23 Feb 2021

Coronavirus raging in Germany’s factories

Ludwig Weller


One year after the start of the coronavirus pandemic, which has so far claimed the lives of over 65,000 people in Germany, one thing is certain: tens of thousands of people would not have had to die if there had been consistent protective measures. All the establishment political parties, federal and state governments and trade unions are responsible. This is based on a common class interest: economic interests come before health and life. This capitalist principle is applied worldwide.

The Froneri ice factory in Osnabrück, where 210 workers have been infected

Since the whole of global capitalism is based on the exploitation of labour power, it was essential for the economic and financial elite to keep workplaces open and large production plants running. Instead of shutting down factories and schools, while ensuring workers receive full compensation, governments have handed billions to the banks and corporations. This is also the reason why schools and day-care centres had to remain largely open so that working parents could be available to the companies every day.

It is therefore not surprising that there is no reporting on the spread of the pandemic inside workplaces, nor have comprehensive statistics been collected and studies written. It is not known how many thousands of workers have been infected at work or have carried the virus into factories from their infected children. Nor is anyone interested in the number of workers who have died from COVID-19.

In contrast, there are plenty of statistics on the turnover and profits of industrial enterprises. Even the hours worked have been recorded with precision. They have hardly declined despite the lockdown. For example, in the German manufacturing sector—with more than 5.5 million workers—700.9 million hours were worked in November 2020. That is almost as many as in the previous year when 723.8 million hours were worked. Turnover figures were also only slightly behind 2019.

On the backs and at the expense of the health of millions of workers, huge profits were raked in. Where this was not possible, workers were put on short-time work or corporations were provided with billions in taxpayers’ money.

For the first time, an informative journalistic report on the untenable conditions in workplaces has been published. It is based on research by Report-Mainz and BuzzFeed News. Even though it only covers a few areas, it refutes the claims that workplaces are safe and have high hygiene standards.

Among other things, the journalists interviewed 70 occupational health and safety authorities across Germany about the challenges posed by the coronavirus crisis. Ninety percent of the authorities said they had approached companies about violations of the coronavirus regulations. However, they had only warned them verbally or in writing, if at all. Almost no fines were imposed, and it was even rarer that a business was closed down, although it would have been necessary. Two-thirds of the authorities complained that they lacked the staff to do so.

Only the tip of the iceberg

The concrete cases described by BuzzFeed News show that this can only be the tip of the iceberg. Under the subheading, “Nine months without masks, disinfection and spacing,” Susanne T., who works together with her husband in the large warehouse of a mail-order company, speaks out.

“It was a completely absurd situation. I book and store heaps of masks, work suits, separating screens, pallets of disinfectants. And I’m not allowed to take any of that to protect myself,” Susanne says. The article reports how she and her husband became scared since they are both in their 50s with parents in the high-risk group. Her husband called the regulatory authorities, wrote several emails describing conditions in detail but nothing happened.

BuzzFeed adds, “In Susanne T.’s case, it had taken nine months for the authorities to undertake an on-site inspection. But even if authorities respond more quickly to complaints, that still does not guarantee that inspectors will enforce the rules. And that they do not end up siding with the companies—as happened in Berlin, at Deutsche Bahn travel centres.”

The article reveals glaring abuses at Deutsche Bahn travel centres: Insufficient plexiglass screens to protect customers and staff, workers sitting together in cramped spaces, etc. Despite massive complaints from the employees, no remedy is forthcoming.

Here is one example: “In Berlin, too, workers have turned to the competent occupational health and safety authority, the Landesamt für Arbeitsschutz, Gesundheitsschutz und technische Sicherheit. But the LAGetSi does not want to help. After carrying out a check in the Berlin travel centres, the responsible inspector wrote at the beginning of November that the screens were not optimal, but that ‘due to proportionality,’ it had been agreed with the employer that a larger screen would be fitted in case of relocation or wear and tear.”

Dr. Wolfgang Hien, a long-time occupational safety expert, also concludes that workers are usually totally unprotected against the virus at their workplace. Especially on construction sites, in logistics, on the assembly lines of supplier companies, “conditions are really grotty,” Report Mainz quotes him. “Close together. Head-to-head. Shoulder to shoulder.”

Hien speaks of a parallel society. He reports several cases in which works council representatives turned to the supervisory authorities and politicians, but they did not help. “It can’t be that 800 male and female staff work closely together in a cardboard box factory without anyone coming from the police, the regulatory office or the labour inspectorate.”

Hien worked for several years as head of the health protection department in the federal executive of the German Trade Union Confederation and still has many contacts in workplaces, works councils and with trade union officials. However, the life-threatening conditions for workers, about which he rightly complains, are not least a product of the works councils and trade unions, which line up with the companies. They ensure that “their” company or group can continue to produce despite the coronavirus pandemic and that workers are kept quiet.

If anyone still believes that all this is unintentional, they should read the federal government’s statement. Asked about the lack of occupational health and safety, the Federal Labour Ministry of Hubertus Heil (Social Democratic Party, SPD) replied, according to BuzzFeed, that a minimum inspection quota had recently been set. “However, this will not apply until 2026 and stipulates that every company must be inspected every 20 years on average.”

Numerous coronavirus outbreaks

Despite a downward trend in incidence figures, numerous coronavirus outbreaks are also currently taking place in companies.

For example, at Tenneco Federal-Mogul in Burscheid the highly contagious British strain was discovered in at least eight employees, and at least another eight are infected. The health department did not shut down the plant, although this is the second time a major outbreak has occurred in the two factories with 1,700 employees. The factories produce piston rings and cylinder liners under the traditional name of Goetze. Here, too, the works council and the IG Metall trade union joined forces with the company to keep the plants open so that the car parts supplier does not have to forego its profits.

Last week, 14 workers were also infected with the coronavirus at Volkswagen Commercial Vehicles. At the relatively small Limmer site near Hanover, however, work was only stopped for two to three days. Nevertheless, the head of health care at VW Commercial Vehicles, Andree Hillebrecht, announced loftily: “The health of the workers is our top priority.” If that were the case, VW would have had to stop production at their major plants long ago.

A major coronavirus outbreak, in which the British strain again played a role, occurred at a Kärcher plant in the Schwäbisch Hall district, where at least 36 workers became infected. The company spokesperson said 19 contacts were under official quarantine and 251 other employees had been quarantined by the company.

The factory produces cleaning and gardening equipment and has 900 employees. Production continues unhindered. Here, too, it was stressed that the company has had a comprehensive safety and hygiene concept operating since the beginning of the pandemic, with distancing rules, mandatory mask-wearing, contact person management, a comprehensive ventilation model and consistent separation of shifts. The works council and IG Metall are silent here as well since they had helped to develop the supposedly safe and hygienic procedures.

And once again there were outbreaks in slaughterhouses. At the Danish Crown slaughterhouse in Husum, for example, 99 workers tested positive. There could be more, as not all results are available. Last Thursday, the health department had carried out PCR tests on 332 people who had recently worked on the premises of the Husum slaughterhouse. All those who tested positive were sent into domestic quarantine. However, a closure of the slaughterhouse was only ordered until February 14, for just two days, because two days fell on the weekend.

Even Danish Crown spokesman Jens Hansen had to admit the enormity of the outbreak: “There are many more people who have been infected. It is now a challenge—and we also have to say quite honestly that it is not realistic to produce on-site again next week. We need time,” he said.

Again, it is clear that workers are defenceless against the virus. The seven-day incidence of 45 in North Friesland has doubled to 94 in four days due to this outbreak alone.

The virus has been spreading particularly strongly in northern and eastern Bavaria for weeks. Incidence levels are still above 350 in some places, and as high as 1,100 on the other side of the border, in the Czech Republic. There have therefore been further outbreaks in slaughterhouses, farms and immigration centres, as well as in many homes for the elderly.

In a shared accommodation facility for asylum seekers in the district town of Tirschenreuth, a total of 44 new cases were registered. In an immigration centre in Bamberg, 75 residents became infected. More than 160 contact persons are currently in quarantine and must stay in cramped quarters.

Also, there were several outbreaks at shipbuilders and shipyards. According to a report by broadcaster NDR 1, there was a recent outbreak at the cabin builder EMS PreCab in Papenburg, where 27 employees tested positive for the virus in a rapid test, 65 are still in quarantine. After a short break in operations, production will begin with reduced capacity, according to a spokesperson for Meyer Werft, for whom EMS PreCab builds cabins for cruise ships.

Workers at the Peene shipyard in Wolgast have been infected again and again since January, first 13, then another 14 workers tested positive last week. And they always confront the same reaction—contempt for the workers, operations to continue as if nothing had happened. The company does not even want to think about better safety precautions. It only announced cynically that it would continue to rely on the current hygiene measures and staggered shifts.

On February 6, broadcaster NDR reported a major outbreak at ice cream manufacturer Froneri in Osnabrück, where 210 out of 670 workers tested positive, almost a third of the workforce. In this case, the ice cream factory had no choice but to send all staff into quarantine and close the plant until February 26. A spokesperson for the Lower Saxony Ministry of Social Affairs said that the scale of the outbreak was comparable to those in slaughterhouses last year “and must be taken extremely seriously.”

Here, too, the questions arise: Who is responsible for this? Could the outbreak have been avoided?

These are only a few cases that have occurred in the last ten days. But this alone gives an idea of the role open workplaces have played and continue to play in the spread of the pandemic.

Effective countermeasures can only come from the working class itself, as this report also shows. The Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei (Socialist Equality Party, SGP) is contesting the federal elections to provide political direction to this struggle. Our election appeal states:

“The fight to contain the pandemic is developing into a class struggle, which is showing ever more clearly that the two major classes in society, the capitalist class and the working class, have irreconcilable interests. The official pandemic policy puts profits before human lives.

“We demand: The immediate shutdown of all nonessential businesses until the pandemic is under control! Full payments of wages for all workers affected as well as real assistance for the self-employed and comprehensive support for poor households! A globally coordinated vaccine campaign instead of vaccine nationalism and profiteering!”

Ruling elite fears Liberal Party wipeout in Western Australian election

Mike Head


Western Australia (WA) state Premier Mark McGowan launched the Labor Party’s campaign for the March 13 state election on Sunday, with another pitch for the continued backing of the mining conglomerates and other big business interests that dominate the state’s economy.

Within the ruling class, however, fears are rising that the election could result in the Liberal Party—the party of Prime Minister Scott Morrison—being reduced to a tiny rump. That is largely because McGowan’s government has cynically exploited popular concern over the COVID-19 pandemic by taking a seemingly hard line on border closures and lockdowns.

Western Australian Labor Party Premier Mark McGowan (Source: Wikimedia)

As in recent elections in Queensland and New Zealand, Labor is seeking electoral favour by posturing as taking a stand for public safety.

A Newspoll published in the Australian newspaper last week showed Labor on 59 percent of votes, with the Liberals on just 23 percent. If that pattern were reflected in the election result, the Liberals could be reduced to just two seats in the 59-seat lower house of state parliament, and lose their official opposition status to the rural-based National Party.

The potential electoral landslide underscores the fragility of Morrison’s federal Liberal-National Coalition government, as it ramps up its drive to fully reopen the economy—despite the danger of further coronavirus outbreaks—and push jobless workers into lower-paid and insecure employment.

State Liberal leader Zak Kirkup has all but conceded defeat, saying the Liberals face a “difficult election” and warning against Labor gaining a majority in both houses of state parliament. Kirkup, 33, was installed as party leader in December, despite being in just his first term in parliament, in a desperate bid to prevent such an outcome.

Labor gained office at the last WA election, in March 2017, after a record statewide electoral swing against the previous Liberal Party government. That Liberal defeat helped intensify the crisis of Morrison’s predecessor, Malcolm Turnbull. It was his first electoral test since narrowly surviving the July 2016 federal election, clinging to a one-seat majority. Eighteen months on, Turnbull became another victim of the factional turmoil wracking the Coalition, and was replaced by Morrison.

In Sunday’s campaign launch speech, McGowan nakedly appealed to Liberal and National Party supporters on the basis that Labor would provide the best conditions for business. “If you’re thinking about voting for me and WA Labor this election, for the very first time, you should feel confident in that decision,” McGowan said. “I will lead a sensible, responsible, experienced government.”

McGowan, a former naval officer, attacked the Liberals from the right, saying they would “bankrupt the state,” referring to their refusal to have their election commitments independently costed.

The Labor leader promised to “create” 125,000 new “local” jobs if re-elected for a second term. This is a fraud. Ahead of the 2017 state election, Labor promised to fix WA’s “unemployment crisis” by creating 50,000 jobs. That pledge was recycled in February 2019, when Labor vowed to create 150,000 jobs within five years, but the plan was shelved “indefinitely” after the COVID-19 crisis erupted.

In reality, the thrust of all Labor’s “jobs plans” is to boost the corporate elite, while peddling parochial and nationalist propaganda about “keeping WA strong.”

Via the latest plan, $15 million would be funneled into helping “local” manufacturers produce components for rail wagons, used by the iron ore industry. Another $120 million would be poured into the film industry, including building a film studio and screen production facility.

McGowan’s government has become notorious for handouts to the wealthiest layers of society. In response to the pandemic, it produced a $3.5 billion business stimulus package, on top of the more than $400 billion in corporate subsidies and loans provided nationally by the Morrison government. Labor’s package included a $20,000 building bonus that provided subsidies for dozens of new homes in some of WA’s wealthiest suburbs.

Then there was a deal to sell the East Perth Power Station riverfront development site, in WA’s capital, to two of the state’s billionaires, media tycoon Kerry Stokes and iron ore magnate Andrew Forrest, followed by election-eve environmental approvals for a major gas project, part-owned by the Stokes-backed Beach Energy group.

Forrest’s agricultural company Harvest Road Group received a $700,000 government grant toward a new aquaculture facility, and the hydrogen arm of his Fortescue Metals Group received $2 million for a renewable hydrogen mobility project.

In addition, according to the Australian, $200 million in royalty relief was given to mining company Mineral Resources when it took over the Koolyanobbing iron ore mine. Mineral Resources, whose founder Chris Ellison is one of WA’s richest men, has generated more than $1 billion in earnings from the mine.

So close are Labor’s ties to the tycoons that comparisons are being made in the media to the 1983-88 WA state Labor government of Brian Burke, whose mutually beneficial relations with wealthy businessmen—whose enterprises later collapsed disastrously—led to the “WA Inc” royal commission into improper government dealings.

Some commentators have drawn attention to Labor’s identification with big business. In the Australian, senior reporter Paul Garvey wrote: “This year’s WA election campaign is a topsy-turvy world where up is down and right is left.”

Garvey noted: “We have a Labor Party that casts itself as the party of fiscal conservatives … It is Labor, rather than the Liberals, that will enjoy the proceeds of a lavish fundraising dinner at the Royal Freshwater Bay Yacht Club in Perth’s Golden Triangle, supported by billionaire property developer Nigel Satterley.”

Garvey added that while Kirkup, the Liberal leader, feigned sympathy for Perth’s homeless, the Labor government “exercised special powers to force the removal of a tent city in Fremantle.”

Rather than “topsy-turvy,” these developments demonstrate once more that Labor is a party of big business, no less than the Liberals and Nationals.

Thus far, McGowan’s government has benefited from record iron ore prices and exports from the state’s north, primarily to China. More than $10 billion of mining royalties are expected to flow into government coffers this financial year, an unprecedented windfall.

But that rich stream could be affected by the Biden administration’s escalation of the conflict with China, in which the Australian ruling elite is playing a leading role.

Most workers have seen nothing of the bonanza. Unemployment in working class areas around Perth is at some of the highest levels nationally. By the latest available local statistics, the jobless rate in Kwinana, an industrial suburb south of Perth, was 11.3 percent in last year’s June quarter, and only slightly lower in surrounding regions. That social crisis will deepen as the British oil and gas company BP closes its refinery in Kwinana by the middle of the year, destroying at least 590 jobs.

No less false are Labor’s claims to have protected the population from COVID-19. The government has benefited from Western Australia’s geographical isolation and has repeatedly instituted border closures to insulate it from outbreaks in other parts of the country. But the same inadequate and business-driven response to the pandemic, that has led to major eruptions of the virus elsewhere in Australia, has been on display.

Earlier this month, a hotel quarantine failure led to a five-day lockdown of Perth and nearby regions. A security guard at the hotel had contracted the virus because neither the government nor his contract employer required mask-wearing or other basic safety procedures.

Throughout the pandemic, Labor has also exempted fly-in-fly-out mining workers from quarantine requirements, for the benefit of the mining companies. And last April, the government stood down a school principal for informing parents that her school was not prepared for the mass influx of students required by the government’s scheduled resumption of classes during the pandemic.

Protests continue as no-confidence vote against Thai prime minister fails

Ben McGrath


Protests are continuing in Thailand, following a failed attempt to remove Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and nine of his ministers in a no-confidence parliamentary vote on Saturday. More than 1,000 demonstrators gathered in Bangkok Friday evening, and again on Saturday, to denounce the current government. The removal of Prayuth has been one of the key demands of the protest movement that began last year.

The no-confidence vote in the parliament had little chance of success, with Prayuth’s ruling coalition backing the prime minister. Out of the 487 legislators, 272 expressed their support for Prayuth while the opposition could only garner 206, well short of the simple majority needed. This was the second such vote on Prayuth, with the first taking place in February last year. The current government came to office in July 2019, with Prayuth having initially seized power in a military coup in 2014.

Pro-democracy protesters gather in front of Parliament during a protest in Bangkok, Thailand, Saturday, Feb. 20, 2021. (AP Photo/Wason Wanichakorn)

The opposition coalition, largely comprising the Pheu Thai party and the smaller Move Forward Party (MFP), had accused Prayuth and his ministers of an inept response to the COVID-19 pandemic, misusing power to attack government critics online, mismanaging the economy, and using the monarchy to suppress criticisms of the government.

While the opposition grouping, at times, made vitriolic remarks about Prayuth’s government during the four-day debate prior to Saturday’s vote, its real aim was to falsely posture as genuine opponents of the prime minister. This is being done in order to convince the youth and student-led protest movement not to break with Pheu Thai or the MFP, both of which are hostile to the broader democratic demands of the protest movement.

MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat stated, “The biggest fault of Prayuth is that he does not understand the principles of the constitutional monarchy. He used the monarchy to protect himself whenever he was criticized or opposed. This is an evil action, making him no longer qualified to be prime minister.”

Youth and students are supposed to believe that, if only Prayuth were gone, Thailand would become a beacon of freedom. In reality, the attacks on democratic rights, as well as the worsening social and economic conditions facing working people, are not simply the result of Prayuth’s evil actions, but are the product of a failed social order—capitalism. The bourgeois opposition parties are hoping to neutralize the protest movement as it reemerges and turn the energy into support for electoral politics.

Pita’s remarks have another significance. One of the major demands of the protest movement has been reform of the monarchy, in addition to Prayuth’s resignation, the re-writing of Thailand’s constitution, and an end to the persecution of government critics. By presenting the issue surrounding the monarchy as Prayuth’s fault, Pita is essentially absolving the monarchy for its role in suppressing democratic rights in the country. The monarchy is, in fact, a key linchpin of the capitalist state and now, as previously, backs the suppression of opposition.

The protesters, including in demonstrations last week, are demanding revisions to Article 112 in Thailand’s criminal code, which contains Thailand’s draconian lèse majesté law, which is now being used to charge participants in last year’s protests.

Given the chance, Pheu Thai and the MFP would allow the protesters’ demands to die amid empty debates in parliament and phony campaign promises. Protesters should place no faith in these parties or their politicians. Both have deep ties to wealthy business families and consciously avoid any real discussion of the economic situation Thai workers and youth are dealing with, in order to prevent the protest movement from growing.

As in countries around the world, the Thai working class is faced with declining social and economic conditions, which could lead to an explosion of anger. On February 15, Bangkok’s Office of the National Economic and Social Development Council released a report showing that the country’s GDP had shrunk by 6.1 percent last year—Thailand’s worst annual economic performance since the 1998 Asian Financial Crisis, when the economy shrunk by 7.6 percent. Thailand’s economy is heavily dependent on tourism, which has taken a major hit during the pandemic.

Since December, Thailand has experienced an explosion of COVID-19 cases, with hundreds of new infections occurring in recent weeks. This has led to partial lockdowns, with next to no support from the government for those impacted. The maximum per person relief payment, in total, over the course of the pandemic has been a paltry 22,000 baht ($US740).

One worker, a single mother, told the media, “I’ve lost more than half my income during this second outbreak. So I’ve taken on any jobs available…ironing clothes to packing boxes for people moving house.”

Thailand’s workers are not the only ones faced with this situation. According to an International Labour Organization report at the end of last year, 81 million jobs throughout the Asia-Pacific region were lost due to the pandemic. This is because of a total lack of planning and disregard for the needs of workers, as countries attempt to maximize profits for big business.

Thai workers and youth must turn to their class brothers and sisters throughout the region and internationally, who face the same assaults on their livelihoods and democratic rights. Democracy is incompatible with capitalism, which creates the extreme centralization of wealth in the hands of a few. Regardless of differences among themselves, all bourgeois parties protect the interests of the capitalist class. Thai workers and youth need to break from these parties and begin the struggle for socialism.

Texas’ COVID-19 vaccination and testing efforts disrupted by devastating winter storm

Benjamin Mateus


Dr. Anthony Fauci, White House Chief Medical Advisor, warned last week that the winter storm which wreaked havoc across most of the contiguous United States, causing massive power outages, has considerably slowed COVID-19 vaccine distribution. In places like Texas, it brought vaccination efforts to a “grinding halt.”

According to the Weather Channel, Winter Storm Uri covered 73 percent of the country with snow, the most widespread coverage in 17 years. Temperatures had plunged close to or below zero degrees Fahrenheit in many places across the South for many days running.

People stand in line outside an HEB grocery store in the snow Thursday, Feb. 18, 2021, in Austin, Texas. (AP Photo/Ashley Landis)

In an interview with Andrea Mitchell on MSNBC, Fauci said, “We’re just going to have to make up for it as soon as the weather lifts a bit, the ice melts, and we can get the trucks and the people out.” This is no small order as millions in Texas continue to lack access to potable water, with homes devastated by backed-up sewage and burst pipes making residences uninhabitable. “It is significant,” Fauci added, “when you have that swath of the country … that is really in many respects immobilized.”

Many vaccine distribution centers had to temporarily close their doors last week. Vaccine shipments had to be delayed. In Texas, the seven-day average of vaccine administration plummeted last week from highs of 150,000-plus jabs per day to just 15,126 doses on February 20. Only 4.5 million of Texas’ 29 million people have received at least one dose. Only a little more than one million have completed their vaccination regimen.

Public health experts project that 75 to 90 percent of the population, roughly 22 million people in Texas, will need to be vaccinated to achieve the herd immunity threshold. Dr. Peter Hotez, a virologist at Baylor College of Medicine, told the Texas Tribune, “Whether it achieves herd immunity or not, we’ve got to vaccinate as many people as possible in a critical period of time to save lives.” The reference here is to the concerns raised by the rising number of the B.1.1.7 variant which originated in the UK and is now spreading broadly in the US and is known to be more transmissible and lethal.

The Washington Post’s COVID vaccination tracker indicated that 44.1 million people had received one or two doses of the vaccine in the US, with 75.2 million doses having been distributed thus far. This represents 13.3 percent of the population that has partially or fully been vaccinated. Because of the winter storm, there has been a 17 percent decrease in vaccinations over the week before, averaging 1.36 million doses per day. On February 22, barely more than a million received a jab.

As the weather begins to warm again, there is a push to catch up with the delays. This week Texas is expected to receive 600,000 first doses, which will then be shipped to hundreds of providers across 230 counties in the state. The state’s health department estimated that the storm had prevented the administration of approximately one million injections.

Infectious disease experts are also worried that the widespread power outages across the state and frigid temperatures may contribute to a new surge in infections. People attempting to find warmth and safety from the hazardous conditions were forced to huddle together in temporary warming centers, providing the coronavirus new avenues to exploit. Others had to take immediate refuge with friends or family. Just before the storm hit, people made a mad dash to overfilled grocery stores for the last loaves of bread or bottles of water sitting on near-empty shelves.

Health officials have said that the actual fallout will not be evident for another week or two. Besides vaccine administration, testing has also come to a standstill.

At 2.6 million COVID-19 cases, Texas ranks second behind California with the greatest number of infections in the US. It is in third place after California and New York in deaths with close to 42,500 fatalities.

With three decades of worsening austerity and hopeless prospects for the future, four million workers have moved to the state over the last decade, looking for employment, driving the population up by 15 percent. Meanwhile, energy and information technology corporations, heavy industries, and an assortment of logistics infrastructure have shifted their operations into the state, seeking to take advantage of the lack of any meaningful regulation while taking advantage of the growing labor force.

At the same time, human-induced climate change has made Texas an increasingly difficult place to live. Climatologists Anne Stoner and Katherine Hayhoe, scientists at the Texas Tech Climate Center, found that since 1950 the Houston area has experienced longer, scorching summers with a growing number of days above 100 degrees Fahrenheit. Severe hurricanes like Harvey, which ravaged the city and the Gulf Coast in 2017, have become more common. The weakening of the polar jet stream caused by warming temperatures will also bring arctic temperatures to the balmy region more frequently.

Rather than take account of these recurring calamities to prepare the infrastructure for future weather hazards, state and national legislators have preferred to help these massive corporations maximize their short-term profits without any regard for the well-being of the population. It is not without its tragic irony that the winter storm that has already caused such havoc for millions has also created new vectors of infection for the spread of COVID-19.

Communist Party of the Philippines embraces Catholicism

John Malvar


On February 18, Julieta de Lima, long-time leading member of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and head of the party’s peace negotiating team, delivered a speech to a summit of major church leaders in which she articulated the CPP’s open embrace of the Catholic Church and its legacy of medieval barbarism in the country.

Communist Party of the Philippines leader Jose Maria Sison (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini, File)

She addressed a gathering of archbishops, bishops, religious superiors and prominent ministers assembled for the 9th Ecumenical Church Leaders’ Summit on Peace to commemorate “500 Years of Christianity in the Philippines.” The event was sponsored by the Philippine Ecumenical Peace Platform (PEPP) which is comprised of the powerful Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), the National Council of Churches and the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines.

De Lima unreservedly adopted the language and dogma of Christianity. She approvingly quoted Pope Francis, telling the assembled bishops, “The Lord has redeemed us all, all of us, with the blood of Christ, all of us, not just Catholics.”

She depicted the CPP as struggling for a “just and enduring peace,” and then dressed this up in the religious fatalism of medieval canon, Thomas a Kempis, declaring “To me this means Man proposes and God disposes with the masses not only voicing the will of God but realizing it on earth.”

The Catholic Church, with its dogma of redemptive suffering and its apparatus of obscurantism, is one of the most exploitative institutions on the planet. The wealth of the church and the power of the pope are the product of nearly two millennia of theft, murder, conquest and counter-revolution.

Few countries have suffered as greatly as a result of this history as the Philippines. The Communist Party of the Philippines, however, joined the assembled religious superiors in a celebration of this legacy. De Lima declared, “As we celebrate 500 years of Christianity in the country, let us strive ever harder to uphold human dignity.” She claimed that the “Filipino people have adopted it [Christianity] as a redemptive and liberating moral force in the same manner as one type of society after another has adopted science and technology as a progressive factor in advancing civilization.”

Ferdinand Magellan arrived in what would become the Spanish colony of the Philippines in 1521. The CPP is joining the Catholic Church in celebrating the onset of colonial rule. Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines was exercised directly through the institutions of the church and the religious orders. Five hundred years of Christianity have been five hundred years of barbarism.

The church systematically destroyed the existing native script, burning every instance they could find as “satanic.” Within two generations they had eradicated it and reduced the literate population to illiteracy. The priests deliberately maintained the population in a condition of ignorance to propagate their brand of salvation and inculcate submission in the colonized.

The church relocated large sections of the population, forcing them to reside near the new church buildings, which were built with forced native labor. They also renamed the population, compelling them to adopt “Christian” surnames. They instructed them to fear hellfire in the afterlife and the whip of the priest in this one. They compelled the male population to carry out years of forced labor.

The religious orders—Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits—confiscated land and consolidated it into vast plantations, becoming the largest landowners in the country, forcing their parishioners to pay rent for the use of the land that was stolen from them.

During periods of social upheaval, the church directed the explosive class tensions in the colony against the Chinese population, scapegoating them as “heathens.” The church directly instigated repeated pogroms in which tens of thousands of long-time Chinese residents were murdered. The Catholic Church oversaw the suppression and exclusion of the Muslim population.

For all of its rhetoric of the blood of Christ, it is with the blood of the colonized that the church is covered.

When, in the 1890s, an anti-colonial revolution shook Spain’s hold on the Philippines, the great thinkers and leaders of this upheaval necessarily saw their energy directed above all against the Catholic Church. Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio, Apolinario Mabini, whatever their very real political limitations, were courageous and far-sighted. They sought to institute a secular government, separate church and state, and demanded the expulsion of the religious orders from the country and the seizure of church land. The church responded by overseeing the torture, imprisonment, and execution of revolutionaries.

The revolution was betrayed by the Philippine elite and brutally suppressed by American imperialism. During the ensuing war of conquest waged by the United States, some of the Filipino forces formed an independent national church, whose founding documents repudiated the Virgin birth, the existence of angels and hell, and insisted that the earth was millions of years old and that life was the product of evolution. Three million Filipino peasants and workers joined the new church. It was US imperialism that restored the hold of the Catholic Church in the country and not any deep-seated Filipino belief. Recognizing its usefulness in maintaining order, the US restored the church’s lands and the power of the religious orders over the country.

The Catholic Church continues its legacy of barbarism to this day. It holds profound sway over the supposedly secular state. Not only is abortion banned in the country, divorce is illegal. Birth control is not available from government health clinics; sex education is not a mandatory subject in schools.

The church has perpetuated a medieval brutality in everyday life. It is because of the Catholic Church that sections of the population, particularly the peasantry, believe in magical amulets, dancing Sto Niño dolls, and anti-communist devotion to the Virgin Mary. Flagellants beat themselves bloody during Holy Week every year. Scores of people literally crucify themselves on Good Friday, and the local priest prays over the nails before they are driven into the wrists of the desperately poor, who hope their suffering will secure aid from the silent heavens.

The rule of the Catholic Church in the Philippines is a marked demonstration of the fact that basic democratic measures have not yet been carried out. The country has not yet achieved secular governance, the separation of church and state, or the solution to the agrarian problem. The failure of the Philippine revolution of 1896 foreshadowed the fundamental problems of the twentieth century.

Leon Trotsky, in his perspective of Permanent Revolution, demonstrated that the global development of capitalism meant that the national and democratic tasks of the revolution would be completed not by the capitalist class, but by the working class. In carrying out these measures, the working class would be compelled to infringe upon capitalist property relations and would thus implement socialist measures as well. The revolution could not remain within the confines of the nation-state; its survival required the spread of socialist revolution internationally. It was this perspective of Permanent Revolution that was adopted by Lenin in April 1917 and that served as the organizing program of the October revolution.

Stalinism was the betrayal of the October Revolution and not its continuation. In the defense of their growing set of privileged interests, sections of the bureaucracy led by Stalin put forward the nationalist perspective of building “Socialism in One Country.” In furtherance of this perspective, they rehabilitated the old Menshevik perspective, rejected by Lenin and Trotsky, that in countries of belated capitalist development the tasks of the revolution were exclusively national and democratic in character, and not yet socialist. A section of the capitalist class, therefore, would play a progressive role and should be sought out as allies. In this way, the Stalinist bureaucracy used Communist Parties around the globe to conclude deals with sections of the ruling elite.

The predecessor of the CPP, the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP), was founded on the program of Stalinism in 1930; the CPP continued its legacy. Both the PKP and the CPP subordinated the struggles of the Filipino masses to the interests of the capitalist elite. Since the revolution of 1896, however, the Filipino bourgeoisie entirely abandoned its democratic tasks. The property interests of capitalist class in the Philippines lay in the defense of the large landed estates and the rule of the Catholic Church. The PKP and CPP tail-ended this orientation. Thus, while the CPP claims to be carrying forward the “unfinished revolution” of Andres Bonifacio, they have in fact abandoned the militant anti-clericalism of the revolution of 1896 and have embraced the Catholic Church.

When workers and peasants first come around the revolutionary party in any country, they bring with them their illusions, prejudices, and misconceptions—including superstitions, racism, and religious beliefs. The task of the party is not to adapt to these backward conceptions, but to patiently explain to the masses a scientific, materialist understanding of the world.

The Stalinists, however, do not fight for the interests of the working class, but rather of the bourgeoisie. The party has thus gone out of its way to reinforce the religious beliefs of the working class and peasantry and to paint the church as a liberating force in society. It has subordinated the interests of workers to the needs of the Catholic Church.

This has impacted every aspect of the party’s work. For decades, in an effort to retain support within the church, the party disciplined young female cadre who were accused of premarital sex, which the party leadership termed a “bourgeois deviation.” The CPP refused to distribute birth control at its “revolutionary health clinics.”

The front organizations of the party routinely stage political dramas based on the passion of Christ. They regularly direct workers to join masses held in Catholic churches as acts of protests. They stage candle-lit religious processions.

A core member organization of the National Democratic Front of the CPP is the Christians for National Liberation (CNL). There are CNL units in the party’s New People’s Army (NPA) which issue regular statements. In December 2018, an NPA unit of the CNL issued a statement, “on the anniversary of the incarnation of the Lord Jesus Christ,” celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the founding the CPP.

This religious opportunism saturates the party to its highest levels. The youngest child of founder and ideological leader of the CPP, Jose Maria Sison, was baptized into the Catholic Church by Cardinal Sin himself, long time head of the church in the country. Leading members of the elite stood as godparents, including a senator and a future vice president.

The CPP’s utter abandonment of materialism and groveling embrace of the Catholic Church is an integral component of its alliances with a section of the ruling elite. It reveals that there is no depth to which the party will not descend.

This was made clear in the final paragraph of De Lima’s speech. She told the assembled religious leaders that “we do not foreclose the possibility that Duterte is struck by lightning like Saul on his way to Damascus and agrees to resume peace negotiations because of the miraculous combination of prayers for and advocacy of peace by the people and the irresistible demands of the rapidly worsening crisis of the ruling system.”

The CPP enthusiastically supported Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte during his rise to power. They sought to integrate themselves into his administration, while he oversaw a war on drugs that killed thousands of poor Filipinos. When the talks finally broke down, the party denounced him as a “fascist.” De Lima publicly admitted at the religious gathering that the party was now resuming “backchannel discussions” with the Duterte administration, and was relying on the “miraculous” power of “prayer” that Duterte might have a conversion.

De Lima is the wife of Jose Maria Sison. Sison repeatedly shared her speech on Facebook, including her quote about praying for Duterte’s conversion.

Stalinism is the betrayal of everything that Marx stood for and the entire history of Marxism. Reading the party’s open embrace of Christianity and colonialism is nauseating. It is worth remembering what Marx himself wrote.

In 1847, in response to the “Christian socialists” of the Rheinischer Beobachter, who claimed that Communism was the realization of the “social principles of Christianity,” Marx wrote,

“The social principles of Christianity have now had eighteen hundred years to be developed …

“The social principles of Christianity justified the slavery of antiquity, glorified the serfdom of the Middle Ages, and are capable, in case of need, of defending the oppression of the proletariat, even if with somewhat doleful grimaces. The social principles of Christianity preach the necessity of a ruling and oppressed class, and for the latter all they have to offer is the pious wish that the former may be charitable. ...

“The social principles of Christianity preach cowardice, self-contempt, abasement, submissiveness and humbleness, in short, all the qualities of the rabble, and the proletariat, which will not permit itself to be treated as rabble, needs its courage, its self-confidence, its pride and its sense of independence even more than its bread.

“The social principles of Christianity are sneaking and hypocritical, and the proletariat is revolutionary. So much for the social principles of Christianity.”

So much as well for the Communist Party of the Philippines and its embrace of the barbaric heritage of the Catholic Church.

22 Feb 2021

ACCA Africa Students Scholarship Scheme 2021

Application Deadline: Not specified

About the Award: The scheme is designed to motivate students to aim towards higher performance in their exams and support them to pass using our available resources.

Type: Undergraduate, Masters

Eligibility: To qualify for the ACCA Africa Scholarship Scheme, you must be an active student sitting for exams and score at least 75% in one of the last papers sat in the preceding exam session. This will commence from the March 2021 exams sitting. Scholarships will be available for each paper passed with the qualifying criteria.

Selection Criteria: To be entitled to the scholarship, you must score 75% in one paper in an exam sitting and must be prepared to sit for two papers to in upcoming exam sittings e.g. you must pass one paper with 75% score in March and enter to sit June or September.

Eligible Countries: African countries

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • Exam fees (at standard entry): Available as exam credit for the next exam. Exam must be sat within two upcoming sessions
  • Free tuition: Worth a maximum of £200 at our any of Approved Learning Partners (Platinum or Gold), both online or face to face
  • First year subscription fee: For affiliates who complete qualifying papers.

How to Apply:

1. Subscribe: To enter for the scholarship, you must first subscribe. Only students in Applied Skills and Strategic Professional levels are eligible to enter.

Subscribe to enter for scholarship

2. Book exams: If you haven’t already, you’d need to enter an exam to qualify for the scholarship. Book your next exam in the upcoming exam session.

Book exam now

3. Exam FAQs: Get answers to all your exam entry questions. You’ll need to sit for qualifying exam papers within two upcoming exam sessions.

Exam entry FAQs

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

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African World Heritage Fund (AWHF) Professional Immersion Fellowship 2021

Application Deadline: 12th March 2021 (17.00 CAT)

About the Award: The main objective of the AWHF is to address the challenges faced by many States Parties in Africa in the implementation of the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (hereinafter World Heritage Convention), specifically, the underrepresentation of African sites on the World Heritage List and the insufficient conservation and management of these sites.

The Professional Immersion Fellowship is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the African World Heritage Fund. The fellowship aims at supporting an African Professional to implement short term projects which focus on improving the state of conservation and sustainability of World Heritage properties in Africa.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility:

  • The applicant should be a citizen in any African country.
  • Projects activities are restricted to African World Heritage Sites as declared by UNESCO.
  • Proposals MUST address challenges affecting the State of Conservation of selected World heritage property. Projects addressing conservation and sustainability issues raised in the State of Conservation (SoC) reports and the decisions made by the World Heritage Committee will have added advantage.
  • The project can address sustainability (presentation, entrepreneurship, tourism) at a World Heritage property.
  • Site Managers, Youths, Heritage Professionals in Academia and Practitioners involved in the management and protection of World Heritage Sites are encouraged to apply.
  • The application must be approved by the Head/Director of institution/organization accompanied by a cover letter from institution designated as responsible for World Heritage Sites (World Heritage Focal point) endorsing the project.

Selection Criteria: All applications will be assessed before the final decision is made. The assessment will be based on the following:

  • Relevance and contribution of the project to conservation challenges and sustainability at a World Heritage property in Africa
  • Quality of project design and use of innovative and cost-effective approaches;
  • Clearly articulated, realistic and measurable outcomes
  • Level of stakeholders’ involvement and participation
  • Accurate and realistic budget
  • Confirmation of support or co-funding mechanisms.

Eligible Countries: African countries

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • The Professional Immersion Fellowship will only cover direct costs related to the project
  • Applicants should provide detailed budget not exceeding US$ 10,000 as contribution of AWHF. The Funds cannot be used to purchase equipment (computers/laptops, cameras, field equipment), pay salaries and consultancy fees among others.
  • Applicants should indicate any other financial or in-kind contributions to the project.

Duration of Award: The projects MUST be implemented within 3 months before 30 October 2021

How to Apply:

  • Applications must be submitted either in English or French.
  • Completed applications should be submitted via email (as attachment) to AWHFProfessionalFellowship@gmail.com

Application Document can be downloaded HERE

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

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Freestanding, Innovation and Scarce Skills (FISS) Postdoctoral Fellowships 2022

Application Deadline: Ongoing

Eligible Field(s): Applications from candidates intending to pursue postdoctoral research in the specific areas listed below will be considered for the respective fellowships.

NRF Freestanding Postdoctoral Fellowships

  • Natural Sciences;
  • Engineering;
  • Technology;
  • Social Sciences; and
  • Humanities.

In allocating funds for Postdoctoral Fellowships at South African public research institutions, priority will be given to Science, Engineering and Technology (SET) disciplines. The percentage of Fellowships awarded towards the SET domain will be between 70 – 80%; and between 20 – 30% for the Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH).

Innovation Postdoctoral Fellowships

  • Biotechnology;
  • Cellular and Molecular Biology;
  • Engineering;
  • Computer science;
  • Physics;
  • Astronomy;
  • Mathematical Sciences;
  • Nanotechnology;
  • Chemistry;
  • Earth Science;
  • Ecology;
  • Medical sciences;
  • Social Sciences; and
  • Humanities

Scarce Skills Development Fund Postdoctoral Fellowships

  • Management:
    • Financial Management
  • Financial sector:
    • Accounting, Auditing, Statistics, Actuarial Science
  • Biological sciences:
    • Biotechnology
  • Physical sciences:
    • Mathematical Sciences, Physics, Geology, Computer Science, Information systems, Chemistry
  • Engineering:
    • All fields of Engineering
  • Sector specific:
    • Agricultural Sciences, Transportation Studies, Tourism, Demography

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: The eligibility criteria applicable to all the Postdoctoral Fellowships supported by the NRF are listed in section 6.1. In addition, sections 6.2, 6.3 and 6.4 list eligibility criteria for each category of fellowships relating to citizenship requirements

General eligibility criteria for all Postdoctoral Fellowships

  • Applicants must have obtained their doctoral degree within five (5) years of submitting an application to the NRF;
  • Applicants who are currently completing their doctoral dissertation for submission may apply however, they should complete their doctoral degree by 31 December 2021, as awards that are not taken up by 30 June 2022 will be cancelled by the NRF;
  • Full-time employees of Higher Education Institutions (HEI’s) or other research institutions are only eligible to apply if they intend to take unpaid leave for the duration of the postdoctoral fellowship;
  • Applicants who are applying for a second NRF Postdoctoral research placement will be eligible if they intend undertaking research on a new project;
  • Applicants who are applying for a second NRF Postdoctoral research placement to continue with research on the same project are not eligible; and
  • Applicants who are applying for a third NRF Postdoctoral research placement are not eligible.

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be Taken at (Country): South Africa

Number of Awards: The institution will submit a maximum of thirty (30) applications from all the Postdoctoral applications received at the university or research institution. Applications submitted by the institutions to the NRF must be aligned with the following equity targets:

  • 80% South African citizens and permanent residents
  • 80% Black (African, Indian and Coloured)
  • 55% Female

Value & Duration of Award: Successful applicants will receive funding for a maximum period of two (2) years based on the initial commencement date of the project. Female Postdoctoral Fellows that take maternity leave during the tenure of the fellowship, are eligible for an additional four (4) months of support beyond the two (2) year fellowship period

How to Apply: Applications must be completed on the NRF Online Submission System at https://nrfsubmission.nrf.ac.za. Applicants are advised to complete their applications soon after the call opened to prevent IT system overload nearer the closing date

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

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Urban Studies Foundation (USF) International Fellowship 2021/2022

Application Deadline: 30th April 2021 (by 23:59 GMT, UK time).

About the Award: The Fellowship covers the costs of a sabbatical period at a university of the candidate’s choice in the Global North or South for the purpose of writing-up the candidate’s existing research findings in the form of publishable articles and/or a book under the guidance of a chosen mentor in their field of study. Funding is available for a period ranging between 3-9 months.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: Applicants must be early-to-mid career urban scholars with a PhD obtained within the preceding 10 years (by the submission deadline) who currently work in a university or other research institution within the Global South. Candidates must also be nationals of a country in the Global South, defined as any country on the present OECD list of ODA recipients (2021).

Selection Criteria: The candidate must make suitable arrangements to be mentored by a suitably experienced senior urban scholar at the candidate’s chosen research institution. Further Particulars are available to download on the USF website.

Eligible Countries: Developing countries

To be Taken at (Country): Leeds University, UK

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The financial support attached to the fellowship will meet accommodation and subsistence needs while staying at the host university, return (economy class) air fare, and assistance towards research costs (including any enrolment fees and other resource costs). There is also a small budget available for the mentor to assist the Fellow to meet their intended research aims should this be appropriate. Short-listed candidates may also apply for a small amount of limited award support funds to cover costs that might arise due to challenges like childcare and/or disability (see Further Particulars for terms).

Duration of Award: 3-9 months. Fellowships should begin no later than 1 year after the application deadline (i.e. by 30th April 2022). Applicants are expected to be notified of an outcome normally within four weeks of the application deadline.

How to Apply: Candidates must complete the online application form no later than 30th April 2021 (by 23:59 GMT, UK time). The application must include:

  • Applicant information including: contact details, recent education, recent academic roles, and the names and contact details of two academic referees. Both referees should be prepared to submit blind letters of recommendation to the Urban Studies Foundation upon request.
  • Fellowship proposal information including dates, mentorship and host institution arrangements.
  • A draft budget in GBP with main cost items, including documentary evidence for all cost items above GBP 500 uploaded as a single pdf (e.g. flight prices, quotes for accommodation, local cost of living rates, etc.).
  • A proposal that includes: an outline of the planned research (1200 words maximum), intended outputs (300 words maximum), designation of the host institution (300 words maximum), and a statement of how the candidate’s chosen mentor will support and facilitate the proposed research (300 words maximum).
  • Proof of applicant’s nationality and therefore eligibility for the award.
  • Applicant CV listing academic achievements and publications (3 pages maximum).
  • Short CV from the mentor which includes any previous mentoring experience (3 pages maximum).
  • Supporting letter from the prospective mentor stating their willingness to act as a mentor to the fellow, and indicating the suitability of the host institution for the proposed sabbatical study (2 pages maximum).

All candidates should consult the Urban Studies Foundation website and Further Particulars documentation before applying to the scheme.

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details