nurses and technicians. … this is a terrible situation which we have feared would happen and denounced. At this moment, I appeal to all of the authorities so that they can unite so that we can urgently find a solution.”

The Port of Manaus (Wikimedia Commons)

Only neighboring Venezuela immediately responded to the crisis, offering the governor of Amazonas, Wilson Lima, a stooge of the fascist President Jair Bolsonaro, “all the necessary oxygen to attend the public health crisis in Manaus.”

According to the daily newspaper, Folha de S. Paulo, as of February 4, 366 of the 379 public ICU beds in Manaus were occupied. The adult ICU bed occupancy rate is at 101 percent, with 285 beds available and 288 patients being treated. Though the recent oxygen crisis has been temporarily stabilized, there is limited capacity to generate more. The city’s death rate of 190 per 100,000 is the highest in all of Brazil. The cumulative toll for the state of Amazonas is more than 280,000 cases and more than 8,800 deaths.

With Manaus’s health system inundated with patients, remote towns upriver in the rural Amazon region cannot refer critically ill patients to the metropolis and must fend for themselves. According to Doctors Without Borders, this is “creating a devastating knock-on effect in these communities.”

Last week, the transfer list of patients waiting for a bed had grown to 568 people, of whom 120 of them were waiting for a place in the ICU. Additionally, the Ministry of Health is looking to transfer approximately 1,500 patients to Manaus to alleviate units in neighboring Brazilian states that are even less developed, such as Rondônia.

Amazon Rainforest (Wikimedia Commons)

In a report published on January 22 in Globo, the government of Amazonas predicted that the burden on the health system would grow even more dire this month. They estimated that the demand for medicinal oxygen would rise at least 70 percent higher than on January 14, when hospitals in Manaus ran out of oxygen, leading to dozens of patient deaths. With the beginning of the rainy season, other respiratory diseases are expected to aggravate matters.

Some families that can afford to buy the necessary oxygen tanks and supplies have made makeshift ICU rooms in their homes, hiring caregivers to assist in nursing their loved ones. The chaos surrounding the hospitals has left the population mistrustful. Many protested Bolsonaro and his government’s lack of any appreciable response by banging pans and pots from their balconies.

Much attention has recently been focused on this region by scientists and epidemiologists. An oft-cited seroprevalence study, carried out in Manaus was first presented in a preprint in September, followed by minor revisions, and then published in the journal Science in mid-December, had calculated the COVID-19 attack rate for the metropolitan city at three-quarters of the population.

The study estimated that 76 percent of the population had developed immunity to the COVID-19 coronavirus in the months since the pandemic first hit the region in March, leading to claims that Manaus had passed the theoretical herd immunity threshold of 65 percent, and was therefore safe from future surges. When the second wave slammed into the community after Christmas, it came as a complete and devastating shock, especially to the scientists who carried out the investigation.

The confluence of the Negro and Solimoes Rivers (Wikimedia Commons)

Manaus, the seventh-largest city in Brazil, is home to more than 2.2 million people. It sits at the confluence of the Negro and Solimões rivers, where they form the Amazon River proper. It is a manufacturing base for motorcycles, electronics, chemical products and soap, with a free port and international airport. Agricultural products include exports of Brazil nuts, rubber, jute and rosewood oil.

The Amazon River and its multitude of tributaries are essential for South America’s life, sustaining some 30 million people, mainly in Brazil but including parts of a half dozen neighboring countries. Ferries and various ships navigate through these channels for hundreds of miles, connecting communities by moving goods and supplies into forested regions impossible to traverse overland. Passengers packed in these ships, asleep in hammocks, side by side for days before they reach their destinations, have been critical factors in spreading the coronavirus.

The pandemic reached Manaus in early March, reportedly via a 49-year-old woman who had flown back from London. Within six weeks, the toll on the city reached horrific proportions. The incidence of cases reached its peak in early May and then tapered off throughout most of the year.

In an attempt to calculate the impact of the first wave on the region, Dr. Lewis Buss and Dr. Ester Sabino, colleagues from the University of Sao Paulo, in conjunction with international collaborators, conducted a seroprevalence study using serum from blood donors in Manaus from February to October to determine the percentage of the population who had developed antibodies to the virus.

The provocative title to their study, which caught the attention of the media, was “Three-quarters attack rate of SARS-CoV-2 in the Brazilian Amazon during a largely unmitigated epidemic.”

The authors wrote, “Although the ideal design to determine the prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 infection is a population-based sample, this approach is time-consuming and expensive.” Instead of a random sample, they used blood donors who had been encouraged to give blood with the promise of a COVID-19 test. The inevitable result of such a procedure was to find an extremely high “attack rate,” i.e., to find that many, if not most people in Manaus had developed antibodies to the coronavirus.

Earliest detection of P.1 lineage (Credit:The Lancet)

The study, based on nearly 1,000 new samples each month, found that the incidence of COVID-19 was only 5 percent in April but had climbed steeply by May to 40 percent. By June, the attack rate had reached 66 percent, and in October, it had reached 76 percent.

Critics faulted the study for using a sample of blood donors motivated by the promise of free COVID-19 tests. They argued that infected patients might prefer to donate blood to know their status. In contrast, those who know they are not infected may potentially not expose themselves. Therefore, the study results are skewed toward those with infections, and would overestimate the actual attack rate.

University of Sao Paulo epidemiologist Paulo Lotufo said it most succinctly, “There is a single research carried out on blood donors with several assumptions, which leads to several limitations in the generalization of the findings … reading that article does not allow reaching the conclusion already exposed in the title.” He warned that ignorance “or bad faith” characterized those who were using the study to argue that herd immunity had been reached in Manaus.

During the same time, another less-mentioned study conducting a nationwide serologic household survey found that by June, only 14 percent of Manaus’s population had been infected. Though this study has its methodological concerns, the divergence in results should have led to a scientific debate because the conclusions raised significant public health concerns.

Underscoring the critical concerns raised by these scientists, the virus has taken a savage new turn in Manaus. In December, Sao Paulo’s Institute of Tropical Medicine and Department of Infectious Diseases, in collaboration with Imperial College, London, detected a new variant circulating in the population.

They named the new lineage, P.1, which possesses several mutations found in the UK and South African variants. However, they acknowledged that P.1 developed independently of the other two. They found the P.1 variant in 13 out of 31 (42 percent) of PCR-positive samples collected between December 15 and 23. When they updated their results two weeks later, the P.1 mutation frequency between December 15 and 31 had risen to 52.2 percent. They detected the P.1 lineage in 41 out of 48 samples, or 85.4 percent, for January.

The same group that had conducted the seroprevalence study issued an urgent comment on their findings on the new lineage in the Lancet on January 27, 2021. As their figure shows, the increase in excess deaths and hospitalizations appeared to follow the P.1 lineage rise.

While they offer no less than four possible alternative explanations for the sudden increase in cases of COVID-19 in a city that presumably had achieved herd immunity, the simplest explanation is that the earlier study was highly problematic and its figures were seized on for reasons of political expediency, to justify the lifting of procedures which restricted economic activity in order to contain the pandemic.

There nonetheless remains the possibility that the new P.1 lineage is more dangerous and more infectious. The most recent study urges: “the genetic, immunological, clinical, and epidemiological characteristics of these SARS-CoV-2 variants need to be quickly investigated.” That is no doubt an urgent necessity.

The issues raised by this focus on Manaus highlights the importance that the science behind the pandemic needs to be evaluated thoroughly and afforded a proper critique within the scientific communities and not cherry-picked based on political expediency.

The UK’s experience with the B.1.1.7 variant demonstrated that the lockdowns and stringent contact restrictions and social distancing efforts that drove the first wave of infections down have entirely failed this time around as incidence rates had tripled.

In the US, the Democratic Party and the Biden administration are eager to force schools to open and stay open. The recent drop in cases is being used as a pretext to begin opening small businesses and venues as well. Dr. Michael Osterholm has warned that with the UK variant becoming dominant in the US, conditions are ripe for a massive spring resurgence of the virus. However, the corporate media is seeking to lull the population into complacency in order to promote the herd immunity policy.

The events in Manaus have significance for the rest of the world as the working class is in an existential struggle with the ruling class against the drive to return to economic normalcy at any cost. No nation is even close to herd immunity to risk the safety and well-being of their population. It is high time that the virus is afforded the appropriate concerns as a threat to humanity. Swift and deliberate measures must be taken to contain the pandemic and initiate an international coordinated vaccine initiative unparalleled in human history to end this pandemic.

Czech Republic clinics collapse as pandemic rages

Markus Salzmann


The coronavirus pandemic is assuming increasingly dramatic forms in the Czech Republic. Across the country an average of 9,000 new infections are being reported daily and around 400 people admitted to hospitals due to COVID-19. Clinics in the west of the country are hopelessly overrun and, in some regions, no intensive care beds remain available.

In the region around Karlovy Vary and Pilsen, intensive care treatment capacity has been exhausted. Every day, patients are transferred by helicopter from the municipal hospital in Cheb to other parts of the country where treatment is still possible.

Residents of the border region have launched an online petition titled, “Open the borders for ambulances,” which received over 3,000 signatures in a very short period of time. The Czech health minister, Jan Blatny, has rejected any transfer of patients to German hospitals only a few kilometres away, as long as intensive care beds are free in other parts of the country. The transport to such facilities, sometimes hundreds of kilometres away, is an enormous burden for seriously ill patients.

Healthcare workers move a COVID-19 patient to the Motol hospital in Prague, Czech Republic. (AP Photo/Petr David Josek, FILE)

In the capital city of Prague, the seven-day incidence (infections per 100,000 inhabitants) is over 310 and even exceeds 1,000 in Cheb and in Trutnov to the north. On the German side of the border, high numbers of infections have also been reported in the border region. According to the Robert Koch Institute (RKI), the districts of Hof and Tirschenreuth have the highest number of COVID-19 infections in Germany, with a seven-day incidence of 379 and 351 respectively.

Last Wednesday, the number of infected people in the Czech Republic exceeded 1 million. On the same day, the country, with about 10.7 million inhabitants, recorded 16,545 deaths. Mortality rose by 15 percent last year, the highest rate since World War II. Around 129,100 people died in the country in 2020, an increase of 17,000 compared to 2019, according to the Czech Statistical Office (ČSÚ). More than 11,000 of this increase in deaths were connected to coronavirus infection, according to health authorities.

The situation in the country’s clinics and health facilities can only be described as catastrophic. Up until last week, more than 4,050 clinic workers had been infected. The remaining doctors and nurses have been working to the point of exhaustion for months, and clinics are only able to stay operative due to support from volunteers. A field hospital built specifically to treat 500 coronavirus patients is currently being dismantled. Deputy Health Minister Vladimir Cerny admitted that the hospital could not be put into operation due to a lack of staff.

The consequences for the population are also far-reaching in economic and social terms. Unemployment has risen by around 2 percent since 2019 and a record number of bankruptcies are forecast for this year. In 2020, the Czech Republic experienced its weakest economic performance since it split from Slovakia in 1993, with gross domestic product falling by 5.6 percent.

In the border regions with Germany and Austria, thousands of commuters are affected by the border closures. Those who test positive are often unable to carry out their work in the neighbouring country and may lose their jobs as a result. Entry into the Czech Republic is now only possible for non-Czech citizens in exceptional cases.

The extreme intensification of the situation was foreseeable months ago and is entirely due to the policy of the government in Prague. The ruling minority coalition of the neo-liberal ANO and Social Democrats (CSSD) relies on the support of the Communist Party (KSCM). After a brief lockdown last spring the coalition reopened businesses and schools and withdrew all previous health and safety measures.

Only after the situation escalated dramatically did the government decide to introduce a few half-hearted measures in December. Prime Minister Andrej Babis, himself a major entrepreneur and multimillionaire, stated unequivocally that there would be no lockdown of businesses and industries comparable to that imposed in the spring.

Even the measures due to come into force on Friday are insufficient to improve the situation. Although non-essential shops, restaurants and hairdressers are to be closed down, businesses and industries will remain open and in-person instruction will be allowed in some schools. The obligation to wear FFP2 face masks, which is mandatory in neighbouring countries, remains a mere recommendation in the Czech Republic.

It is evident that the entire political elite of the country is pursuing a policy of herd immunity. Right-wing parties and movements are able to hold demonstrations with several thousand participants opposing lockdown and safety measures. In January, ex-President Vaclav Klaus appeared at a demonstration of ultra-right forces demanding an end to all measures to curtail the pandemic under the slogan “Let’s open up the Czech Republic.”

Conflicts over the coronavirus countermeasures are also brewing within the government. The Stalinist KSCM has adopted the policy of the ultra-right and fascists and is threatening to withdraw its support for the minority government if the measures taken to contain the pandemic are extended beyond February 14.

KSCM leader Vojtěch Filip pointed out that his party had only voted in December for an extension of the current state of emergency with reservations. Among other issues, the KSCM had demanded a return to in-person teaching and the opening up of ski resorts. The ruling parties depend on the support of the KSCM to pass the budget and have agreed to hold further talks.

Popular opposition to the criminal policies of the established parties has been expressed in a wave of resignations. The Social Democrats, which, like the KSCM, emerged from the former ruling Stalinist party of Czechoslovakia, are losing members in droves. Last year alone, 2,000 members left the party. Currently party membership is just over 11,000, less than half the total from 10 years ago.

The ANO, which was founded with extensive funding from the current head of government Babis, is also in deep crisis. Several hundred members and an entire regional grouping have quit the party. The official membership of the leading government party is currently 2,800. According to its own figures, the KSCM lost around 2,000 members last year.

British Medical Journal calls pandemic response “social murder”

Andre Damon


On Thursday, the BMJ (formerly, British Medical Journal ) published an editorial accusing the world’s governments of “social murder” in their collective response to the pandemic.

The BMJ is one of the world’s oldest and most prestigious medical periodicals, with a publication history going back to 1840. Its editorial, “Covid-19: Social murder, they wrote—elected, unaccountable, and unrepentant,” is signed by executive editor Kamran Abbasi. It is a devastating indictment of policies implemented over the past year that have led to the deaths of more than two million of people.

Mortician Triston McAuliff works in a cooler holding deceased people Thursday, Jan. 28, 2021, in Springfield, Mo. (AP Photo/Charlie Riedel)

“Murder,” the editorial begins, “is an emotive word. In law, it requires premeditation. Death must be deemed to be unlawful. How could ‘murder’ apply to failures of a pandemic response?” The BMJ then goes on to argue that the term is entirely appropriate:

When politicians and experts say that they are willing to allow tens of thousands of premature deaths for the sake of population immunity or in the hope of propping up the economy, is that not premeditated and reckless indifference to human life? If policy failures lead to recurrent and mistimed lockdowns, who is responsible for the resulting non-covid excess deaths? When politicians willfully neglect scientific advice, international and historical experience, and their own alarming statistics and modelling because to act goes against their political strategy, is that lawful? Is inaction, action?

“At the very least,” the BMJ writes, “covid-19 might be classified as ‘social murder,’” pointing to the use of the term by the socialist leader Friedrich Engels in “describing the political and social power held by the ruling elite over the working classes in 19th century England.”

The editorial savages the lying justifications of capitalist politicians, who “say they have done all they can or that the pandemic was uncharted territory; there was no playbook. None of these are true. They are self-serving political lies from the ‘gaslighters in chief’ around the globe.”

The characterization by the BMJ of the response to the pandemic is entirely accurate. Around the world, politicians deliberately and knowingly handicapped government responses to the pandemic, often claiming that the mass infection of the population was desirable—in a policy dubbed “herd immunity.”

“It’s not possible to stop everyone getting it, and it’s also not desirable because you want some immunity in the population,” declared Sir Patrick Vallance, the chief scientific adviser to the Boris Johnson government in the UK. In Sweden, state epidemiologist Anders Tegnell demanded that schools remain open to further spread the disease, declaring, “One point might speak for keeping schools open in order to reach herd immunity more quickly.”

In the United States, US President Donald Trump demanded that his government “slow the testing down,” in order to conceal the scale of the disease from the population throughout 2020. “I wanted to always play it down,” Trump told journalist Bob Woodward in March.

Not only Trump, but members of Congress in both political parties were fully briefed on the massive threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, but they refused to alert the public, encouraging the population to travel, go to restaurants, and send their children to school.

The policies of governments have been dictated by one overriding priority: No measures could be taken to stop the spread of the virus that impinged on the interests of the financial oligarchy. The slogan, “the cure can’t be worse than the disease,” first coined by New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, meant in practice that the necessary measures to stop the virus—including the shutdown of non-essential production, with full income to all workers—were unacceptable to the ruling class.

These social interests dictated not only the initial cover-up of the pandemic, but also the premature reopening of schools and workplaces, which helped fuel a massive resurgence that has taken the lives of hundreds of thousands of people since the lifting of partial lockdowns in the spring.

In its most damning passage, the BMJ concludes, “The ‘social murder’ of populations is more than a relic of a bygone age. It is very real today, exposed and magnified by covid-19. It cannot be ignored or spun away. Politicians must be held to account by legal and electoral means, indeed by any national and international constitutional means necessary.”

What conclusions follow from the sober assessment provided by the BMJ? The journal argues forcefully for accountability, but how is this accountability to be achieved? The editorial calls for the public to “vote out elected leaders and governments that avoid accountability and remain unrepentant,” adding that “the US showed that a political reckoning is possible.”

This is a reference to the 2020 US political election, in which voters overwhelmingly rejected Donald Trump, the world’s leading advocate of “herd immunity,” handing the Democratic Party not only the White House, but control of both houses of Congress.

But more than two weeks since Inauguration Day, Biden has made clear that his administration will continue the policies of its predecessor. Since Inauguration Day, Michigan, Illinois and New York have all lifted restrictions on indoor dining, and schools are rushing to reopen in every state where they remain remote. The centerpiece of this policy is the drive to force 23,000 Chicago educators back on the job, which is supported by all sections of the political establishment.

The effort by millions of people to repudiate the policy of “social murder” through the ballot box has been a failure. As for the courts, to which the BMJ also appeals, they have repeatedly struck down the most rudimentary measures to contain the pandemic. In other words, none of the institutions of the capitalist state are capable of changing a pandemic policy rooted in the most fundamental social interests of the capitalist class.

Just as the policies of “herd immunity” or, as the BMJ puts it, “social murder,” are rooted in the class interests of the financial elite, so, too, the opposition to these policies must express the interests of another social force, the working class.

As the BMJ notes, the term “social murder” was coined by Engels in his 1845 masterpiece, The Conditions of the Working Class in England, one of the early works of Marx and Engels as they formulated the theory of scientific socialism. Engels wrote:

When society places hundreds of proletarians in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and unnatural death, one which is quite as much a death by violence as that by the sword or bullet; when it deprives thousands of the necessaries of life, places them under conditions in which they cannot live – forces them, through the strong arm of the law, to remain in such conditions until that death ensues which is the inevitable consequence – knows that these thousands of victims must perish, and yet permits these conditions to remain, its deed is murder just as surely as the deed of the single individual; disguised, malicious murder, murder against which none can defend himself, which does not seem what it is, because no man sees the murderer, because the death of the victim seems a natural one, since the offence is more one of omission than of commission. But murder it remains.

Three years later, Marx and Engels published the Communist Manifesto, which formulated the definitive response to the ruling class’s acts of “social murder”: “The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.” The aim of this movement, they wrote, must be the overthrow of capitalist property relations and the expropriation of the ruling class through socialist revolution.

What was true then is even more true now. The interests of all society—expressed in the demand for emergency measures to contain the pandemic through lockdowns with full economic compensation—are represented nowhere but in the movement of the working class.

The social interests of the working class and the interests of human society as a whole are expressed in the worldwide struggle for socialism. This movement will not only take the necessary measures to save human lives and finally tame the pandemic, but see to it that the politicians and corporate executives guilty of social murder are brought to justice.

Coalition government in New Caledonia collapses

John Braddock


The coalition government led by President Thierry Santa in the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia has collapsed after pro-independence politicians resigned, citing persistent economic issues and unrest over the sale of nickel assets.

Five members representing the pro-independence groups—UC-FLNKS and the Union Nationale pour L’Indépendance (UNI)—resigned on 2 February. Both groups are members of the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), which campaigns for independence from France.

Santa’s conservative anti-independence coalition, L’Avenir en Confiance (LAC), has led the current government for just 18 months. The LAC issued a statement accusing the separatists of “causing a political crisis” in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic and rising economic and social tensions.

People attend a referendum in Noumea, New Caledonia, Sunday, Oct. 4, 2020. (AP Photo/Mathurin Derel)

The FLNKS resignations came as the government debated its budget and the future of the country’s nickel industry. The islands hold nearly a quarter of the world’s reserves of the strategic mineral, with the industry hit hard by a collapse in the world price in the wake of the global financial crisis.

New Caledonia’s 54-member Congress has two weeks to choose 11 new members from the four main parliamentary groups. Under the Noumea Accord, a 1998 agreement between the French state and supporters of independence, New Caledonia is administered by a multi-party government. Any minister who resigns must be replaced by a member of the same parliamentary group. If no successor is nominated the government loses office and congress must choose the new members who, in turn, elect a new president.

In their resignation statements, Louis Mapou (UNI) and Pierre Chanel Tein Tutugoro (UC-FLNKS) said that throughout 2020, New Caledonia had “traversed a deep internal crisis.” They cited social and economic conditions that had “built up over many years,” uncertainty over preparations for the next independence referendum and the COVID-19 pandemic which has had “significant impacts” since last March.

The rupture between the pro-and anti-independence factions of the ruling elite has shattered the fragile political arrangement established under the current parliament to suppress growing anger among the working class.

The FLNKS represents the interests of a relatively privileged layer of Kanaks who are seeking a larger slice of the economic pie and greater political say. Its statement declared that the multi-party government “found it difficult to work in collegiality” and concluded: “The institutional process has broken down, and consensus has become less and less the norm. Discussions between New Caledonia’s political groups and the French state [over independence] have been interrupted.”

Santa in turn expressed alarm about destabilisation of New Caledonia’s economy and politics in the coming weeks, and condemned the “scorched earth policy” of the independence movement. By triggering a political crisis “in the midst of managing the health crisis, a possible budgetary crisis and severe economic and social tensions,” the independents posed “an immense risk to all of New Caledonia,” he declared.

The crisis follows protests riots in recent months over the sale of Brazilian mining giant Vale’s Goro Nickel plant, which threatens the jobs of some 3,000 workers after years of financial losses and conflict with indigenous Kanak communities over land degradation.

During protests in Noumea on November 8 and 9, cars were torched, shops vandalised and people injured in clashes with police, who used tear gas. French riot police were deployed in several areas while an elite squad was sent to the plant, which was damaged and forced to shut.

Vale has signed a binding sale agreement with an international consortium involving Prony Resources and Swiss financier Trafigura. However, Kanak leaders and pro-independence parties, backed by the trade unions, have sought to steer growing anger behind a bid led by local company Sofinor, arguing that majority ownership of the mine should rest with New Caledonians. Sofinor is the financial arm of the pro-independence Northern Province.

The dispute over the Goro sale erupted alongside last year’s independence referendum, the second of three planned plebiscites. In October, the territory voted by a 53.3 to 46.7 percent majority in favour of remaining a part of France. Support for independence, however, appears to be growing, with a third and final referendum due in two years.

Fuelling these developments are intensifying social and class conflicts. Miners, processing workers, truck drivers, airport workers and others have engaged over recent years in militant struggles to defend jobs and conditions, bringing them into conflict with the entire ruling class.

Invariably, these struggles have been sold out by the trade unions, leaving many workers angry and frustrated. Noumea remains a polarised capital, where many low-paid workers live in slum conditions. The Kanaks, who make up 44 percent of the territory’s 270,000 population, are socially disenfranchised with many still living in primitive, subsistence circumstances in rural villages.

The simmering crisis has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The isolated archipelago has registered just 47 cases from the virus and no deaths. However, it faces an unprecedented budget crunch due to the impact of border closures on the tourism-dependent economy.

In November the government was forced to extend travel restrictions in and out of the territory until the end of July 2021, because of the worsening global pandemic. With enormous pressure on the economy, a vote on the 2021 budget has been pushed back to March, a decision opposed by the pro-independence parties and cited as one of the reasons for their resignations.

The budget impasse follows a dispute last September over a $US270 million loan from the French Development Agency (FDA) to cope with the impact of the pandemic. The loan was accepted by Santa as the territory’s social security system experienced severe problems. The anti-independence Caledonia Together (CT) party accused Santa of abandoning New Caledonia’s “sovereignty” in terms of fiscal, health and social matters.

CT warned that to repay the debt over 25 years the government would need to levy $US165 million in additional taxes by 2021 which they said would kill the economy and increase the social divide. The 2020 budget, totalling $CFP 13.7 billion ($US135.1 million), almost $CFP 50 billion more than the previous year, was only finally approved after being increased to cover the costs of health crisis management, along with the FDA loan.

Political tensions have been deepening for some time. Although on the same side on the independence question, CT and the anti-independence parties, calling themselves the Loyalists, have been at loggerheads since last year. In the 2019 elections, the once dominant CT suffered a severe electoral setback, being left with only one minister in the 11-strong collegial government.

The small Eveil Océanien (EO), with three seats in Congress and a minister in the outgoing government, may hold the key to any forthcoming parliamentary regroup. The EO draws support from the Wallisian, Futunan and Tahitian communities, which have historically supported anti-independence parties. However, last year the EO Congress members formally joined the UC-FLNKS parliamentary group. EO’s leaders have been holding discussions with the FLNKS this weekend to determine their next steps.

6 Feb 2021

Women Who Tech Emerging Tech Grants Program 2021

Application Deadline: 19th February 2021

About the Award: Tech startups play a pivotal role in the future of this world by driving innovative solutions forward. Women Who Tech has launched the Emerging Tech Challenge to fund innovative women-led startups.

The Emerging Tech Grant is designed to fund women-led ventures focused on solving the biggest problems facing this world. 

Eligible Field(s): Your startup must fit within one of the following verticals: Agriculture or Food Tech, AI, AR, Blockchain, Cybersecurity, EdTech, Energy or Environmental Tech, FinTech, Future of Work, Hardware, HealthTech, IoT, Machine Learning, Robotics, SaaS, Space Tech, or Mobility or Transportation Tech, VR.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility:

  • Your startup must be based within Africa, Europe, or North America.
     
  • Your startup must fit within one of the following verticals: Agriculture or Food Tech, AI, AR, Blockchain, Cybersecurity, EdTech, Energy or Environmental Tech, FinTech, Future of Work, Hardware, HealthTech, IoT, Machine Learning, Robotics, SaaS, Space Tech, or Mobility or Transportation Tech, VR.
     
  • Your product must be in beta or already launched to the public. The only exception to this rule is for Ag Tech/Food Tech, Robotics, and Mobility/Transportation startups who must either be in prototype phase, in beta, or already launched to the public.​​​​​​​ You may not apply if you are only in the concept stage.

    Note: A prototype is an initial model built to test your product; it is not just a design or a wireframe.
     
  • You cannot have raised more than $5M USD from combined sources.
     
  • Your startup must incorporate technology into the approach of your product, which allows the company to rapidly and massively scale in a manner that traditional, independent small businesses cannot. Please note that using tech (i.e. hosting a blog, selling products on your website, or using social media in your marketing) does not qualify as using tech to scale on a mass level nationally and globally.
     
  • Fast growing with degrees of innovation. 
     
  • All ideas must be original work or an improvement upon an existing idea without infringements. 
     
  • You are a technical founder or you have a technical cofounder. Note: If this does not apply to you, please email us (info@womenwhotech.com) and tell us more about your setup. 
     
  • You must be a woman-led startup, defined as having at least one woman founder or cofounder on the team.

    Note: Women Who Tech uses an inclusive definition of “woman” and “female”, and we welcome transwomen, genderqueer women, and non-binary people who identify as gender-nonconforming, female, and/or woman. People who identify within gender identities associated within the male and/or man spectrums are asked not to apply to uplift space and access for people of genders that are historically oppressed and underfunded.

Eligible Countries: Countries across Africa, Europe, and North America 

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • $15,000 Innovation Grant
  • $5,000 Impact Grant
  • ONE ON ONE Pitch Coaching

How to Apply: Apply here

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

JSPS–UNU Postdoctoral Fellowship Programme 2021

Application Deadline: 21st February 2021

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): Tokyo, Japan

Fields of Research:

Under this programme fellows conduct research relevant to one or more of the main thematic focus areas of UNU-IAS: sustainable societies, natural capital & biodiversity, and global change & resilience.

Research proposals for JSPS–UNU Postdoctoral Fellowships should relate clearly to one of the specific research areas of UNU-IAS listed below. The proposed research must be policy-relevant and incorporate gender issues within the research agenda:

  • Governance for Sustainable Development
  • Water for Sustainable Development
  • Education for Sustainable Development
  • International Satoyama Initiative

Type: Research, Fellowship

Eligibility: 

  • Applicants must hold a doctoral degree (received on or after 2 April 2014) when the fellowship begins, or be scheduled to receive a doctoral degree before the fellowship begins.
  • Japanese nationals are not eligible, nor are those of dual nationality if one is Japanese. Also, those who have permanent residency in Japan are not eligible.
  • Those who have been previously awarded a Standard or Pathway Fellowship under the JSPS Postdoctoral Fellowship for Research in Japan scheme are not eligible.
  • Applicants with at least 10 months research and/or professional experience are especially encouraged to apply.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 

  1. A round-trip air ticket (based on JSPS regulations)
  2. A monthly maintenance allowance of JPY362,000
  3. A settling-in allowance of JPY200,000 (based on JSPS regulations)
  4. Overseas travel, accident, and sickness insurance coverage, etc.

Duration of Program: Fellowships are awarded for a period of 24 months.

How to Apply: Interested and eligible candidates are invited to submit a completed Application Form and supporting documents to fellowships@unu.edu. If an applicant does not have access to the Internet, he or she should contact UNU-IAS. The form and the required documents indicated in the form must be in English. If supporting documents are not in English, English translations must be attached.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Is the time ripe for re-opening schools?

Sanghmitra Sheel Acharya


The world has been on a roller coaster ride since March last year when coronavirus induces pandemic lead to the ‘closure’ of countries after countries. Now with the vaccine having arrived, and India reporting declining trends both in infection as well as mortality due to the dreaded virus,  the confusion over the virus remains as before. Amidst the ecstasy of the arrival of the vaccine and the reported declining trends of the spread of COVID-19, the state machinery has decided to reopen schools.  When the institutions of higher learning are still closed, offices and other places of gathering have been functioning with restrictions- and there are evidences that adhering to the safety norms is often compromised, can the system ensure safety for young school going children?  They are more likely to fault in adherence due to their innocence -unlike the adults. Several states are taking the decision to reopen schools in phases with strict COVID-19 guidelines. The Gujarat government has reopened schools for classes 10 and 12, and colleges for the final year graduation and post-graduation students from 11 January 2021. Attendance will not be mandatory for students and schools will have to strictly follow the Centre’s standard operating procedures (SOPs). The Punjab government reopened all schools even earlier, from 07 January for students of classes 5 to 12, and Rajasthan government reopened all educational institutions from January 18, while the Medical, Dental, Nursing and Paramedical Colleges reopened about a week earlier.  Odisha too reopened schools from 08 Jan 2021. Delhi, however, has decided to wait till the vaccine is available for public. The Tamil Nadu schools and colleges are doing the COVID test of students and staff members every day.

In all the states, permission of parents is mandatory to allow any student to attend school. If any parent does not want to send his ward, no pressure would be exerted on them by the school.  For such students online classes will continue. Only  50% students will be attending the school on a given day, the next half, on the next day. To avoid gathering, no morning prayers or group activities will be held. To compensate the loss of time, classes will be held on Saturdays too. Children will not share food or water. A gap of 30 minutes between each class to avoid crowding is instructed. Schools will function from 10 AM to 3 PM through the Academic session till 15 May.

Students in Bihar reporting infected status barely three days after the educational institutions started re-opening in the first week of January this year. It is important to rethink of the decision regarding opening of the schools and colleges. Two government schools in Bihar were closed in the first week of January after 22 students and three teachers of a school in Asarganj in Munger, and a school principal in Sariya Block of Gaya District tested positive for COVID-19.

What is the hurry to reopen the schools? Why is it that the numbers of cases infected with COVID that we have today are not alarming? The WHO is still to take a call on this. Approval of the vaccine seems to have triggered this notion. Offices have been ordered to have ‘100% attendance from beginning of this month without spelling out the measures of precautions. What was assumed conducive for ½ or 1/3 of the strength, how would that be feasible for 100% remains unclear. The seating arrangement with the safety norms of distance for all, for instance, may require more space than available. Or, vaccine arrival has evened it out, and therefore not needed anymore? This needs to b explicitly stated. Considering that the COVID cases have been consistently coming down from September 2020, when India reported nearly 100,000 new coronavirus cases a day, to the lowest of about 11,000 cases confirmed cases on 01 Feb 2021 in a country of nearly 1.4 billion people, it is imperative to decipher this. The Minster of State for Health has given credit to the government’s strategy of testing, contact tracing, isolation and quarantine- containment for controlling the outbreak. Additional correlates seem to have played significantly and deserve discussion.

Nevertheless, falling corona cases have led to the decision to reopen the school and colleges. With the option of hybrid classes- both online and off-line, the schools and colleges will require additional physical space and online platform which would enable online transmission of the offline classes. How many schools and colleges will be equipped to execute this, is an issue to seriously consider. The institutions need to have the means to provide the safety which may be difficult considering the poor infrastructure in the public sector schools and reduced budget for education. If online classes will be continued in order to ‘include’ students who will not be able to attend the physical classes, then, there is the most important requirement is of a system which will enable the teacher to do the classes in such a way that the physical classes are transported to the virtual platform too. This may require special skills to manage two distinct planes of teaching a class. Is the infrastructure and training for this in place? A more likely answer is ‘no’. Therefore, how will the constrained budgetary allocations enable this? Being inclusive for students on/off virtual platform is highly appreciable, but why are the considerations missing for the teachers? ‘Work from home’ stipulation has added multiple layers of work regimes on them. Managing their remunerative work for school, unpaid work for home including ensuring their own children’s attendance to their respective classes, has added to their burden of work as well as wellbeing. The teachers have been having a difficult time conducting online classes, initially due to their own learning process, and then, more importantly because of connectivity, bandwidth, students’ access to gadgets and their attention span. The dilemma and difficulty of teachers doing a class on physical education, or performing arts, or germination, or Pythagoras theorem needs attention. In some schools and colleges, it has been reported that the teachers have been doing the classes and examination online using email and WhatsApp- out of their personal expenses, instead of the schools and colleges setting up the infrastructure for this.

With classes being proposed both online and offline, the burden on the teacher has been tremendous and  needs to be examined and addressed appropriately. Appropriate digital infrastructure, personal gadget support, and counselling and care for stress and anxiety for the teacher and the taught are the least to begin with.

India: Whose sovereignty is it anyway?

Bhabani Shankar Nayak


The questions of national sovereignty are dominating debates in Indian politics today. The Indian media has become the voice of the BJP government led by Mr Narendra Modi. The government and media derides anyone as anti-national if one question’s the government of the day. The students, youths, religious minorities, Dalits, tribals, Kashmiris, human rights activists, lawyers, rationalists, writers, journalists, comedians, cartoonists, progressive activists and farmers are branded as anti-nationals by the government and its media agencies. The poor oppressed and marginalised Indian population and voices of their struggles for justice are considered to be a threat to the sovereignty of the country. Such painful transition of India and its democracy is invisible to the people, who stay insulated by the power of money, name, fame, constructed public image, and celebrity status blessed by governments and corporates. These lumpen celebrities have forgotten their social commitments for the people who adore, celebrate, emulate and idealise them in their everyday life. These celebrities betray their own roots and break their follower’s trusts by being the voice of power and powerful. These deceptive forces live in an ideology free zone called ‘opportunism’.

The Indian farmers are fighting against anti farmer laws, which threaten their source of livelihoods. The Kashmiris are in an open prison without basic internet facilities. The tribals are facing the onslaught of mining led industrialisation and corporate loot of their natural resources. The journalists are facing annihilating threat to their live for reporting truth.  The students, writers, lawyers and human rights activists are languishing in prison cells. The hunger, homelessness, unemployment and poverty is accelerated by the government policies in defence of corporates. There is a greater realisation that Mr Narendra Modi led BJP government has deceived the people of India. Such realisation is crystalised by the farmers protests for last three months. The BJP government is taking all authoritarian steps to supress the democratic voices of dissent with ruthless actions.

The corporate sovereignty and bonded citizenship is unsustainable. But the rent seeking Modi government is promoting a culture of taxpayer citizenship rights to divide people and rule. It puts farmers against army, Hindus against Muslims, north India versus south India and higher caste against lower caste. The Hindutva politics is based on hate and divisiveness. The Hindutva ideology is an internal threat to the unity, integrity and progress of India. The citizenship rights and democratic institutions are dwindling in India. But the majority of Indian celebrities are either silent, living in fear or defending the corporate government, which is the source of their advertisement or tax rebate revenue.

The democratic and peaceful farmers movements have attracted global attentions. Many people watch the sliding democracy in India with utter horror and disbelief. The farmers movements have exposed the hollowness of the BJP and RSS. It has exposed the fascist character of Hindutva forces represented by the BJP and RSS. It is within this context; many international voices expressed their solidarity with India and Indian farmers and their legitimate democratic and citizenship rights to defend their livelihoods. The Modi government is hellbent on implementing the anti-farmers laws concomitant with corporate interests. It show Modi’s commitment to corporates and disregard for the farmers of India. The Modi government treats poor Indians as disposables and their democratic rights does not matter. It has proved itself time and again that people of India are mere voters and not shareholders of Indian democracy and its decision making.

The failures of Modi government have contributed to create conditions of enormous political, social, cultural, religious, economic and institutional crises in India. The farmers movements have helped people to understand the nature and source of these crises. The solidarities are growing in support of Indian farmers and their democratic rights. The Modi government is hiding behind by creating a propaganda war in the name of protecting the unity, integrity and sovereignty of India. From Indian cricketers, film stars, celebrities to media and corporate heads have started echoing Mr Narendra Modi led BJP government’s propaganda as if India and its sovereignty is under threat after international celebrities and public figures twitted in support of ongoing farmers struggles. The Hindutva forces are manufacturing the crisis of Indian sovereignty escape from their constitutional responsibilities and hide their failures.

The Indian farmers struggles have also exposed the limits of Westphalian sovereignty that helps to consolidates the mobility of capital and territorialisation of labour. The ruling class and their celebrity representatives call it as ‘our internal affairs’. The Westphalian concept of national sovereignty is a bourgeoisie project whereas the postcolonial national sovereignty is a product of mass movements. The sovereignty of India is a product of anti-colonial struggle led by Indian working classes from all regional and religious backgrounds. The anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and anti-capitalist nature of Indian freedom struggle has shaped constitutional sovereignty, democracy and its egalitarian and secular ideals of modern India. The sovereignty of India is a product of collective sacrifice and collective consensus to build a country for its people. The people of India are the shareholders and guardians of Indian sovereignty.  The collective foundations of sovereignty, unity and integrity of India is shaped by its people and their citizenship rights guaranteed under the Constitution of India. The unity, integrity and sovereignty of India depends on common will of the people. The Hindutva politics breaks this common will in the name of its fictitious ideology.

The Hindutva forces are opposed to the ideals of India based on integral humanism reverberates in Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world is one family). The Hindutva politics of hate weakens Indian democracy by destroying the universal, egalitarian and secular nature of citizenship rights. The unity, integrity and sovereignty of India depends on greater democracy, stronger and inalienable citizenship rights. The farmers movements are growing every day to reclaim democracy and citizenship rights to ensure unity, integrity and sovereignty of India by defeating reactionary and original anti national Hindutva forces. The heroic farmers struggle is a national liberation struggle to uphold the inclusive legacies of India freedom struggle and its emancipatory ideals. These ideals are not based on territorial theology of sovereignty.

The collective emancipatory ideals bring people together from all backgrounds to fight unitedly against all forms of exploitation, inequalities and domination.  Struggles for human emancipation and justice and the ideals of solidarities are borderless. This is how human history progress from feudalism to democracy. The successful struggles against slavery, feudalism, colonialism, apartheid, fascism and dictatorships are products of interconnectedness of human beings, and their collective commitment to uphold common values of humanism beyond narrow selfishness or immediate identity based on nationality, religion, race and class. The farmers movements in India represent best traditions of working-class unity. It has reinvigorated the progressive ideals of solidarity and internationalism.

Gunmen kill two FMLN campaigners in El Salvador

Andrea Lobo


After a rally last Sunday night in the campaign for this month’s legislative and mayoral elections in El Salvador, gunmen attacked a Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) truck, killing two campaigners and injuring five.

As seen clearly in CCTV videos presented by the General Prosecutor’s Office (FGR), the attackers drove past the truck decorated with FMLN flags and with an open cargo area full of supporters and children. The attackers cut across the truck’s path, stepped out of their car, and riddled the back of the truck with bullets, walking around it. They then returned to their car and fled the scene.

The attackers step out of their vehicle, January 31 (Credit: Federal Prosecutor's Office of El Salvador)

The three suspected attackers were soon arrested and identified as a police officer of the Protection of Important People Division (PPI), a private security guard and a driver, all assigned to the Health Ministry.

The shooting has shocked the population due to its brazenness and openly political character. This type of assault has not been seen since the civil war. The attack was clearly planned, with the gunmen intercepting the truck near the FMLN’s offices in downtown San Salvador after a scheduled rally.

While the political ties of the attackers have not been established, President Nayib Bukele, who formerly belonged to the FMLN, first characterized the killings as a staged self-attack, a claim used by the Latin American fascist dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s to blame their bloody crimes on the victims of repression.

“It looks like the dying parties have launched their last plan,” tweeted Bukele immediately after the attack. “What a desperate move to avoid losing their privileges and corruption. I thought they couldn’t reach those depths, but they did.”

He later changed his narrative to portray the attackers as the victims. He tweeted that the police had captured “two FMLN members suspected of shooting at the PPI,” adding that the PPI officer was being treated for gunshot wounds. The FMLN members, who were unarmed, were released later without charges.

Bukele has consistently sought to exploit mass opposition against both the ex-guerrilla FMLN and far-right ARENA parties, which had shared power and controlled the Congress since the war ended in 1992, to advance his own turn toward dictatorship. This has frequently involved instigating violence against his political opponents, particularly by cultivating loyal and fascistic layers in the security forces.

On Wednesday, the National Police published a series of additional videos in defense of the attackers. While it is not clear in the videos, they claimed that an FMLN supporter being shot at pulled out a gun. The National Police then wrote in a statement that prosecutors are “misinforming the population and hiding that there were shots fired from both sides.”

The General Prosecutor Raúl Melara responded by insisting that, based on an analysis of the videos and crime scene, no shots were fired from the truck. He then warned the National Police against “discrediting itself.”

In response to the attack, the secretary general of the FMLN and former vice president, Oscar Ortiz, mildly criticized the president for turning the tables and blaming the victims. While indicating that it was not an “isolated” incident, Ortiz has vaguely attributed the attack to “a dynamic of sowing division.”

At the same time, he praised General Prosecutor Melara for his management of the case and called on his supporters to “respect” whatever Melara says.

This was despite the refusal of Melara, who is particularly close to the US Embassy and a former director of the main Salvadoran business association, the ANEP, to investigate the attack as political violence, which would imply examining who hatched the plot.

On Wednesday, Melara presented the FGR case to a meeting of political party chiefs that Bukele’s Party, New Ideas, refused to attend. There, without any objection from the attendants, Melara explained:

“We are categorizing this as an act of intolerance. We are obviously in times of political campaigns, but we want to see it as an act of intolerance that should go no further.”

This is nothing but an operation to cover up the possible direct involvement, not to mention the moral and political culpability, of the Bukele administration.

Last week, Bukele called the UN-sponsored 1992 “peace accords” a “farce” and the beginning of a “stage of greater corruption, social exclusion and fraudulent enrichment by the same sectors signing the accords.” Such sentiments are widely shared among Salvadorans given the right-wing policies of Bukele’s predecessors. Polls show that over two-thirds of respondents plan to vote for New Ideas.

Under the cover of such “anti-establishment” rhetoric, however, Bukele seeks to rally his fascistic supporters to respond with armed violence to any opposition from below as he seeks to enforce policies that only further social inequality and defend the interests of the same ruling class represented by his predecessors.

The morning of the attack, as reported by El Faro, Vice President Félix Ulloa told a meeting of civil war veterans that “a new war, with new actors, has already begun. And we began winning it on February 3, 2019,” the day of Bukele’s election.

Throughout his term, Bukele has sought to rule by decree and criminalize opposition, constantly amalgamating other political parties with gangs and calling them “plagues.” On February 9, 2020, he led armed troops into the Congress to force it to approve at gunpoint a loan for military expenditures. Then he gave a blood-curdling speech outside Congress in front of thousands of supporters threatening to “press the button,” i.e ., dissolving Congress and declaring a dictatorship.

The shift toward authoritarianism by the ruling classes is an international process that has been greatly accelerated as class tensions grow during the pandemic. At the heart of this process, Donald Trump and the Republican Party spearheaded a fascist coup attempt on January 6, while the Democratic Party, whose legislators were threatened with kidnappings and killings, has responded with appeals for “unity” with the coup plotters.

Similarly, the Salvadoran FMLN has responded to the killing of its members by denouncing the “divisiveness” of the president instigating such fascistic attacks.

In response to the pandemic, the Bukele administration concocted an anti-constitutional “state of emergency” with special powers to enforce a lockdown between March and May 2020, accompanied by a botched distribution of a meager $300 stipend for impoverished households. By July, under pressure by transnational corporations and Wall Street, nonessential activities and social austerity were gradually resumed, including the textile maquiladora sweatshops.

Bukele provocatively decreed the reopening without approval by Congress, but was forced to backpedal when the Supreme Court ruled the move unconstitutional. “Basically, they are taking away our power to reactivate the economy,” Bukele declared at the time, even though the opposition parties also backed the economic reopening.

Confirmed active cases and the weekly death toll have both doubled since late November. El Salvador has reported 55,623 cases and 1,646 deaths since the pandemic began. While the UN has selected El Salvador for the first round of the COVAX rollout of vaccines for poor nations, no date has been announced for the beginning of vaccinations.

Meanwhile, the FUSADES think-tank has estimated that another 100,000 households will fall below the poverty line, measured as the cost of a basic basket of goods and services. This will increase the poverty rate to over half of the population.

The FMLN, the trade unions and the entire Salvadoran ruling class are utterly subordinated to imperialism. In order to facilitate the imposition of social austerity and contain the class struggle at the behest of the transnational corporations and financial vultures, the FMLN administrations advanced a “hard fist” strategy—ostensibly against the gangs—that built up the armed forces and turned a blind eye on their pervasive extrajudicial executions.

While Bukele seeks to rekindle a counter-insurrectionary war, the former left-wing guerrilla FMLN and the far-right ARENA have been attempting to approve an amnesty bill for war crimes during the civil war.

The transformation of the FMLN, from a nationalist, petty-bourgeois left guerrilla movement into a right-wing capitalist party, demonstrates that the working class needs to intervene independently of all pro-capitalist and nationalist forces. Fighting the threat of fascism requires the building of a revolutionary party in the working class on the basis of a socialist and internationalist program.