19 Sept 2025

As over 1 million Americans are infected with COVID daily, Trump administration plans further cutoff of vaccines

Benjamin Mateus


As the United States enters the peak of its 11th wave of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, with an estimated 1 million new infections per day, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. continues to dismantle the nation’s public health system. At the center of this attack on science is the upcoming September 18–19 meeting of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), whose agenda and composition now reflect Kennedy’s long-standing promotion of anti-vaccine disinformation.

The stage was set for this war on vaccines with the abrupt firing of CDC Director Dr. Susan Monarez, who, just weeks into her tenure, reportedly refused to “rubber-stamp” Kennedy’s diktats. Her dismissal was immediately followed by the appointment of new ACIP members, many of whom lack formal immunization expertise and have publicly echoed Kennedy’s vaccine skepticism. With this move, a once-critical scientific advisory body is being recast as a partisan instrument, undermining decades of immunization policy at a moment when viral transmission of COVID, and for that matter, other pathogens, are once more accelerating across the country.

According to the latest September 8 report from the Pandemic Mitigation Collaborative (PMC), led by Dr. Mike Hoerger, an alarming 1 in 93 Americans are currently infectious with COVID. The model PMC estimated that new daily infections surpassed 1 million on September 6, with the country peaking at 1,006,000 daily cases, although regional variations are considerable.

[Photo by PMC]

Dr. Hoerger warned that “significant transmission occurs post-peak,” underscoring the urgent need for sustained efforts that include masking with N95s, use of various anti-viral nasal sprays, and other layered mitigations. At present, transmission is classified as High or Very High in 21 states and territories, particularly in the South and West, with the virus spreading toward other regions. While Very High areas are expected to enter decline, the PMC anticipates renewed surges in states where transmission was previously low.

These high rates of infection and reinfection have known profound public health consequences.

On average, each American has now been infected 4.2 times, and nearly half the population has contracted the virus at least once in 2025 alone. The PMC estimates 1,300 to 2,100 excess deaths per week, totaling 50,000 to 60,000 annual deaths from COVID-19 and related complications. Meanwhile, Long COVID remains a mass disabling event, affecting an estimated 6 percent of those infected, which can have consequences comparable to stroke, rheumatoid arthritis or Parkinson’s disease in severe instances. The current wave alone is projected to produce up to 720,000 new Long COVID cases in the months ahead.

Drawing on recent data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the heightened vulnerability of the youngest Americans to COVID-19 is striking. While cumulative hospitalization rates from July 2024 to May 2025 were highest among adults aged 75 and older, infants under 6 months followed closely behind, a clear indicator of the severe risks faced by the “immune naive.” The cumulative COVID-19–associated hospitalization rate for infants in this group reached 268 per 100,000, virtually identical to the rate for adults aged 65 to 74, which stood at 266 per 100,000.

[Photo: CDC]

No COVID-19 vaccine is currently approved for infants under 6 months, meaning any protection depends entirely on the transfer of maternal antibodies, either from vaccination during pregnancy or prior infection. These findings make clear that the disease burden on the youngest and most immunologically unprotected Americans now mirrors that of the elderly, a population long known to be at highest risk of severe outcomes.

The same data confirm that vaccination status remains the strongest predictor of disease severity. Among children and adolescents aged 6 months to 17 years who were hospitalized with COVID-19 between October 2024 and March 2025, 89 percent had not received the most recently recommended vaccines.

[Photo: CDC]

This pattern is applicable to adults. Most who are hospitalized had not received a single COVID-19 vaccine dose since July 2023. Among adults aged 65 and older, 65 percent of those hospitalized had no record of receiving the 2024–2025 recommended vaccine. Pregnant individuals were even more unprotected, with 92 percent of those hospitalized with laboratory-confirmed COVID-19 symptoms having not received any vaccine dose since July 2023. Across every demographic examined, the CDC data points to a consistent and urgent conclusion that failure to vaccinate is directly correlated with severe disease requiring hospitalization.

Contrary to the widespread perception that only children with underlying health conditions are at risk of severe COVID-19, data from the CDC reveals a far more alarming reality. In fact, many hospitalized children had no pre-existing medical conditions at all. This is particularly true among the youngest patients. Among infants under 6 months hospitalized for COVID-19, a staggering 71 percent had no known underlying conditions. Similarly, 54 percent of children aged 6 to 23 months hospitalized with COVID-19 were otherwise healthy. Even among children under age 2 admitted to intensive care units (ICUs), most had no prior health issues.

Overall, the data show that one in four children under 18 years old hospitalized for COVID-19 required ICU-level care, a stark indicator of how severe the disease can be, even in children with no recognized risk factors. These findings dismantle the myth that healthy children are largely safe from the worst outcomes of infection and should not receive COVID vaccines. Instead, they demonstrate that COVID-19 remains a serious and unpredictable threat to pediatric health, capable of causing critical illness in previously well children with no medical vulnerabilities.

Precisely because COVID-19 continues to endanger the population, including more than 90 children who have died in the US in the past 12 months alone, public health experts are voicing growing alarm over the direction of the upcoming ACIP hearing. The meeting will feature a presentation by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) purporting to link the COVID vaccine to 25 child deaths. The move has “alarmed career scientists,” with many seeing it as a politicized exercise orchestrated at the behest of Kennedy, who has repeatedly claimed, without evidence, that childhood vaccinations are deadly.

[Photo: CDC]

Among the FDA officials expected to present is Dr. Tracy Beth Høeg, a vocal opponent of broad pediatric COVID vaccination and a frequent critic of mitigation strategies. Public health advocates have condemned the focus on speculative vaccine harms, arguing it dangerously downplays the threat of the virus itself. That number is believed to be an undercount, given the known lag in pediatric death reporting.

The FDA’s claims are reportedly based on data from the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS), a passive surveillance tool jointly managed by the FDA and CDC. However, critics emphasize that the agency is misapplying the database, which is explicitly designed as a signal detection system, not proof of causality. VAERS accepts reports from anyone—physicians, patients, caregivers—without independent verification. Even the system’s official website warns that reports “may contain incomplete, inaccurate, coincidental, or unverifiable information” and that the data “should not be used to determine rates or establish causal relationships.” Nonetheless, under Kennedy’s direction, these limitations are being willfully ignored to amplify unsubstantiated claims of vaccine harm.

Dorit Reiss, a professor of law at the University of California College of the Law, San Francisco, and a leading expert on vaccine policy, sharply criticized the misuse of VAERS data to claim vaccine-related deaths. “To identify causation to a vaccine,” she explained, “you need to show that the cause of death was something the vaccine caused, and by itself, a VAERS report would not show that. You need larger studies comparing incidents of the harm with or without the vaccine.” Reiss emphasized that health agencies use VAERS as a signal detection tool, designed to flag potential safety concerns for further study and not as a scientific basis for establishing causality. The decision to present these raw reports as conclusive evidence at a federal advisory meeting marks a serious breach of standard public health practice and opens the door to politicized fearmongering.

This calculated reshaping of scientific advisory bodies, combined with the misuse of vaccine safety data, has provoked alarm from leading public health officials. Dr. Demetre Daskalakis, who resigned as director of the CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases in August 2025, warned in his resignation letter that the “firewall between science and ideology has completely broken down.” He stated publicly that the CDC could no longer reliably present science “free of ideology,” and that career scientists were being increasingly sidelined by political appointees.

Noel Brewer, a former vaccine adviser on the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) who was removed during the committee’s overhaul, directly accused the administration of “leveraging this platform to share untruths about vaccines to scare people,” adding that “the US government is now in the business of vaccine misinformation.” These developments point to a growing politicization of federal public health bodies, where evidence-based guidance is being replaced with messaging aligned to a predetermined ideological agenda.

The actions spearheaded by Kennedy and his restructured ACIP go well beyond the immediate crisis of COVID-19. They represent an existential threat to the foundation of modern public health. By narrowing or removing vaccine recommendations, including for COVID-19 in healthy children and pregnant women, and reportedly reviewing long-standing childhood immunizations like Hepatitis B and MMRV, the administration is directly undermining the legal and scientific guarantees that ensure no-cost vaccine coverage for millions of Americans through private insurance, Medicaid, and the Vaccines for Children Program.

This politically motivated dismantling of vaccine policy, mirrored in states like Florida, led by antivaccine zealots such as Dr. Joseph Ladapo, who is in the process of stripping essential school vaccine mandates, risks a return to a pre-vaccine era. In such a scenario, preventable diseases like measles, pertussis and chickenpox could once again surge, especially as kindergarten MMR vaccination rates have already dropped below herd immunity thresholds in several regions. More alarmingly, the misuse of data systems like VAERS to manufacture doubt, coupled with the purge of experienced scientific advisers, has shattered public trust in health agencies.

As principled health experts have repeatedly warned, this erosion of institutional credibility extends far beyond current vaccination efforts, threatening future public health initiatives, medical innovation, and global pandemic preparedness. The implications are profound. They are dismantling a century’s worth of scientific progress to advance a radical political agenda, endangering both the current generation and the future capacity of society to protect itself from infectious disease.

UK children on free school meals blocked from accessing vital curriculum subjects

Margot Miller


As the autumn school term begins in Britain, research reveals the devastating impact of inequality and poverty on the access to educational opportunities by children from poorer families.

A survey commissioned by the charity Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) reveals that children on Free School Meals (FSM) were less likely to take up costlier subjects at GCSE level than their better off counterparts. Many subjects incur costs to be shouldered by parents, such as fieldwork in geography, foreign language trips, ingredients in domestic science, and kit and equipment for PE (physical education).

Parents take children to a primary school in Bournemouth, UK following the reopening of schools nationally. during the COVID pandemic, March, 2021

General Certificates of Secondary Education (GCSEs) are subjects taken by 15-16-year-olds with exams at the end of year 11. While English, maths and science are compulsory, other subjects are optional. The outcome of GCSE’s determines the next step in a child’s education.

An online poll commissioned by CPAG conducted between April 17 and May 1, 2025, by Survation of 1,701 secondary school pupils, including 1,027 children in England found:

·        23 percent of children on free school meals were deterred from selecting GCSE subjects of their choice because of fear of costs incurred, compared to 9 percent not on FSMs.

·        29 percent on FSMs said the costs of a subject informed their choice, compared to 11 percent not on FSMs.

·        30 percent of FSM pupils said homework costs were hard to afford, including laptops.

CPAG’s head of education policy Kate Anstey said, “Children in struggling families are going back to school only to be bounced out of some subjects and learning by costs—cut off from opportunities just as the foundations of their futures are being laid.”

The survey reported 15 percent of FSM children saying family income made learning more difficult (compared to 8 percent). Also, 14 percent (compared to 8 percent) said it was difficult to afford pens and pencils for lessons. Over a third (34 percent) reported difficulties affording school trips and 1 in 5 (compared to 21 percent) school clubs. And 27 percent on free school meals were barred from music tuition because of the cost of instruments.

Previous research by CPAG calculated that while state education is free in the UK, it actually costs families a minimum £2,274.77 annually to see a child through secondary school. This includes a minimum of £449.67 for calculators, stationery and revision guides.

In England, Free School Meals are restricted to children in reception, Year 1 and 2 and older children from families in the bottom income percentile. To qualify, the latter must live in a household whose income is £7,400 or below, excluding extra top-up benefits like Universal Credit. Families who qualify will have a total annual income including benefits of between £18,000--£24,000, according to the government.

From September 2026, all children from poor families receiving the Universal Credit benefit will qualify for FSMs, though this will hardly compensate for the rising prices of food, household bills and housing costs facing families.

There are around 2.2 million children (25.7 percent of the total pupil population) receiving free school dinners. All primary school children in Wales and London can access FSMs. In Scotland children receive free meals for the first five years of primary school.

The quality of school dinners has been subject to much criticism—the government funds a measly £2.61 per meal. The food is generally not cooked onsite but outsourced to private companies.

The statistics for child poverty in the UK are stark, in a country where the richest 50 families own more wealth than the poorest half of the population or 34 million people.

According to the Child Poverty Action Group, there are 4.5 million children in the UK living in relative poverty, defined as below 60 percent of the median income. This translates to 31 percent, or nine children in a classroom of 30, growing up in poverty. 7 out of 10 children in poor households have at least one parent in work, due to pitifully low wages. Among families where a member is disabled, 44 percent of children live in poverty.

Almost half (49 percent) of children from black and Asian families live in poverty, compared to 24 percent of children in white families. 49 percent of children from single-parent households also grow up in poverty.

The figure for child poverty has risen by 700,000 in the last 10 years, due to successive government austerity to pay for huge bank bailouts.

Governments have known for decades the correlation between poverty and educational attainment. This year’s GCSE results reaffirmed the persistent trend of deprivation leading to poorer exam outcomes. While 48 percent of GCSE results in private schools were above grade 7, just 18.2 percent were awarded the same high pass at non-selective state schools.

Beneath the cynical pose of closing the attainment-gap, successive governments over the past 40 years, facilitated by the education unions, introduced major “reforms” to UK education—including the proscriptive National Curriculum, Academy schools and hated government inspectorate Ofsted to police the teaching workforce. But what is needed is a fully funded education system, informed by child psychology and pedagogy, not driven by tests and targets that squash inquiry and creativity.

On taking office Labour declared as one of its missions to “break down barriers to opportunity… to make sure there is no class ceiling on the ambitions of our young people”. Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared his government would “leave no stone unturned to give every child the very best start in life”. Such comments were pure electioneering, with the punitive two-child benefit cap introduced by the Tories that has reduced many families to penury and stunts the life chances of children kept in place.

Capitalist governments worldwide have concluded that historic average spending on health, education and pensions is no longer affordable. Labour’s misnamed Schools and Well Being bill making its way through the House of Lords makes no mention of education funding, which has been cut to the bone. The government is dedicated to defending not the well-being of children but the profits of the rich and increased military spending.

The education unions, which welcomed the election of Labour, have suppressed the demands of teachers to fight for better pay and conditions. The National Education Union (NEU), after pushing through the last pay offer of 4 percent, declared its campaign this term is to make futile appeals to the government to fully fund the award. On its website, the NEU admits a £630 million shortfall, if schools are forced to fund the pay increase out of their dwindling budgets, meaning 12,400 job losses. If only the government would tax the rich, it states pathetically.

The social crisis fueling the collapse of democracy in America

Patrick Martin



A homeless encampment on a street in downtown Los Angeles [AP Photo/Richard Vogel]

In the aftermath of the killing of the far-right ideologue Charlie Kirk, the Trump administration has vowed to “dismantle,” “target” and “destroy” all domestic political opposition. These hysterical and unhinged statements and actions give the sense of a government and state apparatus that is completely out of control. But behind this frenzy lie deeper processes. What is taking place is not simply political madness, but the violent realignment of American politics under conditions in which the basic interests of the capitalist oligarchy can no longer be reconciled with the needs and aspirations of society as a whole.

Yesterday, the World Socialist Web Site wrote in its perspective column, “The words and actions of the Trump administration cannot be reduced to the fascistic personality of the present occupant of the White House. In the final analysis, Trump is the representative of a capitalist oligarchy, whose policies and actions are a response to the intersecting crises confronting American capitalism.”

What is happening in America outside of—and propelling—the frenzy within the political superstructure? Beneath the surface, the basic class contradictions of what Leon Trotsky called the “death agony of capitalism” are manifesting themselves.  

Inflation is sharply eroding living standards, while workers and families are burdened with record levels of debt. The first waves of massive cuts to social programs are being felt, alongside the accelerated dismantling of public education. At the same time, unsafe working conditions continue to claim lives every day, with thousands of workers killed on the job each year in what amounts to an industrial slaughterhouse.

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic—entirely ignored by the media and political establishment—continues to exact a deadly toll, even as the remnants of public health infrastructure are dismantled and the most basic protections, including vaccines, are eliminated.

One of the leading mouthpieces of big business, the Wall Street Journal, gave a glimpse of this deepening crisis in an article posted Wednesday on its website with the headline, “The Two-Speed Economy Is Back as Low-Income Americans Give Up Gains.” The article is published in the newspaper’s Thursday print edition under the headline, “Divergent American Economy Gets More Divided.”

“There are two economies in the U.S. right now, and they are moving in different directions,” the commentary begins, noting that higher-income Americans “are still spending like gangbusters,” while for most workers, wage growth “has petered out.” The article continues, “Those workers are curbing their spending and in some cases are struggling to find jobs.” Unemployment is hitting African Americans and young people particularly hard, while home prices and rents are soaring.

“The divided fortunes of rich and poor in the U.S. may sound like an old story,” the Journal acknowledges, but “the gulf is widening again.” Wage growth for the bottom third of workers was the smallest in August since 2016, and these workers could spend only 0.3 percent more than a year ago. With inflation at nearly 3 percent, and prices on many essential goods rising much faster than that, this means a cut in real consumption.

The gap between working class families counting every dollar, and the comfortable lives of the upper-middle class and the truly wealthy, has never been greater. The Journal cited a Moody’s Analytics report that the top 10 percent of households now account for a greater proportion of total spending than ever before, 49.2 percent, nearly half of all spending, in the second quarter of 2025.

Rising unemployment is a major factor in this social polarization. The jobless rate for recent college graduates has hit 6.5 percent, well above the 4.3 percent rate for all workers. The jobless rate for black workers is now at 7.5 percent, up from 6.1 percent a year ago.

Several other reports published this month document the growing chasm between the great mass of the population, the working class, and the financial oligarchy that controls both political parties, the corporate media, and economic life as a whole.

According to the Fair Isaac Corporation (FICO), credit scores for borrowers have fallen for the second straight year, with 2024 showing the biggest drop since 2009, the year of the Wall Street crash. Young adults (Gen Z) showed the biggest decrease, partly because of the resumption of delinquency reporting on student loan debt, which had been paused during the initial years of the COVID pandemic.

“Delinquency rates on auto loans, credit cards, and personal loans are at or near their highest levels since 2009, during the Great Recession—and are more consistent with an economy in recession than one still in expansion,” the FICO report observes.

A report by the Institute for Policy Studies on what it dubs the “Low-Wage 100” firms—the 100 companies in the Fortune 500 with the lowest average pay for workers—found that CEO pay rose 34.7 percent from 2019 to 2024, more than double the 16.3 percent increase in median worker pay, which actually represented a cut in wages when inflation is taken into account. The average CEO of the Low-Wage 100 made $17.2 million, 632 times the pay of the average worker.

By far the widest gap was at Starbucks, a staggering 6,666 to 1, with new CEO Brian Niccol raking in $95.8 million, compared to the median pay of $14,674. At home and construction goods chain Lowe’s, the company spent $46.6 billion on stock buybacks from 2019 through 2024, roughly three times the amount of its annual wages bill. Home Depot spent $37.9 billion on stock buybacks—one million times its median pay of $35,196.

Earlier this month, two corporate oligarchs extracted record personal payoffs. Tesla CEO Elon Musk was awarded more than $900 billion in prospective future “incentive” earnings tied to the company’s stock price. And Oracle CEO Larry Ellison netted $100 billion in a single day, benefiting from a 40 percent jump in the stock price, temporarily surpassing Musk as the world’s richest man.

Overshadowing even this colossal and growing inequality is the specter of a default in the financial markets, with personal, corporate and government debt all hitting stratospheric levels and runaway speculation in opaque or worthless investment vehicles like cryptocurrencies. A recent editorial in the Wall Street Journal on the collapse of Tricolor, an auto retailer catering to young, low-income and immigrant workers, expressed the concern that the stresses placed on low-income borrowers could trigger a far wider collapse:

A broader market problem is that auto lenders in recent years have extended the duration of loans to keep monthly payments affordable. Stretched after years of inflation, low-income borrowers are falling behind on payments and many are underwater on their loans. They owe more than they could get for trading-in or selling their cars.

Many young people borrowed to buy cars during the pandemic when they didn’t have to make student loan payments. Now they are struggling to repay both. Auto delinquencies and car repossessions are getting closer to 2009 recession levels. Yet investors have continued to snap up subprime auto debt.

Under these conditions, the policies of the Trump administration have assumed an increasingly reckless and incendiary character. Its tariff barriers, adopted and modified seemingly at random, are devastating global trade, the driving force of world economic growth. Its foreign policy promotes military conflicts across the globe that threaten to coalesce into a Third World War fought with nuclear weapons.

This is only a partial portrait of the social crisis in America. The conditions fueling the present breakdown were not created by Trump, but his government, acting on behalf of the corporate and financial oligarchy, is vastly accelerating processes that have been developing for decades under both Democrats and Republicans. These same processes are expressed, in different forms, in every country around the world.

It is impossible to understand the violent turn toward dictatorship in American politics outside of this social reality. And it is impossible to seriously oppose dictatorship apart from the development of a mass movement of the working class, directed against the wealth of the oligarchy and the capitalist system on which it rests.

Former Thai prime minister Thaksin jailed for a year

Robert Campion


Thailand’s former prime minister and de facto leader of the Pheu Thai Party, Thaksin Shinawatra, was sentenced by the country’s Supreme Court last week to serve a one-year prison term. Ostensibly related to longstanding corruption charges, the ruling is a move by right-wing factions aligned with the military and monarchy to sideline Thaksin and his party.

Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, arrives at Don Muang airport in Bangkok, Thailand, on Aug. 22, 2023 [AP Photo/Sakchai Lalit]

The trumped-up charges against Thaksin stem from his five years as prime minister which the military used as part of its pretext to oust him in the 2006 coup. He fled into a self-imposed exile for 15 years, during which time he was sentenced to eight years in prison in absentia.

Following the general election in 2023, Thaksin returned to Thailand as part of a sordid bargain between Pheu Thai on one hand and the military and monarchy on the other to prevent the Move Forward Party (MFP) from coming to power. The MFP, which had won the most seats, was later dissolved on bogus grounds and is now the People’s Party.

Pheu Thai, which once claimed to be the party of “democracy,” entered into a coalition with the military-backed parties to form a government while Thaksin received a royal pardon, reducing his prison sentence to one year. He ultimately served only six months, staying in a suite at the Police General Hospital in Bangkok on the basis of “life-threatening” health issues before being paroled. 

The traditional ruling elites centred on the military and monarchy have always been intensely hostile to Thaksin, himself a billionaire, and Pheu Thai, and have effectively reneged on the deal.

The court ruled on September 9 that Thaksin’s health concerns were in fact “non-urgent” and insufficient to override standard incarceration rules under the Corrections Act. This meant he still had to serve his one-year sentence in prison. Thaksin was immediately transferred to the elderly wing of the high security Khlong Prem Central Prison in Bangkok.

The jailing of Thaksin took place shortly after the Constitutional Court removed his daughter Paetongtarn Shinawatra as prime minister in a judicial coup based on phoney ethics charges. Her Pheu Thai-led ruling coalition collapsed afterwards, allowing the pro-military and pro-monarchy Bhumjaithai Party (BJT) to take power with its leader Anutin Charnvirakul becoming prime minister. Paetongtarn was the second Pheu Thai prime minister removed in a year on spurious grounds. 

Thaksin came to power in 2001 in the wake of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis on a populist platform that included moderate relief for poor farmers. His popularity and that of Thai Rak Thai, the predecessor of Pheu Thai grew, particularly in the impoverished north and northeast parts of the country.

Though initially backed by the political establishment around the military, monarchy, and state bureaucracy, Thaksin’s agenda began to cut across their interests. He represented an emerging section of the bourgeoisie in sectors such as telecommunications, the media, automotive, and transportation. Thaksin was the founder of Shin Corporation, which became one of the largest telecom conglomerates in Thailand. 

Thaksin would come to clash with the Thai military, which has its own extensive business operations. These include, but are by no means limited to, construction, agriculture, television and radio, restaurants and convenience stores, golf courses, and hotels. 

The monarchy, one of the largest capitalists in Thailand, also has its own massive economic interests. King Vajiralongkorn is the largest shareholder in the Siam Commercial Bank and the Siam Cement Group. Royal assets in the Privy Purse Bureau (formerly the Crown Property Bureau) are personally owned by the king and are estimated to be valued at as much as $70 billion.

Increasingly bitter rivalry developed in the 1990s as the big businesses associated with the globalisation of production found their interests constrained by the political domination of the military and monarchy and associated businesses. The revision of the country’s constitution in 1997 opened the door for the entry of Thaksin into politics. 

The 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, which significantly impacted the businesses of the traditional elites in finance, construction, and real estate, greatly exacerbated the conflict. Newer businesses, however, such as Thaksin’s telecommunications conglomerate, were able to recover far more quickly. As prime minister, Thaksin also began to open up the Thai economy to international capital, further cutting across the business interests of the military and monarchy.

Thaksin’s removal from power in 2006 has only resulted in nearly two decades of political turmoil and upheavals as the traditional elites have proven incapable of winning an election and have repeatedly resorted to the military and the courts to oust or block their rivals. 

Another threat to the traditional elites, the Future Forward Party, the predecessor of the People’s Party, came to prominence in the wake of mass protests in 2020 against the monarchy and military, after the latter blatantly rigged the 2019 election. The party, established by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the nephew of the founder of auto parts manufacturer Thai Summit Group, was able to attract significant support among younger people who had supported the protest.  

The new government of Anutin is no more stable than previous ones. It has been brought to power as a minority government with only 146 seats out of 500 in the lower house of the National Assembly. The People’s Party with 151 seats has supported the pro-military and pro-monarchy Anutin by pledging to block no-confidence motions and support the budget. In return, Anutin says he will dissolve parliament in four months and hold a new general election, which will resolve nothing.

Thaksin and his party have accepted his imprisonment and the party’s removal from power. Whatever their economic and political disputes, the entire Thai ruling class is aware that it sits on a social powder keg. Its fears have no doubt been heightened by the recent mass protests in Indonesia and Nepal.

Thailand’s cost of living has grown rapidly. Food prices have surged by 106.5 percent over the past 13 years while the minimum wage has risen by only 33 percent in the same period, according to Thailand’s Agency for Real Estate Affairs. Household debt stands at approximately 87.4 percent of GDP. 

The economic situation has been exacerbated by geopolitical tensions driven by accelerating US-led preparations for war against China. Trump tariffs are negatively impacting Thailand’s export-driven economy. For 2025, the World Bank has forecast only 1.8 percent economic growth, down from 2.5 percent in 2024.

Significantly, while Thaksin has been jailed, no moves, at present, have been made in the courts against Pheu Thai. As it faces the prospect of further political upheaval and opposition, the ruling class may yet require its services to prop up increasingly unstable bourgeois rule.