16 Nov 2021

Leaked “Operation Rampdown” document insists nothing will be done to stop spread of COVID in UK

Robert Stevens


UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson held a COVID-19 press conference yesterday, at which he warned that “storm clouds that are gathering over the continent. A new wave of Covid has steadily swept through central Europe and is now affecting our nearest neighbours in Western Europe.”

He added, “We don’t yet know the extent to which this new wave will wash up on our shores, but history shows we cannot afford to be complacent. Indeed, in recent days cases there have been rising here in the UK, so we must remain vigilant.”

Johnson is of course lying. The pandemic continues to rage in the UK, fueled by the elimination of virtually all measures of mitigation and the reopening of the economy, including schools. But Johnson, along with Chief Medical Officer Chris Whitty and Chief Scientific Officer Sir Patrick Vallance made these “warnings” while proposing no measures to protect the population, beyond calling for the over 40s to get a booster vaccine and announcing that 16-17 years olds will now be offered a second dose.

Johnson’s pose of concern was sickening. His government has already decided that nothing will be done ever again to stop the spread of a deadly disease. He spoke after documents were leaked revealing that the government’s overarching goal is for the disease to become endemic in the population for years to come.

The Mail on Sunday revealed details of “Operation Rampdown” in a two page spread, consisting of four articles. The Mail, which has long opposed lockdowns and any mitigation measures impeding the profit interests of the capitalist class, featured a picture of a face mask being burnt, alongside the words, “It will appal some but be music to the ears of others.” Making clear what was meant, its main article states baldly, “The leaked Rampdown plans will be hailed by business owners…”

Screenshot of the Mail on Sunday's two page spread on Operation Rampdown

The Mail reports, “The Rampdown strategy is being hammered out as part of a six-week review of the Government's ‘test, trace and isolate regime’ by officials at the UK Health Security Agency, a new body headed by former Deputy Chief Medical Officer Dr Jenny Harries.”

The “strategy” is effectively already policy, with the newspaper reporting, “Their [UK Health Security Agency] conclusions are due to be finalised by Dr Harries and other key officials this weekend before being submitted to Health Secretary Sajid Javid.” [emphasis added]

The opening paragraph of the first article by Isabel Oakeshott and Mark Hookham reads, “Britain's response to Covid is set to be dramatically scaled back early next year as part of a pandemic ‘exit strategy’ codenamed Rampdown.” It notes, “The secret Whitehall plan” is detailed in a “extraordinary 160-page dossier” that “includes a string of documents marked ‘official sensitive’ drawn up by the senior Government officials tasked with winding down Britain's battle against the pandemic.”

The titles of the Mail’s other articles confirm the homicidal basis of Operation Rampdown: “We’ll have to live with the virus for years say the experts”; “It’s the end of free tests for everyone”; “No more self-isolation from March”.

The government plans to have no measures in place by March/April of next year to stem the spread of the pandemic, and, in all essentials, no measures to prevent its resurgence.

The Mail reports, “The file reveals how the Government is set to:

  • Axe the legal requirement for those who catch the virus to self-isolate for ten days;
  • End free Covid tests and instead allow private companies to charge for lateral flow and PCR tests;
  • Shut down the national ‘Test and Trace’ system, which identifies those who may have been exposed to the virus;
  • Focus the fight against Covid on tackling local outbreaks and protecting ‘highest risk settings’, such as care homes;
  • Scrap £500 payments for those on low incomes who must quarantine.”

Officials “are examining ‘what activities can we start ramping down before April?’ and what the ‘end state’ of Britain's response to Covid should be after April.”

The direction of travel is so rapid that the newspaper reveals “one Whitehall source has told The Mail on Sunday that some systems for monitoring the spread of the disease have already been shut down sparking alarm among top Government scientists.”

“Crucially, the documents reveal that Ministers are set to abandon attempts to stop Covid-19 spreading ‘at all costs’”.

At all costs? Such language could not be more chilling, given it is policy of a government headed by a maniac, Johnson, who said at the end of last October, only weeks before the peak of the pandemic in January/February this year, “No more fucking lockdowns. Let the bodies pile high in their thousands.”

At that point, Johnson’s herd immunity policy had officially taken 46,807 lives. In allowing the virus to rip throughout 2021, Johnson prepared the way for nearly 100,000 more lives lost in Britain.

These figures do not depict the true scale of carnage. Separate figures published by the Office for National Statistics last week showed there have been 167,000 deaths registered in the UK where COVID-19 is mentioned on the death certificate.

At every stage of the pandemic, the Johnson government has led the world in rolling out policies that have led to mass murder. At the beginning of the pandemic, before the intervention of the working class and concerned scientists prevented it, the government’s plan was to let rip COVID tear through the population, with up to 800,000 deaths being contemplated.

Ruling out preventing the spread of COVID takes place with the advantage gained by vaccinating much of the adult population undermined by waning immunity, and with children either partially vaccinated or unvaccinated.

The ruling elite’s aim is to end all spending aimed at containing in any way the spread of COVID and to explicitly implement a cost-benefit criteria to determine who lives and dies from COVID infection.

The Mail notes that “health officials will judge future policies against the same kind of cost-benefit analysis used to decide whether the NHS [National Health Service] can afford expensive new drugs.”

It reports the chilling words of another of the documents, “We will no longer be prioritising the previous objectives of breaking chains of transmission at all costs.”

The Mail adds, “Insiders say the Rampdown strategy was partly being driven by the need to rein in the vast sums being spent on the pandemic.

One cost cutting exercise is scrapping “hugely costly free tests… Essentially they have to run everything down by the end of March because then the funding has gone,' a source said”.

COVID will be taking life for the foreseeable future, with one document stating, “Given the extent of transmission throughout the world, we now have to consider how society might concurrently suppress and live with the virus and reach an endemic state for years to come.”

Living with COVID must happen, even though one of the documents warns that “an extreme event could emerge at any time.” The Mail states that such an event could be the “spread of a vaccine-busting new strain” or as the document notes, “severe supply chain issues” with booster jabs. One document warns of “an unforeseen event or combination of events” that would “leave us in a worst case scenario with no end in sight.”

With the lives of countless thousands at stake, the priorities of the media, who are at one with the government’s agenda, is to tell everyone to look the other way. One question posed to Johnson during Monday’s COVID-19 press conference by Channel 4’s Ayshah Tull, was framed in reference to the remarks of Sir Nick Carter: “Do you agree with head of armed forces that the UK must be ready for war with Russia?”

A comparative analysis of COVID-19 and the flu highlights the immense dangers of the pandemic

Benjamin Mateus


The flu and COVID-19 are very contagious respiratory infections caused by the influenza virus and SARS-COV-2 coronavirus, respectively. As respiratory viruses, they are transmitted from one infected individual to another via small, aerosolized particles during breathing or speaking/screaming/singing and by respiratory droplets. Evidence gathered throughout the pandemic has shown that the aerosol form is dominant in spreading the disease through communities, propelling the pandemic from region to region.

Aside from sharing some of the same symptoms of fever, cough, and chills, the comparison, even attempts to suggest that these two infections are the same, has been repeatedly promoted to downplay the dangers of COVID and compel workplaces and schools to open to ensure the economy is up and running. The blatant disregard for the population’s health, given the calamity COVID has wrought, has been willfully criminal. However, what has also been lacking is an effort by the mainstream media to provide a more concrete scale by which people may compare COVID’s havoc to understand the true seriousness of this disease.

Therefore, it would be instructive place the figures for the flu and COVID toe to toe, to comprehend the magnitude of their differences and recognize the deceit being peddled to the population.

To begin, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) had reported that the number of children that had died from the flu during the 2019-2020 season was one of the highest, matching that of the 2017-2018 season. In all, there were 188 pediatric flu deaths during the season that inaugurated the COVID pandemic. Eighty-one occurred in children younger than five years of age and 107 deaths among those 5 to 17. Many of them for whom information on their medical condition was known had pre-existing conditions. Reviewing the reported pediatric death toll for the six flu seasons from 2011 to 2020, an average of about 130 children died annually. (In the 2018-2019 flu season, 118 children reportedly died.)

Figure 1 Flu season pediatric deaths in the United States. Source data from CDC.

If we expand our analysis to all ages, incorporating reported flu deaths from 2010 to 2020, the average number of people that died each season was around 36,000, with a high in 2017-2018 at 61,000 and a low of 12,000 in the 2011-2012 season. COVID-19, by comparison, killed well over 400,000 during its first full year in the United States, March 2020 through February 2021, more than ten times the annual average death toll from influenza.

An astounding finding comes to light when these figures are compared to the 2020-2021 flu season that occurred from October 3, 2020, to July 24, 2021, amid the COVID pandemic. During the last flu season, more than 1.3 million flu specimens were obtained. Only 2,136 were positive for the influenza virus, a yield of 0.16 percent positivity. More so, only 748 deaths were reported. Overall, there was a 98 percent reduction in mortality, a byproduct of the meager measures to mitigate the COVID pandemic. Among children, only one perished. This is a remarkable reduction in the number of deaths. Arguably, the flu in the population was brought to near elimination, and an incredible achievement deemed impossible in the centuries that civilizations have suffered living with the flu.

In line with this investigation, placing the COVID pandemic in context to the flu season will be important. Using the Worldometer COVID dashboard, during the same period in the US, from October 3, 2020, to July 24, 2021, reportedly over 410,000 people perished from COVID. In other words, for every flu death, there were almost 550 COVID deaths.

According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, there have been at least 6.5 million child COVID-19 cases or 16.7 percent of all COVID cases. In all, as of November 4, 2021, 614 children have died. In the intervening months that coincide with the 2020-2021 flu season, 237 children died. The comparison to the one child that died from the flu demonstrates how much deadlier COVID has been by comparison.

Figure 2 Number of influenza deaths in the United States from 2010 to 2020. Source Statista.

In the last four months, COVID has killed 265 children. If we compare these figures to the typical flu season, COVID is twice as deadly as the flu for children. But for the population, it has been elevenfold deadlier, ranging between sevenfold to 34-fold, compared to the highs and lows in flu mortality for a particular season. In other words, even for the youngest children, who are most resistant to the worst effects of COVID, the coronavirus kills many more than the flu, and it has even more horrific secondary effects, such as Long COVID, for which there is no real influenza equivalent.

During the initial foray with the pandemic, as noted by Business Insider, Figure 3 below breaks out the mortality for a typical flu season vs. COVID-19 deaths in the US by age brackets, highlighting the dangers of COVID for all age ranges. These types of analysis, for the most part, have ceased in the press.

And these figures must recall the repeated waves of infections that have left health care systems in many regions pushing them to the brink of collapse with resources like medicinal oxygen running critically low in many facilities. Some states even had to ration care to those deemed most likely to survive their infection.

Anecdotally, the categories of “mild” to “moderate” COVID were anything but minor in their effects on patients. They typically suffered a severe bout of infection with significant shortness of breath, severe coughs, profound fatigue, chills, and high fevers, that could last for several weeks. A considerable number also went on to develop Long COVID, including depression and brain fog. Untold millions will face the prospect of developing chronic diseases as a consequence of long-term complications to their organs from their initial COVID infection.

Figure 3 Typical flu season vs COVID-19 in the US compared by age ranges.

Certainly, other comparisons need to be made.

According to the CDC, during the 2019-2020 flu season (largely pre-COVID), 51.8 percent of people ages six months and older got a flu vaccine. Despite the target of 70 percent set by the Department of Health and Human Services in 2010, this was the highest level since the 2009-2010 flu season.

By and large, for children six months to 17 years, 63.8 percent received the flu shot, while among adults, only 48.4 percent were inoculated. The flu vaccine’s effectiveness reduces the risk of flu illness by 40 to 60 percent if the vaccines are well-matched to the circulating flu viruses. By comparison, approximately 50 percent of the US population had been fully vaccinated against SARS-CoV-2 by the end of July 2021. COVID vaccines have proven to be more than 90 percent effective. However, a more recent appreciation for waning immunity means that the population will depend on repeat (booster) vaccinations to maintain some immunity against the virus.

The influenza virus is endemic in human populations. Though the efficacy of the vaccines is dependent on predicting the strain of the virus for a given season, they afford those who receive them some level of protection. Given the mutations of the virus, however, and the limited take-up of vaccinations, the level of immunity is entirely insufficient to deprive the virus of a sufficient number of hosts to fuel its spread, so that it dies out (the actual meaning of herd immunity).

SARS-CoV-2 is a novel coronavirus, meaning that when it emerged into human populations, no one had ever been exposed to it, and therefore no immunity against it existed, and every human being was a potential host. However, very efficacious vaccines have been developed quickly, and nearly 60 percent of the US population has now been fully vaccinated. And yet, since taking office, the Biden administration has pursued the same policies against COVID that his predecessor had enacted—profits over life. Another 350,000 have succumbed since Biden took the oath swearing to defend the Constitution.

The US is now facing another winter surge in new cases of COVID-19 as the pandemic spreads into the upper Midwest and Northeast. Given the widespread abandonment of masking and other protective measures, and the mass return to schools, which reduced influenza to near-zero last year, there are now warnings from health experts of a possible twindemic of flu and COVID. This means that a harsh flu season, as experienced in the 2017-2018 season, combined with the uncontrolled spread of COVID could have catastrophic implications to health systems that have been repeatedly deluged by floods of patients throughout the pandemic.

A report in The Economist from October 2021, “How the world learns to live with COVID-19,” states that the influenza virus, “one of the most dangerous endemic diseases,” kills between 290,000 to 650,000 people every year worldwide, in particular the elderly. Dr. Trevor Bedford, a professor of biostatistics and bioinformatics at Fred Hutch, explained that in the next few years, SARS-CoV-2 would cause annual deaths in America from 50,000 to 100,000 while the flu kills about 12,000 to 60,000. Extrapolating from these miserable estimates means millions worldwide could die each year from these pathogens combined.

In concluding the comparison between the flu and COVID, it is worth reviewing COVID mortality in countries that implemented elimination strategies to the pandemic.

China, thus far, has sustained 4,636 deaths, nearly all of them during the first few months of the pandemic, before it was fully understood. New Zealand has registered only 33 deaths. Life expectancy actually climbed for the tiny island nation in 2020, in contrast to most of the world. Until May of 2021, Taiwan had seen only 14 deaths. A sudden surge in cases over the summer and fall led to more than 800 deaths, although the figures have stabilized after efforts were taken to control the rise of infections. Until July 2021, Vietnam had approximately 225 deaths. Norway has experienced only 950 deaths.

The United States has reported 783,439 deaths, 100 times the total number of deaths in all the above-mentioned countries, with estimates that another 60,000 people will die before the New Year.

Tragically, in Vietnam, the Stalinist government in recent months has adopted a US-style strategy of “learning to live with the virus.” Since July, the COVID death toll has jumped from 225 to over 23,000, with a million cases.

These statistics unequivocally demonstrate that appropriate public health measures and strict mitigation measures could have saved hundreds of thousands of lives, in the US and around the world, even before the development of the vaccines, which can now be deployed to assist with elimination measures.

Instead, the reckless policies the capitalist countries have implemented to ensure no infringements are made on the extraction of surplus value have only created the conditions ripe for the continued mutation of the virus. The attempt to dismiss the dangers of the virus and claim, like the fascistic president of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, that it is “just a little flu,” only plays into the hands of the most reactionary demands of the financial oligarchs. Only an elimination strategy can help stem the further loss of life.

New neo-Nazi weapons cache discovered in Austria

Markus Salzmann


A huge cache of weapons was uncovered recently by security officers during a house search of a suspected neo-Nazi in the Lower Austrian district of Baden. This is the third such weapons cache found within a year and underlines the extent of far-right terrorist activities in the Central Alps.

During the search, 1,200 kilograms of ammunition, several machine guns and submachine guns, an assault rifle, a sniper rifle and more than 20 other weapons were seized. The weapons inventory also included 17 revolvers and pistols, seven partially operational pipe bombs, 21 so-called “shooting pens” brass knuckles, Asian close combat weapons and other weapons designed to inflict cuts and stabbing wounds.

Weapons seized in Austria (Bild: BMI/Karl Schober)

In addition to weapons and explosives, the security forces also found a large number of Nazi devotional objects. These included steel helmets with swastikas, medals, a bust of Erwin Rommel, Hitler’s Mein Kampf and other National Socialist literature. According to the Minister of the Interior, Karl Nehammer (Austrian Peoples Party, ÖVP), the discovery of the weapons held by right-wing extremists was capable of “plunging the Republic into a massive crisis.”

Despite the considerable size of the weapons cache, only a temporary weapons ban was issued against the 53-year-old neo-Nazi Peter Binder and his wife while charges were filed. Both currently remain at large, although the pair are regard to be part of an extensive far-right terrorist network. The official investigation into their backers and accomplices continues.

Interior Minister Nehammer congratulated the investigators of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BVT): “The consistent action against right-wing extremism is not only part of our historical responsibility, but also a very clear commitment to our democratic coexistence in Austria.”

In fact, numerous far-right extremists have been able to build their networks in Austria in recent years under the noses of the BVT, other Austrian security authorities and not least the government itself.

Since the summer of 2019, 20 illegal weapons caches have been unearthed in Austria, according to the blog “stopptdierechten.at,” which documents such finds. This latest weapons cache is now the third to be uncovered in the course of investigations into a network of far-right extremists in Austria and Germany.

In July, house searches were carried out in the neo-Nazi milieu in Lower Austria, Upper Austria, Vienna and Burgenland. Large numbers of fully and semi-automatic firearms plus ammunition were found, in addition to Nazi memorabilia. Among the weapons were rifles issued by the Austrian armed forces, indicating that the network maintains contacts with the military.

As was subsequently announced, a so-called “Militia of the Upright” wanted to “overturn the system” through right-wing terror. Once again, only two weapons bans were issued in Vienna and Burgenland.

In December, during an investigation in Lower Austria, the authorities discovered a huge arms depot run by the well-known neo–Nazi Peter Binder. In this case, 76 submachine guns and assault rifles, 14 handguns as well as about 100,000 rounds of ammunition, hand grenades, explosives and an extensive collection of Wehrmacht (Germany’s army during WWII) equipment were seized.

According to Interior Minister Nehammer, the weapons were intended for Nazi circles in Germany in order to build up “a far right militia.” In the course of the investigation, two kilos of TNT, four mines, two hand grenades, ammunition and several other weapons were found during further house searches. It was notable that the finds were uncovered in the course of investigating organised drug trafficking, although the mastermind was a known neo-Nazi with multiple convictions, who had already been involved in similar practices in the past.

Peter Binder is a well-known figure in the Austrian neo-Nazi scene and has close connections to Germany. He was arrested in the mid-1990s in the course of a series of far-right attacks in Austria involving letter bombs which killed four people and injured another 15, some seriously.

Although explosives and instructions for building bombs were found on Binder’s person at the time, he was acquitted of complicity and sentenced to just five years in prison for crimes aimed at reviving National Socialism. The neo-Nazi Franz Fuchs was later found guilty of acting as a sole perpetrator, although massive doubts were raises at the time about his ability to work alone.

In the following years, Binder received further sentences, including in 2010 for drug trafficking. Most recently, in January 2018, he was sentenced in Passau to ten months’ imprisonment on probation for importing weapons and narcotics. During a check at the Passau border crossing, 250 shotgun shells and 2 grams of amphetamines were found on his person.

In the same year, Binder was sentenced by the regional court of Wiener Neustadt for wearing a belt buckle with Nazi symbols and sending far-right messages. As a result, he received a two-and-a-half-year prison sentence but was able to serve it on day release. During this period, he assembled the weapons cache that has now been found.

Binder had been an activist in the Volkstreue Ausserparlamentarische Opposition (VAPO) funded by the leading Austrian neo-Nazi Gottfried Küssel. VAPO referred to Hitler as one of history’s “greatest men” and organised rallies and military exercises involving well-known politicians from the Freedom Party (FPÖ), such as Andreas Reichhard and later Vice-Chancellor Heinz-Christian Strache. The VAPO had links to terrorist circles and was dismantled in the 1990s.

There are clear indications that the weapons found were intended for far-right militias in Germany. Evidence indicates that Binder had been in close contact with neo-Nazis in Berlin for years, who also supported him in the procurement of explosives. According to the platform “stopptdierechten.at,” his name was also mentioned in investigations into the far-right German terrorist cell, the National Socialist Underground, NSU. Apparently, right-wing extremists close to the NSU had already been in contact with Binder before the NSU committed its years-long series of racist murders. Weapons depots in Austria were also mentioned in investigations into other right-wing networks in Germany.

Already a year ago, the question arose how a known neo-Nazi with a criminal record, who had already been released from prison and was at the centre of investigations into a terrorist series, could have managed to stockpile weapons and explosives on a large scale to build a far-right terrorist network.

Binder and his followers were clearly operating on the radar of the security authorities. The BVT has known for years how the far-right milieu finances itself. It is no coincidence that the case recalls the so-called Object 21, a “cultural association” founded by neo-Nazis in 2010 which financed its activities through drug and arms trafficking as well as extortion.

Object 21 also had contacts in Germany. Its cadres had connections to the Thüringer Heimatschutz (THS), to which the NSU terrorists Böhnhardt, Mundlos and Zschäpe all belonged. The THS, in turn, was financed by Germany’s domestic intelligence agency, the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, via its undercover agent Tino Brandt.

Willi Mernyi, chairman of the Mauthausen Committee Austria, summarised the findings as follows: “Organised crime finances Brown violence: we already know this connection from ‘Object 21’ in Upper Austria. On that occasion, the Office for the Protection of the Constitution also failed in its duties. In both cases, the neo Nazi groups came unstuck, not for their plans to overthrow the government, but over their drug trafficking. In the process, the two weapons caches could have led to the deaths of hundreds of people.”

The new finding makes clear that the BVT has not “failed.” Not only has it not made any effort to seriously dismantle the right-wing extremist networks, it even encourages them. In Germany, too, radical right-wing networks like Nordkreuz and Hannibal have links deep into the state and security apparatuses.

In Austria, the BVT is also known for links to the extreme right-wing spectrum. During the FPÖ’s participation in government from 2000 to 2007 and from 2017 to 2019, the BVT was reshuffled with recruits from persons politically close to the FPÖ. At the same time, surveillance of the far right was deliberately scaled back. In particular, the FPÖ Interior Minister Herbert Kickl aggressively sought to cover up the close ties between his party and neo-Nazi circles and intervened accordingly using the services of the BVT.

At the end of 2018, two high-ranking BVT employees were investigated for sharing photos with anti-Semitic and racist slogans in a Whatsapp group. In 2015, the former head of the BVT, Peter Gridling, appeared at a meeting of the notorious Vienna Akademikerbund, a platform for anti-Semites, Holocaust deniers and other far-right extremists.

The FPÖ’s links to openly fascist groups are well documented. The most recent example is the latest issue of Info-direkt, a far right, anti-Semitic “Magazine for Patriots.” The Salzburg FPÖ not only placed advertisements in the magazine, there is also an article profiling the FPÖ’s provincial leader.

Up until 2002, the government published an annual report on far-right extremism, until the ÖVP and FPÖ discontinued it.

Even after the FPÖ left the government at the end of last year, its far-right policies continued to be enacted. All of Austria’s established parties have essentially adopted the policies of the far right. In the ruling coalition, the Greens have replaced the FPÖ and are continuing its course. The Social Democrats (SPÖ) have long been involved in pacts with the far right at a local level.

In this climate, the number of far-right crimes have risen dramatically in recent years. In 2019, 797 “offences with a far-right background” were registered, 65 more than in 2018. From January to June this year, 443 far right, racist, Islamophobic and anti-Semitic offences were registered, i.e., 100 more than in the same period of the previous year, according to figures from the Austrian Interior Ministry.

Canada heads toward deadly winter surge of COVID-19

Dylan Lubao


Canada is entering the second winter of the COVID-19 pandemic with all signs pointing to an impending surge of mass illness and death. With the blessing of the Trudeau Liberal government, provincial and territorial governments across the country have dismantled almost all public health measures designed to prevent viral transmission, while spreading the lie that the worst of the pandemic is over and insisting the population has to learn to “live with the virus.”

Street scene from Vancouver, British Columbia (Wikimedia Commons)

Infections are rising in the majority of provinces and territories as the country heads into the winter months when inclement weather forces people to congregate indoors, and viruses consequently spread much more rapidly.

Alarming COVID-19 flashpoints are emerging in the prairie provinces of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, the northwestern Yukon Territory, and the Atlantic province of New Brunswick.

Infections have also begun to spike again in Ontario and Quebec, Canada’s two most populous provinces. The two westernmost provinces of British Columbia and Alberta, which bore the worst of the early fall surge, are still recording elevated death rates.

Data produced by biostatistician and educator Ryan Imgrund shows that with the exception of Saskatchewan, every province has a reproductive value, or Rt, greater than 1.0, which indicates an exponential growth of the pandemic. Among cities with the most explosive spread is Winnipeg, Manitoba, where infections are spiraling out of control with an Rt of 1.28. This figure means that 100 infected individuals will go on to infect 128 more.

Even though Saskatchewan’s reproductive rate is below 1, its health care system is buckling under the weight of COVID-19 hospitalizations, which are the direct product of right-wing Premier Scott Moe’s decision to lift all public health restrictions last July. This led to a massive spike in new infections and hospitalizations in September and October. High numbers of hospitalizations have continued into November.

Saskatchewan reported its worst month of the pandemic in October, when it recorded 156 deaths. This is more than in January of this year, before the widespread availability of vaccines. According to Dr. Dennis Kendel, a former physician and health policy consultant, the death toll would have been far higher if COVID-19 patients in Saskatchewan’s overflowing ICUs had not been transported to hospitals in Ontario.

Manitoba, where the Progressive Conservative provincial government boasted of its relatively low infection rates over the summer, is experiencing a spike in cases. From a seven-day average of 86 cases per day one month ago, the province now reports an average of 166 cases per day and rising.

The province’s Chief Medical Officer, Dr. Brent Roussin, was forced to admit that with its current trajectory, the province could soon be overwhelmed with COVID-19 patients. In response to the runaway spread of the virus, Roussin recommended the reinstatement of indoor gathering capacity limits on November 12.

The Liberal government in the sparsely populated Yukon Territory was forced to declare a state of emergency last week as an outbreak rapidly spread in the capital of Whitehorse. Citing “widespread and untraceable” community transmission, on the order of 80 cases over three days, Premier Sandy Silver announced the roll-out of a vaccine passport program for non-essential services like restaurants, bars, and gyms.

A major contributing factor to the surge in cases in the Yukon and other parts of the far north, is the waning effectiveness of vaccines after six months, even for those fully inoculated. Because of the vulnerability of the largely indigenous population, the far north was given priority in the rollout of vaccines. A surge in infections recently led the North West Territories to accelerate the distribution of vaccine booster shots, but in most of the country the availability of booster shots is very limited.

In New Brunswick, the Progressive Conservative government of Premier Blaine Higgs has called for “circuit breaker” measures to try and slow the spread of the virus.

After experiencing a very brief drop in daily cases from a peak of 115 per day in mid-October, cases are again rapidly rising in New Brunswick, sitting at 57 per day with an upward trajectory. The so-called circuit breaker only limits social gatherings between households, while leaving schools, businesses, and non-essential services virtually unaffected.

Both Ontario and Quebec, whose hard-right governments recently rejected vaccine mandates for health care workers, are seeing an upsurge in new cases. As of November 14, the seven-day rolling average of new cases in Ontario and Quebec was 563 and 639, respectively. At the low point of transmission last month, daily infections in Ontario dropped below 300.

Ontario’s Progressive Conservative government, led by erstwhile Trump enthusiast Doug Ford, recently laid out a road map to completely dismantle all public health measures by March 2022, including mask mandates. As a result of rising cases, which members of the Ontario COVID-19 Science Advisory Table warned would lead to a doubling of cases within 15 days, Ford was forced to temporarily delay the next round of relaxations, pausing the lifting of capacity limits in gyms, strip clubs, and dance venues. The reopening plan as a whole, however, remains in place.

In British Columbia and Alberta, the seven-day average of daily deaths stand at 8 and 4 respectively. Both provinces’ pandemic reporting systems have come under fire for alleged government tampering. Data compiled by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation appears to corroborate claims that COVID-19 deaths are underreported in these two provinces by at least a factor of two.

The discovery that the AY.25.1 subtype of the Delta variant has become the predominant strain of the virus in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and likely British Columbia, stands as an indictment of the reopening policies of the three provinces’ governments, who early in the summer dropped virtually all COVID-19 public health measures and let the virus rip through the population.

Although researchers currently believe that AY.25.1 is no more transmissible nor lethal than its parent strain, the unchecked spread of viral mutations of the SARS-COV-2 virus (AY.25.1 is thought to have originated in the US state of Idaho) always poses the risk of the arrival of a “super” strain that can circumvent vaccine immunity and cause greater harm.

The reckless reopening of schools for the fall term in September has played a major role in the resurgence of cases, as it did during the second wave a year ago. The age group with the highest infection rate in Canada is currently the under 11s, which reflects the fact that they can’t get vaccinated and are crammed into overcrowded school buildings with virtually no protections.

A worrying report in the Montreal daily La Presse notes that three hundred Quebec youth have been inflicted with Multisystem Inflammatory Syndrome in Children or Kawasaki disease since the start of the pandemic. Of these, at least 60 required intensive care.

The report exposes as lies the constant refrain by capitalist governments that children don’t get seriously ill from COVID-19. The true number of young victims of government reopening policies across the country, suffering from MIS-C, Long COVID, or other debilitating aftereffects of COVID-19 infection, is doubtless in the thousands.

The picture that emerges from the current stage of the pandemic in Canada is one in which every province and territory is either in the midst of a deadly upsurge or teetering precariously on the brink of one.

This is not primarily due to the tenaciousness of the virus itself, but of the homicidal policies pursued by both the federal and provincial governments. Their mantra of learning to “live with the virus” is designed to remove all obstacles to the operation of the capitalist economy and the accumulation of billions in profits by the corporations.

These policies have needlessly killed over 29,000 Canadians, by and large workers packed into unsafe workplaces and hospitals, and the elderly and vulnerable who were callously left to die in ramshackle long-term care homes. At the same time, the corporations and super-rich were and continue to be showered with hundreds of billions in subsidies, leading to record corporate profits and wealth gains for the financial elite since 2020.

Despite the widespread desire among workers across the country to fight back against these pro-corporate reopening policies, from wildcat strikes among autoworkers at the start of the pandemic to teachers fighting for safer classrooms and personal protective equipment, their militancy has run headlong into the opposition of the corporatist trade unions, who openly support the drive to “live with the virus.”

Sri Lankan finance minister’s budget proposals deepen social attacks

Saman Gunadasa


On Friday, Finance Minister Basil Rajapakse, the brother of Sri Lankan President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, presented his austerity budget to parliament.

“This is history’s most challenging period,” he demagogically declared, while claiming, “We are equipped with all the necessary strengths to manage the economy and overcome such challenges.”

Nurses and other health workers protest at Kandy hospital (WSWS Media)

Translated into plain language, “manage the economy’” and “overcome” the challenges, means the ruthless imposition of the economic crisis, which has been exacerbated by COVID-19, onto the backs of the people.

Rajapakse also revealed the total indifference of the ruling elite to the thousands of people infected or killed by the virus, falsely proclaiming that Sri Lanka has been “able to gain a distinct advantage by the early control of the COVID-19 pandemic.”

The government’s response had revitalised “the lives of our people” and “revived critical sectors of the economy,” he continued. “Mobility has returned. Income generating activities have recommenced. Normalcy has returned to the lives of our people.” We have seen “the entire country turn itself into a busy workplace.”

Contrary to Rajapakse’s claims, there is no control of the pandemic in Sri Lanka. The grossly inadequate government response has led to over 552,000 infections and the death of more than 14,000 people, according to the official figures. Medical experts, moreover, have repeatedly warned that a new surge of the deadly disease is imminent.

In line with its global counterparts, the Rajapakse regime reopened the economy placing the profits of international investors and big above human life. Finance Minister Rajapakse did not utter a word about the social catastrophe that voiced any sympathy or regret over the lost lives.

On November 1, Rajapakse bluntly told the media that his budget would not give anything to the people but take from them. Last Friday in parliament he cynically claimed that the budget had been carefully prepared “not to burden the people.”

As expected, the budget proposals are a major assault on workers and the poor, with wages frozen amid rising inflation and shortages of essentials. In the run up to the budget, Colombo withdrew all price controls on essential goods, giving big businesses the freedom to dictate high market prices.

Overall budget expenditure for next year will be increased to 3.9 trillion rupees ($US19.2 billion) with revenue estimated to be 2.2 trillion rupees. The deficit will be financed through domestic and foreign borrowings and increased taxes on working people.

At the same time, the government wants to slash the budget deficit from 14.7 percent of GDP last year, to 8.8 percent next year, estimating that subsequent reductions would balance the budget by 2028. This will not only mean further increases in the price of essentials and sharp reductions in the living conditions of the masses but efforts to dismantle the entire public sector.

Rajapakse’s budget includes increased taxes on imports and goods and services taxes (GST) to secure a predicted 1,491 billion rupees next year, up from this year’s 1,030 billion rupees. The full list of items and GST rates has not been announced but increased higher excise taxes were announced on liquor and cigarettes on the day of the budget presentation.

Sharp cuts will be applied through the “commercialisation” of around 300 state-owned enterprises (SOEs). “Most of these institutions,” Rajapakse declared, “do not provide returns on the investments made by the government” and were “a drain on the national economy.”

The SOEs, he said, would be subjected to a “multi-disciplinary consultative committee” which will formulate “a strategic way forward.” He also proposed curtailing any new building in the public sector and to cut telephone and electricity costs in the sector by 25 and 10 percent respectively.

At a press conference after his budget presentation, Rajapakse said that the whole of public sector has been an “unbearable burden.” He said there was “absolutely no way we can spend public money on government sector employees.” Rajapakse’s budget also proposes the public sector retirement age be increased from 60 to 65 years with a block on all new recruitment.

This assault on the country’s 1.4 million public sector workers is in line with previous International Monetary Fund’s “structural reform” demands and involves the elimination of the remaining hard-won rights by these workers.

Finance Minister Rajapakse wants expenditure authorisations for government institutions to be on a quarterly basis, instead of annually, to force SOE managements to immediately implement the drastic expenditure cuts. Public service efficiency and productivity would also be “enhanced” through an appraisal system “based on the satisfaction of clients and Key Performing Indicators.”

There will also be 173-billion-rupee total cut in health, samurdhi (meagre welfare allowances for the poor), water supply, women and child development and rural housing allocations.

Petroleum Corporation workers demonstrating in Kolonnawa (Photo: WSWS Media)

Some trade unions appealed to the government to grant a 10,000-rupee salary increase to state sector employees in the budget and called on the finance minister to ask private sector employers to give a similar pay increase. These pathetic requests were a desperate attempt to dissipate rising working-class unrest and prevent a direct political struggle against the government and employers.

Finance Minister Rajapakse announced a budget allocation for a meagre wage increase for 250,000 teachers and principals. The teachers unions had negotiated a rotten deal with the government for a third of the original claim and then shutdown a long-running national teachers strike.

Rajapakse proposed a onetime 25 percent income tax on 62 big businesses and individuals with 2 billion rupees annual income, as well as a 2.5 percent social security levy on companies with over 120 million annual turn-over. While these taxes could increase government revenue by 200 billion rupees it is a gentle slap on the wrist for the top profit earners.

The corporate media made much of the slight tax increases on big business in order to deflect attention from the government’s devastating attack on the working people. Colombo, however, has not touched the existing corporate tax regime, which at 14 to 24 percent, is the lowest rate in South Asia.

The government’s generous tax holidays for big investors also remain intact. Port City, a Chinese land reclamation in Colombo, for example, has been declared an international financial hub and is exempted from Sri Lanka’s tax and labour laws.

Notwithstanding Rajapakse’s “recovery” rhetoric, the country’s economic crisis and foreign debt problems will worsen as the pandemic continues, exports fall and the global disruption of trade remains. Foreign debt repayments, the finance minister admitted, is the government’s largest budget expenditure with $US4.3 billion due for next year and higher amounts in the following years.

The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, a big business lobby group, welcomed the maintenance of “mainstream corporate tax rates and investment incentives” and hailed the SOE reforms but voiced its displeasure about the one-time tax on big investors.

Opposition parties, such as Samagi Jana Balavegaya, the United National Party and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, timidly criticised the government, claiming the crisis was caused by “corruption” and “mishandling” of the economy. These organisations all defend the capitalist profit system, have only tactical differences with Rajapakse regime, and, when in power, have ruthlessly imposed austerity measures against workers and the poor.

The past ten months has seen broad layers of the working class and the rural poor resist the government attacks on living and social conditions with demonstrations, protests and strikes through. These struggles have involved health, education, railway and state administration sector employers and plantation workers.

The government’s commercialisation and privatisation agenda is also being resisted by electricity, petroleum and port sector workers with nationwide protests early this month. Angry farmers have continuously protested against the lack of fertiliser and other basic inputs needed for cultivation.

It is no accident, that Finance Minister Rajapakse wants to allocate of 373 billion rupees, an 18-billion-rupee increase, for defence spending, second only to the amount for foreign debt repayments. Spending on the police, will also increase, up 10 billion rupees to 95 billion rupees this year. This bolstering of the state apparatus is in preparation for direct conflict with the working class.

15 Nov 2021

Stipendium Hungaricum (Government of Hungary) Scholarships 2022/2023

Application Deadline: 15th January 2022

Eligible Countries: International. See list of countries below

To be taken at (country): Hungary

Field of Study: Applicants are encouraged to apply for study fields that are in the educational cooperation programmes between Hungary and the specific Sending Partner.

About the Stipendium Hungaricum Award: Thousands of students from all around the world apply for higher educational studies in Hungary each year. The number of Stipendium Hungaricum applicants is continuously increasing as well as the number of available scholarship places.

The programme is based on bilateral educational cooperation agreements signed between the Ministries responsible for education in the sending countries/territories and Hungary or between institutions. Currently more than 50 Sending Partners are engaged in the programme throughout 4 different continents.

Offered Since: 2013

Type: Stipendium Hungaricum scholarships are available for bachelormasterone-tier masterdoctoral and non-degree programmes (preparatory and specialisation courses).

In the Hungarian education system, one-tier master programmes cover both the bachelor and the master level of studies; therefore it is an undivided master programme that results in a master degree. These one-tier programmes are offered in specific study fields such as general medicine, pharmacy, dentistry, architecture, law, veterinary surgery, forestry engineering, etc.

Eligibility: See full eligibility of all study types in Scholarship Webpage (Link below).

Applications will not be considered in the following cases:

  • Hungarian citizens (including those with dual citizenships)
  • former Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Holders, who are re-applying for studies in the same cycle of education (non-degree studies, bachelor, master, doctoral level) including both full time and partial study programmes

Number of Awardees: Numerous

Value of Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship: 

  • Tuition-free education
    • exemption from the payment of tuition fee
  • Monthly stipend
    • non-degree, bachelor, master and one-tier master level: monthly amount of HUF 40 460 (cca EUR 130) contribution to the living expenses in Hungary, for 12 months a year, until the completion of studies
    • doctoral level: according to the current Hungarian legislation, the monthly amount of scholarship is HUF 140 000 (cca EUR 450) for the first phase of education (4 semesters) and HUF 180 000 (cca EUR 580) for the second phase (4 semesters) – for 12 months a year, until completion of studies.
  • Accommodation
    • dormitory place or a contribution of HUF 40 000 to accommodation costs for the whole duration of the scholarship period
  • Medical insurance
    • health care services according to the relevant Hungarian legislation (Act No. 80 of 1997, national health insurance card) and supplementary medical insurance for up to HUF 65 000 (cca EUR 205) a year/person

Duration of Scholarship: Duration of candidate’s chosen program:

  • Bachelor programmes: Fulltime: 2-4 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Master programmes:  Fulltime: 1.5-2 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • One-tier master programmes: Fulltime: 5-6 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Doctoral programmes:  Fulltime: 2+2 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Non-degree programmes:
    • Preparatory course in Hungarian language: 1 year
    • Other preparatory and specialisation courses: up to 1 year

List of Eligible Countries: For full time programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Arab Republic of Egypt, Argentine Republic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Kingdom of Morocco, Kurdistan Regional Government/Iraq, Kyrgyz Republic, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Palestine, People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, People’s Republic of China (including the Hudec scholarships), Republic of Albania, Republic of Angola, Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of Belarus, Republic of Colombia, Republic of Ecuador, Republic of Ghana, Republic of India, Republic of Indonesia, Republic of Iraq, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Kenya, Republic of Korea, Republic of Kosovo, Republic of Macedonia (FYROM is used at OSCE, UN, CoE, EU and NATO fora), Republic of Moldova, Republic of Namibia, Republic of Paraguay, Republic of Serbia, Republic of South Africa, Republic of the Philippines, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Republic of Yemen, Russian Federation, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, State of Israel, Syrian Arab Republic, The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Tunisian Republic, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, United Mexican States.

For partial study programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, People’s Republic of China (only Hudec applicants), Republic of Albania, Republic of Belarus, Republic of India, Republic of Korea, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Russian Federation, Syrian Arab Republic, United Mexican States.

How to Apply: Apply for a Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Here

Separate: Call for Applications for doctoral programmes 2022/2023

  • Applications shall be submitted to the responsible authority of the Sending Partner
  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details