3 Jan 2023

Storm clouds massing over global economy and financial system

Nick Beams


The new year opens with dark clouds gathering over the financial system and the global economy, each containing potential storms which either separately, or in combination, could set off a major crisis.

IMF managing director Kristalina Georgieva on CBS' "Face the Nation" [Photo: CBS News]

In a US television interview aired on Sunday, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Kristalina Georgieva, warned that a third of the world economy would be hit with recession this year as it faced a “tougher” year than 2022.


She said half the European Union was likely to be in recession as inflationary pressures, rising interest rates imposed by central banks and the Ukraine war continued to be a drag on the global economy.

Another factor is the impact of the COVID catastrophe in China where, as a result of the demands of the imperialist powers, the Xi Jinping regime has dropped virtually all public health measures in line with the situation in the rest of the world.

Referring to the COVID spread in China, “the impact on the region will be negative, the impact on global growth will be negative,” Georgieva said.

This meant that rather than boosting global growth, as it has in the past, China would be a drag on production. “That has never happened before,” she said.

The slowing global economy will cause increased problems for financial markets already showing mounting instability as the consequences of the reversal of the ultra-easy monetary policies of the world’s central banks increasingly make themselves felt.

These measures—so-called “quantitative easing,” which intensified after the onset of the pandemic when trillions of dollars more were poured into the financial system to prevent its collapse—have now been ended in the name of “fighting inflation.”

The central objective is not to bring down prices but to suppress the global upsurge of the working class in response to the highest inflation in four decades. This is regarded by the guardians of finance capital as the greatest danger to the system over which they preside.

The tightening interest rate regime, spearheaded by the US Federal Reserve, has already had a major impact on stock markets.

According to calculations by the Financial Times (FT), global stocks and bonds lost $30 trillion in 2022—equivalent to almost 30 percent of global GDP—the biggest loss in financial asset markets since the crisis of 2008.

In what were once considered to be “normal” times, when stocks went down government bonds provided something of a safe haven. But because stock markets and the price of bonds rose on the low interest rate regime, they have both been in sharp decline.

On Wall Street, the S&P 500 index finished the year down by 19 percent and the tech-heavy NASDAQ ended 33 percent lower in the worst result for both since the global financial crisis. US stock markets lost $12 trillion in value last year of which five major tech-based stocks accounted for a quarter.

Bond markets were also hit by a major sell-off. The yield in the 10-year Treasury bond, a benchmark for global financial markets, rose from 1.5 percent to finish the year at 3.9 percent. (The price of bonds and their yield, or interest rate, have an inverse relationship.) It was the biggest annual increase according to records going back to the 1960s.

The overall result for the decline in the S&P is significant but may not be considered large, at least so far. However, some of the falls in the market value of major companies, particularly those boosted by low interest rates, indicate more is to come and that major losses have already been incurred.

Two of the leading companies in the tech sector, Apple and Microsoft, have fallen by 30 percent. The Google parent Alphabet is down by nearly 40 percent, while the Facebook owner Meta has plunged 64 percent and the chipmaker Nvidia has lost 50 percent.

The most spectacular fall has been in the share price of Elon Musk’s electric car maker Tesla. Since November 2021, when it hit its peak, some $900 billion had been wiped off its market value.

Its decline has mirrored one of the other major events of the last year—the collapse of the crypto market, most sharply expressed in the $32 billion crash of the FTX crypto exchange and the bringing of criminal charges against its founder Sam Bankman-Fried. Since start of 2022, the value of the crypto currency market is estimated to have fallen by $1.7 trillion.

The parallel between Tesla and crypto is not accidental. Their business models have been similar in many respects. Just as crypto, so-called digital money bypassing central banks, was hyped as the wave of the future, so Musk’s operations were boosted by claims of a new era. Both have depended on the inflow of cheap money in search of overnight speculative gains.

As is always the case, relatively small retail investors, drawn in by the hype, have been taken to the cleaners. But as the fall of Tesla indicates—a loss of more than $800 billion in 2022 alone—big money has also been involved and the trend has accelerated.

In what the FT described as a “gruesome December,” more than 40 percent was wiped off the value of Tesla shares leaving them two thirds lower than they were in late September. Some of this fall was no doubt due to Musk’s takeover of Twitter, into which he has poured billions. But the underlying trend is clear—the demise of the share values of companies dependent on cheap money.

If the storms were confined to speculative areas of the market, they could perhaps be dismissed as “frothy” movements.

But one of the biggest of the recent period involved a supposedly stable area of the financial system—pension funds. The September-October crisis in the UK—only brought under control because of an intervention by the Bank of England (BoE)—threatened a financial crash of the £1.5 trillion British pension funding system.

The movement in the yields on 30-year UK government bonds on a single day, September 28 when the BoE decided to intervene, was larger than took place in most years.

Subsequent investigation has revealed that the crisis was not the outcome of peculiarities of the British pension system. Rather it was the expression of broader trends—the attempts by funds to meet their financial obligations by investing in riskier assets because the return on safe government bonds was so low under the previous low-interest rate regime.

This development promoted a warning from the Organisation for Economic Development (OECD) at the end of last month. Pension funds had to be “extremely careful” when searching for higher yields by investing in illiquid assets which cannot be readily turned into cash if the need arises.

When the financial system is operating smoothly, they have no need for cash. But if a sharp turn takes place, such as a rise in interest rates, cash becomes essential.

Speaking on the OECD findings, Pablo Antolin, of the organisation’s Financial Affairs Division, said there was a need for pension funds to invest in more illiquid assets, but “we also have to be extremely careful because liquidity issues are very important in the management of investment strategies.”

The developing crisis goes across the board. As an FT editorial on the end of the cheap money era noted, higher interest rates would bring “casualties” and, given the uncertainty, market turmoil would continue.

“The combination is likely to shake out overbought assets and increase defaults. If rates rise further defaults will become more likely. That will not just be in developing and emerging economies, where distress is already visible. Highly leveraged ventures will be under pressure in high-income countries too.”

The implications for the working class of this deepening crisis are revealed not only in the repeated statements from the major central banks that in lifting interest rates their target is “tight” labour markets but in the actions of major corporations.

The chief US economist at RBC Capital Markets, Tom Porcelli, told the FT that with a weakening global economy, companies would try to protect their profit margins by “going after labour.”

His assessment was shared by Carl Riccadonna, chief US economist at BNP Paribas as he pointed to job cuts in the technology sector.

“As you face margin compression [reduced profit rates] and you try to defend against that, you’re reducing overtime, you’re freezing wages, freezing hiring, or even outright layoffs,” he said.

2 Jan 2023

International School for Young Astronomers (ISYA) 2023

Application Deadline: 31st March 2023

About the Award: The school is organized by the International Astronomical Union (IAU), the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters (NASL) and by the South African Astronomical Observatory (SAAO). This school will take place over a three-week period and is aimed towards early graduate students (MSc/PhD) in Physics, Astronomy or Astrophysics from African countries, although we will also consider final year BSc students with a strong intention of entering a graduate program on Astronomy and Astrophysics. The lecturers are invited experts from around the world.

Type: Training

Eligibility:

  • This school will take place over a three-week period and is aimed towards early graduate students (MSc/PhD) in Physics, Astronomy or Astrophysics from African countries, although we will also consider final year BSc students with a strong intention of entering a graduate program on Astronomy and Astrophysics.
  • These chosen students will be from regions where less opportunities are available for students to be directly exposed to the full extent of up-to-date astrophysics, both on theory and observations.

Eligible Countries: African countries

To be Taken at (Country): Cape Town, South Africa 

Number of Awards: 30

Value of Award: Acceptance to the school covers flights to and from South Africa (including domestic flights), accommodation and subsistence at the ISYA. All selected students are expected to commit 100% of their time to participate in all the planned activities held over the three week duration of the school (we will start each day at 9am and end about 7pm).

Duration of Award: 19 November – 9 December 2023.

How to Apply: Find out more

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Higher Education Scholarships in Taiwan 2023/2024

Application Deadline: 15th March, 2023

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: The students of eligible countries of the region of Asia Pacific, West Asia, Africa (Burkina Faso, Republic of Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, South Africa, Swaziland), Caribbean, Central America, South America, Europe can apply for this scholarship.

To be taken at (country): Universities in Taiwan

Accepted Subject Areas: For undergraduate, masters and PhD courses offered at any of the participating University in Taiwan

About Scholarship: International education and training has long been one of the TaiwanICDF’s core operations, among many others. Human resources development programs play a vital role in assisting partner countries to achieve sustainable development, and education is a crucial mechanism for training workforces in developing countries.

The TaiwanICDF provides scholarships for higher education and has developed undergraduate, graduate and Ph.D. programs in cooperation with renowned partner universities in Taiwan.

The scholarship recipients gets a full scholarship, including return airfare, housing, tuition and credit fees, insurance, textbook costs and a monthly allowance.

Type: Undergraduate, Masters and PhD Scholarship

Who is eligible to apply? An applicant must:

  • -Be a citizen of List of Countries Eligible (including select African countries) for TaiwanICDF Scholarship, and satisfy any specific criteria established by his or her country and/or government of citizenship.
  • -Neither be a national of the Republic of China (Taiwan) nor an overseas compatriot student.
  • -Satisfy the admission requirements of the partner university to which he or she has applied to study under a TaiwanICDF scholarship.
  • -Be able to satisfy all requirements for a Resident Visa (Code: FS) set by the Bureau of Consular Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and an Alien Resident Certificate (ARC) set by the Ministry of the Interior, of the ROC (Taiwan) government (this means that the TaiwanICDF has the right to revoke a scholarship offered if an applicant cannot satisfy the visa requirements).
  • -Upon accepting a TaiwanICDF scholarship, not hold any other ROC(Taiwan) government-sponsored scholarship (such as the Taiwan Scholarship) in the same academic year in which the TaiwanICDF scholarship would be due to commence.
  • -Not be applying for a further TaiwanICDF scholarship in unbroken succession — applicants who have already held a TaiwanICDF scholarship must have returned to their home country for more than one year before re-applying.
  • -Have never had any scholarship revoked by any ROC (Taiwan) government agency or related institution, nor been expelled from any Taiwanese university.

Number of Scholarships: Not Specified

Scholarship Benefits and Duration: The TaiwanICDF provides each scholarship recipient with a full scholarship, including return airfare, housing, tuition and credit fees, insurance, textbook costs and a monthly allowance.

  • Undergraduate Program (maximum four years): Each student receives NT$12,000 per month (NT$144,000 per year) as an allowance for food and miscellaneous living expenses.
  • Master’s Program (maximum two years): Each student receives NT$15,000 per month (NT$180,000 per year) as an allowance for food and miscellaneous living expenses.
  • PhD Program (maximum four years; four-year PhD programs start from 2012): Each students receives NT$17,000 per month (NT$204,000 per year) as an allowance for food and miscellaneous living expenses.

How to Apply: 

  • Applicants must complete an online application (found in Program Webpage link below). Then submit a signed, printed copy and all other application documents to the ROC (Taiwan) Embassy/ Consulate (General)/ Representative Office/ Taiwan Technical Mission or project representative in their country.
  • Please note that each applicant can only apply for one program at a time. The applicant must also submit a separate program application to his/her chosen universities.

Visit Program Webpage for the Online Application System and more details about this scholarship.

30 Dec 2022

Ukraine Women Prove Resilient in the Face of War

Cesar Chelala



Photograph Source: Silar – CC BY-SA 4.0

The war in Ukraine is having growing negative effects on women and girl’s health and well-being. They encompass not only gender-based violence, but include all aspects of women’s and girl’s lives. Access to basic services and life-saving sexual and reproductive health care have been drastically disrupted.

Since the 2013 Maidan revolution, also known as “dignity revolution,” Ukrainian women have been increasingly engaged in the political, social, and economic affairs of the country. This engagement has led to an increase in women’s political participation, manifested by gains in parliamentary seats and in village and regional councils. As a result, Ukraine has ratified or joined most international agreements on gender equality.

In spite of these advances, however, gender inequalities persist, bolstered by traditional norms that promote systemic discrimination and biases against women and girls. These inequities have been aggravated by the war conducted by Russia in eastern Ukraine since 2014. The years of conflict since then have increased and deepened pre-existing gender inequalities and created new ones such as arbitrary killings, rape and trafficking.

The war has particularly affected marginalized and disadvantaged groups such as female-headed households, internally displaced persons, Roma people, people with disabilities, and LGBTQ people. As a result, women facing multiple forms of discrimination are in need of special assistance.

Today, millions of people have fled Ukraine and million’s more –nearly two-thirds of them women and children—have been internally displaced and, as a consequence, do not have access to essential services such as health care, employment, and housing. Poverty and dependency on social assistance has increased and has pushed many women into the unprotected informal sectors of the economy.

The COVID-19 pandemic, that began in Ukraine on March 3, 2020, threatened the gains that had been made on women’s rights, economic empowerment and access to health care. Prolonged restrictions on mobility, particularly for women and young people, have increased despair and isolation, and have increased its negative effect on people with mental health challenges. Young people and children are forced to sacrifice their future so they can survive in the present.

Even in times of peace, women tend to be more food insecure than men, but the war in Ukraine has exacerbated the number of women experiencing hunger, energy insecurity and economic instability. The Russian aggression on Ukraine has provoked a redistribution of family roles, adding to the already heavy burden of women who, in addition to traditional home responsibilities are now obliged to look for additional sources of income.

Women who are caring for children face extreme shortages of essential medicines, healthcare and funds to obtain basic items, including baby food and formula. Many women face the challenge to accommodate and feed internally displaced people. This increases their unpaid care and domestic work responsibilities, often at the expense of their physical and mental health and wellbeing.

The martial order issued by the Ukraine State Border Guard Service at the beginning of the Russian invasion that led to tens of thousands of civilians fleeing to other countries decreed that those between 18 and 40 years old should stay in the country. It is estimated that 95 percent of single-parent households are headed by single mothers, who now face increased pressure to provide for their families while male family members are more directly involved in defense activities.

Despite the heavy burdens imposed by the war, Ukrainian women have shown considerable resilience and have contributed greatly to defense efforts. It is estimated that women make up 25 percent of Ukrainian armed forces. This is an almost 10 percent increase from the beginning of the Russian invasion. Women have integrated fully in the armed forces, performing duties as soldiers and holding positions of command.

The Russian military leaders didn’t expect such a strong resistance from the Ukrainian soldiers, and even less from a Ukrainian army strengthened by the participation of women, something that needs to be acknowledged and honored as a critical factor in the defense of their country.

UK counter-terror Prevent scheme to downplay far-right threat and strengthen anti-Muslim scapegoating

Thomas Scripps


A row is underway in Britain’s ruling Conservative Party over a soon-to-be-published review into the Prevent counter-terror scheme. It shines a light on the government’s plans to double down on the scapegoating of Muslims and speed the establishment of a state surveillance infrastructure under the cover of combatting Islamic extremism. This is combined with efforts to downplay the danger of the far-right.

Originally commissioned in January 2019, the review has been subject to repeated delays. The latest is an argument between Home Secretary Suella Braverman and Communities SecretaryMichael Gove, who will be responsible for the day-to-day administration of the scheme.

Braverman is reportedly concerned that the report is so unguarded in its denunciation of “extremist” organisations, or organisations supporting “extremist narratives”, that the government will be hit with costly libel suits. She is insisting names are redacted. Gove wants the text released in full.

This is a minor difference between two ardent reactionaries. Braverman—who does not hesitate to demonise migrants, asylum lawyers and refugee advocacy groups—intends to smooth the implementation of the review’s recommendations. Gove speaks for those who want as provocative a crusade as possible.

William Shawcross [Photo: UK Government]

The review was set up by the government to prepare an onslaught on democratic rights. It was authored by William Shawcross, a fellow of the right-wing Policy Exchange thinktank and former director of the neo-conservative Henry Jackson Society. While director, he commented in 2012, “Europe and Islam is one of the greatest, most terrifying problems of our future. I think all European countries have vastly, very quickly growing Islamic populations.”

Previously, Shawcross had described “Britain’s humiliation” at the hands of an “immigration free-for-all”and a “bullying ‘multicultural’ ideology” which has “cosseted extremist Islamist preachers of hatred”. He has referred to “Islamo-fascist” Muslims as a “vast fifth column” in Europe “who wish to destroy us.”

A fervent supporter of the illegal invasion of Iraq, his 2011 book Justice and the Enemy perverts the post-WWII Nuremburg Trials of Nazi leaders into a grotesque defence of “the war on terror”, extraordinary rendition and the use of torture in Guantanamo Bay.

Amnesty International and 16 other groups boycotted the review over Shawcross’s involvement, publishing an open letter stating that “the UK government has no interest in conducting an objective and impartial review of” Prevent.

Shawcross was appointed after the government’s first choice, Lord Carlile, was forced to step down by a legal challenge led by Rights Watch UK over his “close ties with and publicly declared support for the Prevent strategy,” in the words of rights group Liberty.

The Shawcross Review on Islamism and the far-right

Carlile and Shawcross were selected to defend and extend a discredited programme broadly seen for the attack on democratic rights. It is, and to deal with the inconvenient fact for the government—that the scheme is flagging up the growth of far-right, fascist forces.

According to leaked material from the review, Prevent is criticised for being too weak, with the report arguing, the scheme “too often bestows a status of victimhood on all who come into contact with it”. In the words of the Guardian, shown the leaked text, “it says a more hardline approach should be taken towards Islamist extremism”.

This means widening the focus of the programme to target broader sections of the population. The Guardian writes that Shawcross is critical of Prevent having “concentrated on proscribed organisations” while, in the report’s extremely loose phrase, “ignoring Islamist narratives”.

Among these is a complained-of campaign “driven by a number of Islamist groups to undermine and delegitimise Prevent”, including by “stirring up grievance and mistrust” towards the scheme.

According to the Telegraph, the Shawcross report praises the current legal duty of school and other public sector workers to report people, including children, to the Prevent scheme as one which “works well”, and “especially… in schools.” It suggests extending the requirement to cover immigration officials and staff in job centres.

Daily Telegraph front page, December 29, 2022 [Photo: Daily Telegraph]

The report then takes aim at Prevent’s alleged “double standard when dealing with extreme rightwing and Islamism”. Shawcross writes that Islamist extremists are “severely under-represented” in referrals to Prevent because officials are putting a focus on right-wing extremism “above and beyond the actual threat it pose[s].” This is attributed to an effort to “try and fend off accusations” that Prevent is “stigmatising minority communities”.

The latest figures, for the year to March 31, 2021, show 4,915 referrals to Prevent—1,333 of which were passed to a panel for consideration, with 688 taken on as cases. Of these cases, 46 percent related to “Extreme Right-Wing radicalisation”, 30 percent “mixed, unstable or unclear ideology”, and 22 percent “Islamist radicalisation”. Far-right cases have been the majority group for each of the last three years.

Among the more serious known cases are those of neo-Nazi former army driver Dean Morrice, sentenced for 18 years for possession of explosives and encouraging terrorist offences, and Daniel Wright, Liam Hall, Stacey Salmon and Samuel Whibley, sentenced to a total of more than 30 years for possession of a 3D printed gun and encouraging terrorism.

In explaining away these facts, Shawcross complains that Prevent’s view on right-wing extremism is “so broad it has included mildly controversial or provocative forms of mainstream, rightwing-leaning commentary” and that an internal report “listed a prominent Conservative politician and member of the Government as being among figures ‘associated with far-right sympathetic audiences’”.

Despite his intentions, this only confirms how the far-right are given succour by the political establishment and the media, centred on the government itself. Prevent was created with the deliberate aim of demonising Muslims while creating the apparatus for surveillance and intimidation against the working class. The idea that it is zealously overreaching against the right-wing is laughable. Rather, the extreme lurch to the right in “mainstream” politics and the media has brought it within the peripheral view of the scheme and forced a series of reluctant acknowledgements.

Boris Johnson’s leadership of the Tory Party earned it the endorsement of fascist group Britain First and fascist activist Tommy Robinson. Leading Tory Jacob Rees-Mogg had already received a promise of “protection” from Britain First members in 2018. He has spoken at the annual dinner of the Traditional Britain group, whose founder, Lord Sudeley, praised Adolf Hitler at a meeting of the Tory Monday Club, adding, “the fact may be that some races are superior to others.”

In 2020, top Tory adviser Dominic Cummings hired eugenicist Andrew Sabisky into the government, whose Social Darwinist views had been publicly expressed by senior Tory figures before.

In 2019, Rees-Mogg was one of several leading Tories to endorse an announcement by Turning Point—McCarthyite witch-hunters of left-wing students and academics—that it intended to set up operations in the UK. Its founding event was attended by the UK editors of Breitbart and InfoWars.

Preparation for state repression

Shawcross’s review is intended to help sweep all this back under the carpet and “refocus” the Prevent scheme on its intended objectives. Doing so is made more urgent for the ruling class by the escalation of social and international tensions to a height not seen for decades—an international strike wave and war with Russia.

Prevent now dovetails with the state-backed “left antisemitism” campaign, driven by the same concerns, outlawing anti-Zionism by branding it anti-Jewish hatred. A sympathy with the Palestinians will presumably be labelled an extremist “Islamist narrative”, as well as anti-Semitic.

The real guiding principles of both policies were set out in 2019—the year the Prevent review was ordered—in a report published by the UK government’s Commission for Countering Extremism (CCE) which declared large sections of the left “extremist” in clear preparation for a campaign of state repression.

For now, this proceeds indirectly, under the cover of Prevent and combatting anti-Semitism. However, in February last year the government ordered a review of “left-wing extremism” headed by John Woodcock, Baron Walney—the former Blairite Labour MP who resigned in 2018 protesting a “left” takeover of the party under Jeremy Corbyn.

John Woodcock, Baron Walney [Photo by Roger Harris / CC BY-SA 4.0]

This is a closely coordinated state campaign, with the Labour Party intimately involved. The CCE is headed by Robin Simcox, who controls the Counter Extremism Group (CEG) think-tank which hosted Gove and Shawcross this September.

In April 2020, Shawcross was part of a consortium which bought the Jewish Chronicle—a publication so committed to slandering Corbyn supporters as anti-Semites that it has had to pay significant damages in libel suits. The consortium included Woodcock, along with former Prime Minister Theresa May’s director of communications Robbie Gibb and John Ware, the producer of the hatchet job “investigation” Is Labour Anti-Semitic?

Woodcock was rewarded by Boris Johnson for his attacks on the Labour “left” with a peerage and appointed as his Independent Adviser on Political Violence and Disruption. His political biography is near identical to that of John Mann, now leading the “left anti-Semitism” witch-hunt.

Across all these operations, planned attacks on the left are coupled with covering for the far-right—and directed by individuals with deeply reactionary political connections. Simcox, as reported by the Byline Times, has spoken at the extreme right-wing Center for Immigration Studies, which was named a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Centre, and Heritage Foundation.

Woodcock, on a 2017 trip to Turkey, praised President Recep Erdoğan’s “fight against terrorism” and met with members of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party.

Germany’s Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof department store chain being liquidated in instalments with help of the unions

Marianne Arens


“Uncertainty and anger” was how Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof salespeople described their mood when the first protest actions took place in Berlin, Mannheim, Heidelberg and elsewhere earlier in December. The 17,000 employees still working in 131 of the retail chain’s stores will not find out until later in January what layoffs and store closures the latest insolvency bodes for them.

Galeria Kaufhof Alexanderplatz, Berlin [Photo by Christian Liebscher / wikimedia / CC BY-SA 3.0]

In the run-up to Christmas, business was in full swing, staff scarce and overtime frequent. By contrast, in January, many Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof (GKK) sales assistants are threatened with dismissal as a “thank you,” unless they are part of the remaining stores classified as still profitable. Even here, they face restructuring, further wage cuts and an uncertain fate.

For years, GKK workers have been forced to sacrifice part of their wages, such as collectively agreed pay components, vacation and Christmas bonuses, supposedly to secure their jobs. Nevertheless, many sales assistants, logisticians and other GKK employees have already experienced at least one branch closure. For years, they have been sacrificing to keep the company alive. According to a recent estimate by the service union Verdi, an average Galeria salesperson must give up around €5,500 a year.

Nevertheless, the chain keeps experiencing new bankruptcies, store closures and liquidations, the last one just two years ago, in April 2020. Since then, no less than 40 stores with more than 3,000 staff have been closed—this despite the company twice receiving state support totaling €680 million from the Economic Stabilization Fund (WSF).

Step by step, Germany’s last major department store group is being wound down. Over the past seven years, half of the workforce has been cut. At the time of the initial takeover by real estate speculator René Benko and his Signa holding company, for example, twice as many were still working for Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof, around 35,000 employees.

In October 2022, the group filed for insolvency for a second time. René Benko and German CEO Miguel Müllenbach (who also sits on the management board of Signa Retail GmbH) plan to close “at least a third of the stores,” as reported by finance daily Handelsblatt, and “in industry circles there is even talk of more than half.” Half of all jobs are also to be cut at the company headquarters in Essen, which equates to almost 1,000 out of a total of 1,900 jobs.

In the meantime, owner Benko has delivered himself and his co-investors and speculators a massive windfall. Just six months after the last GKK insolvency, at the end of 2020, Benko-owned Signa Prime Selection AG paid out €201 million in dividends, Bloomberg reported. The holding company owns, among other properties, the department stores “KaDeWe” in Berlin, the “Golden Quarter” in Vienna, the “Oberpollinger” in Munich, the “Alsterhaus” in Hamburg, as well as shares in New York’s Chrysler Building and the luxury Park Hyatt hotel, and much more.

Forbes magazine estimates René Benko’s private wealth at $5.4 billion. In the meantime, Benko is once again under investigation for corruption and is now also charged with bribery of public officials in Austria, having already been convicted in a final judgment in a similar case in Italy in 2014. In Vienna, Benko is alleged to have bribed a senior official at the Finance Ministry to influence a tax audit in his own favour.

In October, management unilaterally terminated a collective restructuring agreement concluded with Verdi. This was supposed to guarantee that the stores survived and to exclude compulsory redundancies until the end of 2024. To secure the agreement, Verdi accepted over 3,000 voluntary redundancies and 40 branch closures.

Time and again, the union bureaucrats and their works council representatives have helped draw up the closure plans and sold out and suppressed workers’ resistance to them. This is their role now as well. After the unilateral termination of the contract, for example, Stefanie Nutzenberger, Verdi executive board member for retail, complained she had not been sufficiently involved in the “new concept for the future.”

Like a sulking child, Nutzenberger told Handelsblatt, “We don’t accept that management completely ignores its own decisions and wrong decisions, refuses to accept any responsibility for them and wants to throw employees out on the street.” At the same time, however, “intensive talks are already underway about a successor arrangement” to the restructuring collective agreement, she said, as confirmed by a management spokesman.

In Berlin, the Senate (state executive) and the Left Party have no problems working closely with Benko’s Signa holding company. Two years ago, Culture Senator (state minister) Klaus Lederer (Left Party), the party’s current lead candidate in the state election campaign, co-signed a “letter of intent” with Signa in his capacity as mayor, giving the company the green light for its controversial real estate projects. The subject of the agreement is the conversion of the Karstadt branch at Hermannplatz, a new high-rise building at Alexanderplatz and further high-rise plans for a GKK site on Kurfürstendamm, all prime locations in Berlin.

Now, in the election campaign, the Left Party is trying to cover its tracks somewhat. For example, the party’s faction in the state legislature has submitted a motion to the Senate to cease cooperation with Benko, citing the threat of redundancies. Something without any consequence, of course.

The liquidation of Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof threatens not only the existence and lives of the staff, but also the supply of various goods to entire regions, since not everyone is able to make their purchases online. The sales assistants who demonstrated last week in front of the Galeria store on Paradeplatz in Mannheim reported, “Customers ask us, ‘Are you staying here?’ But we have no answer.”

The action committees are also the basis for the necessary political offensive. In fact, workers cannot assert their interests without opposing the cartel of the trade unions, government and the Left Party, and without challenging the capitalist profit system as a whole. To do this, Galeria workers must mobilize the support of the entire working class based on a socialist program.

The Verdi union does not represent the interests of workers but those of the capitalists. It has always forced new “reorganization collective agreements” onto the sales staff. Store workers have paid for this with the loss of thousands of jobs and wage sacrifices, while Verdi functionaries have been rewarded with lucrative supervisory board posts.

In the GKK group, the union has repeatedly presented each new billionaire as the “white knight” who would save the company. First Nicolas Berggruen and the Canadian Richard Baker, finally René Benko. Each took over the company, skimmed off the profits and left the department stores to their fate. The lucrative properties in prime city locations were marketed off at a profit. Since then, the stores have had to rent back their sales areas at ever higher prices. And while the pressure on store workers is constantly increasing, only the most exclusive and profitable luxury stores survive.

Even now, a new “white knight” has emerged, an asset manager named Markus Schön. He owns online store Buero.de, which sells folders, pencils and notebooks for offices and schools and employs about 200 people. Schön also distributes a newsletter with stock market reports and supposed tips for the best investments.

Markus Schön has announced in the media that he intends to take over 47 department stores from the GKK chain with around 5,500 employees. They are to be continued under the new name “Schön hier.” Schön boldly promises that he wants to retain “the full range of products” and all jobs. “We consider the employees to be one of, if not the greatest, treasure of the company,” he is quoted as saying by the NZZ.

This should be taken with a large pinch of salt. According to financial website Capital.de, Schön plans to turn Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof into a kind of German Amazon. As it says on the site, “digital and stationary sales channels are to be merged” in order to show “Amazon and Ebay a German alternative.”

“Don’t take our jobs!” was written on the self-made signs that Galeria employees carried at the rally at Paradeplatz in Mannheim, telling broadcaster SWR that they felt abandoned by all the establishment politicians. “In principle, it’s like with nursing staff,” said one salesperson, “what use are good words and clapping if in the end they close us down.”

Slave labour systemic in New Zealand’s Pacific employment scheme

John Braddock


Workers in New Zealand’s Recognised Seasonal Employer (RSE) scheme, under which Pacific Islanders are brought into the country on temporary visas to labour in its horticulture industry, are being subjected to conditions akin to “modern slavery,” the Human Rights Commission has found.

According to a report released before Christmas by the Labour government’s Equal Employment Opportunities Commissioner, Saunoamaali'i Karanina Sumeo, the situation is not a case of “a few bad apples” but is deeply systemic.

Pacific Islander worker picking lemons in New Zealand [Photo: Seasonal workers Vanuatu]

“When people are being told—despite being sick—‘you get in that van, and you go to the field,’ that’s forced labour. If you’re living in a regime where you fear for your safety—that is a version of modern-day slavery,” Sumeo said.

“And when you want to go home because of the way you’ve been mistreated, but you can’t go until you’ve earned your airfare to go home, there’s no freedom there. So again it’s like forced labour,” the commissioner explained.

The RSE scheme, introduced by the Helen Clark Labour government in 2007, allows for 16,000 low-paid workers annually from Samoa, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji to work in the $NZ10 billion horticulture and viticulture industries. Following border closures over the past two years because of COVID, the Ardern government recently announced that the previous “successes” of the RSE scheme will see it expanded in 2023 into the meat and seafood processing sectors.

A similar program, begun under Australia’s Rudd Labor government in 2008 and involving more than 20,000 workers, has revived comparisons with that country’s infamous “blackbirding” history. Up to a million workers from Pacific countries, many kidnapped and sold to landowners, were used as cheap indentured labour from the 1860s to the 1940s.

New Zealand’s RSE workers stay for up to seven months during any 11-month period. They are generally paid the so-called “Living Wage,” currently $23.65 per hour, for a minimum of 30 hours per week. The low pay rate, marginally above the legal minimum of $21.20, is falsely promoted by the trade unions as what workers need to survive on. It is manifestly inadequate.

Media reports into both countries’ schemes, as well as a Senate inquiry in Australia and a review by the Vanuatu government, have all highlighted atrocious conditions experienced by temporary workers. Despite repeated complaints and exposures however, nothing has changed.

Sumeo’s report emphasises that the entire program operates on a system of rampant exploitation. Her investigation was prompted by fresh complaints by workers to Stuff in August. Reporter Kirsty Johnson revealed some RSE workers were housed six to a room and charged $150 a week to sleep in freezing and damp conditions. They fell sick repeatedly and were denied paid leave when unwell.

One worker living in a crowded motel unit became so ill that he was coughing blood, but his boss initially refused to take him to the doctor, telling him to go and buy paracetamol instead. When the worker didn’t attend work he allegedly continued to have his pay docked for transportation costs.

Sumeo visited the South Island wine-growing district of Blenheim and wrote that many RSE workers “live in sub-standard, over-priced, overcrowded, damp and mouldy homes without basic amenities.” She added that some of the things she witnessed warranted criminal investigation.

Sumeo’s new report outlines instances of workers being charged $1000 per bedroom to rent accommodation where they are packed seven people per room. It includes one situation where 18 workers were packed into a large hall across nine bunk beds—each paying $160 in rent per week.

Pacific workers’ visas tie them to a specific employer which, according to Sumeo, can result in employer “over-reach” into controlling a worker’s basic rights. In one example, a female RSE worker began a sexual relationship during her employment and was then forced to present a negative pregnancy test to the employer to avoid being fired.

The report cites numerous instances of basic human rights breaches. These include workers being banned from travelling or consuming alcohol in their own time; people not being allowed to make dinner for themselves, so being forced to pay their employer for meals; workers being warned against joining a union, and ‘debts’ taken out against salaries with no explanation of how they were incurred.

Similar breaches were found by an International Labour Organisation report in June. Sumeo said the very design of the RSE scheme creates the conditions for breaches of the right to equality and freedom, just and favourable conditions at work, an adequate standard of living, freedom of movement, privacy, culture, freedom of association and the right to health.

“It would be great if it was only just one or two locations where that was happening,” Sumeo told Stuff. “But we’re hearing stories from all over the place so that suggests that there are systemic gaps in the support system that we provide for RSE workers.”

Pacific governments, which depend heavily on aid from Australia and NZ, have collaborated in implementing the brutal conditions. In a visit to New Zealand in June, Samoa’s Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mata’afa avoided laying any blame over the appalling conditions facing workers. She assured horticulture employers that her government simply wants to “raise the quality” of the RSE scheme.

The report puts forward thirteen recommendations to address the “gaps” in the system, while retaining the scheme intact. They include such measures as allowing RSE workers to switch employers, “clearer” employment contracts, better enforcement through the labour inspectorate, limiting the deductions employers can take out of workers’ wages and a process where workers can freely return home early if they want.

Even if all these measures are adopted, the RSE scheme will remain a source of permanent exploitation of low-wage workers who are brought in and out of the country for limited periods at the whim of a brutal industry and with no civil rights. The slave-like conditions are not an aberration but the labour-hire business model that the ruling elite is imposing on all sections of the working class.

Pacific Islanders in particular have a history of being scapegoated for the housing crisis, social inequality and pressure on public services. During the early 1960s, thousands of Pacific workers were recruited for menial and factory jobs, only to find themselves later victimised by racist immigration laws, and subject to infamous “dawn raids” forcefully expelling them from the country.

Underscoring the cynical neo-colonial attitude of New Zealand’s ruling elite, including the current Labour government, to the impoverished peoples of the Pacific, heavy restrictions remain on permanent immigration.

Islanders desperate to escape economic backwardness and underdevelopment by migrating to New Zealand face a bureaucratic nightmare. In a normal year, an open ballot allows for up to 1,100 residency visas to be granted to Samoan citizens, and 650 visas for other Pacific nations. Over the next two years, the quota will be increased to 5,900 to make up for two years of no visas being granted during COVID.

The ballots are hugely oversubscribed. In 2019 there were 17,000 applications from Samoa, representing 43,000 people—nearly a quarter of the island nation’s population. Overcoming the odds in the ballot is just the start—applicants have nine months to find a job that pays enough to support them and their family. They have to speak good English and there are police and health checks that require expensive fees.

The Australian and New Zealand governments boast that their Pacific immigration policies and temporary work schemes recognise a “special relationship” with their so-called “Pacific family.” It is a complete fraud. The purpose is to ensure a supply of cheap labour while tightening the imperialist grip over their Pacific colonial “backyard.” Ever more openly, this latter aim is a key aspect of the US-led preparations for a catastrophic war with China.

Mexicans protest president AMLO’s “neglect” in case of 43 Ayotzinapa teaching students

Andrea Lobo


On Monday, demonstrations were held in Mexico City and the central state of Guerrero to protest the failure of the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) to bring to justice those responsible for the killing of the 43 Ayotzinapa teaching students, or normalistas, in 2014.

Relatives of missing Ayotzinapa students; signs read "They were taken alive, we want them alive." (Photo: Thiago Dezan / CIDH) [Photo by Thiago Dezan / CIDH / CC BY 2.0]

The parents of the victims and supporters marched along the Calzada de Guadalupe avenue in Mexico City carrying posters with the words “Ayotzinapa: 8 years” and “They were taken alive, we want them alive.”

Simultaneously, normalistas from across Guerrero blocked the main avenue in the state capital, Chilpancingo, and held a rally downtown to denounce the “neglect” of the AMLO administration. “Because Ayotzinapa does not forgive or forget,” they shouted.

Melitón Ortega, spokesperson for the Parents Committee of the Ayotzinapa 43, told Jornada that the government has not met with them since the government’s “Truth Commission” announced its latest findings in late September.

“The federal government has not given due attention to the case, even though it insists that it was a state crime and claims to be committed and willing to clarify the issue. However, the facts show that the reality is completely the opposite,” he said.

Vidulfo Rosales, lawyer for the parents, explained to Aristegui Noticias: “What we’ve seen is that the report [by the Truth Commission] pretends to close the case. That has become the parameter of the president. He says that all of those who are mentioned there will be prosecuted and those who do not appear will not. That worries us.”

This continued protection of the highest ranks of the state behind the Ayotzinapa killings and cover-up exposes the reactionary character of the efforts to perpetuate the domestic deployment of the military.

These efforts include AMLO’s initiatives, approved recently by Congress, to place the National Guard, which was created by his own administration, under the control of the Army, and to extend the deployment of half a million Mexican soldiers and marines on national soil until 2028.

Having been elected largely due to their promise to send the military back to the barracks, AMLO and his Morena party now insist that these measures are necessary to halt the historic levels of homicides largely tied to the drug cartels. However, this administration saw 137,500 killings and over 30,000 disappearances in its first four years, more than any other government over the previous six years.

AMLO claims that a military trained for combat is less corrupt and less prone to abuse its force than the police. But, as of November, the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) had received over 1,250 complaints against the National Guard, including over its arbitrary use of force, cruel and inhuman treatment, torture and extrajudicial killings.

Despite the known repressive character of the military, as demonstrated by the central role it played in the Ayotzinapa events, the Mexican ruling class and AMLO have only been able to continue their military buildup thanks to the pseudo-left organizations and publications in Mexico and internationally that have promoted the president’s “progressivism” and are now justifying the strengthening of the capitalist state’s repressive apparatus.

In a September 29 article, Jacobin, a publication associated with the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) in the US, sought to differentiate AMLO from his predecessors. It states, “The philosophy of AMLO is fundamentally different as it seeks to address the root causes of violence—poverty, corruption, injustice, inequality—instead of attempting to keep a lid on social unrest through brute force.”

While Jacobin wants its readers to take AMLO’s demagoguery as good coin, the article doesn’t explain why his philosophy is any different. Are the economic interests and the political superstructure defended by AMLO, and for that matter Jacobin, any different?

AMLO’s most consequential policies include historic tax cuts for corporations while sacrificing hundreds of thousands to COVID-19 before the altar of capitalist profits, while unconditionally defending private property and Mexico’s place as a cheap labor platform for global finance capital. The first task directed by AMLO to the National Guard was to detain and deport hundreds of thousands of migrants, as requested by the fascistic US president Donald Trump.

In other words, just like his predecessors in the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI)—from whose ranks he emerged—his philosophy derives from the corrupt services offered by the same rotten state to Mexican billionaires like German Larrea and Carlos Slim, and to Wall Street. Such politics and philosophy are incompatible with any defense of the interests of workers in Mexico, whose poverty is the basis for the super-profits extracted by the rich.

Jacobin then cites a WikiLeaks cable indicating that as early as AMLO’s 2006 presidential campaign he called for giving “the military more power and authority in counter-narcotics operations.” Like any traditional bourgeois politician, AMLO has a long record of calling for a stronger capitalist state under the false premise that it represents an impartial arbiter between social classes.

To feed this lie, Jacobin joins the cover-up of the Ayotzinapa massacre, claiming that the handful of incomplete investigations and arrests “hardly suggests a military acting with the near-total impunity of the past.”

Such a statement is ludicrous, considering that only local military officials are being arrested. Less than two years before, AMLO exonerated former defense minister Gen. Salvador Cienfuegos, who had been detained in the US for facilitating drug shipments. Cienfuegos was the chief of the military during the Ayotzinapa killings and famously denied any military involvement—“We had nothing to do with that”—but AMLO has continued to defend his innocence and that of the military as an institution.

“It was the Army: indeed. We are acting, but the Army is an institution,” declared AMLO in a speech on September 26. He added: “Who must be punished? We are working on that. But it’s not a question of ‘Well, it was the whole Army.’ What do you want? To weaken our Army?”

Two days earlier, Reforma reported, based on an unedited copy of Truth Commission documents, that the AMLO administration was covering up the extent of the involvement of the military leadership. The article said: “In the online chats where the murders had been coordinated, criminal figures, public and military officials discussed how they were digging out the bodies to take them to the 27th Infantry Battalion. No one would go in there. Until mid-November [2014], they were still digging out and moving the bodies.”

Arrest warrants have only been issued against two top federal officials charged for torture, forced disappearances and a cover-up: former general prosecutor Jesús Murillo Karam and the director of the Criminal Investigation Agency, Tomás Zerón. Karam is in prison, but Zerón is a fugitive under the protection of Israel. Among all the gruesome details, Zerón had handed journalists pictures of the pyres in Nazi concentration camps, as evidence of the official lies that the bodies of the normalistas had been burned at a garbage dump.

A “state crime” by a capitalist state is a crime at the behest of capitalism—at the time, to crush the rising wave of struggles against a reactionary education reform and other cost-cutting measures embodied in the “Pact for Mexico.” How else can it be explained that the military had infiltrated the Ayotzinapa normalistas ahead of the killings, as uncovered by the investigations?

The systematic capture, killing and forced disappearance of busloads of normalistas on the night of September 26, 2014, and the cover-up coordinated at the highest levels—during which time “all information was obtained through torture” by the military, arrest warrants were falsified, and numerous key witnesses were systematically murdered—give the events in Guerrero the character of a dress rehearsal for a fascist dictatorship.