23 Sept 2024

Thousands laid off in August and September in the technology sector as the global jobs bloodbath intensifies

Stephen Parker



Amazon headquarters in Seattle, Washington. [Photo by GoToVan, Flickr / CC BY 2.0]

The latest wave of mass layoffs is affecting tech workers across the industry. So far this year, according to Layoffs.fyi, more than 137,500 tech workers have been laid off by over 400 companies worldwide, while another tracker puts the number at over 215,402 laid off in the technology sector, according to TrueUp. 

On August 1, Intel announced a massive downsizing round, eliminating 15 percent of its workforce as part of a “cost savings plan” for 2025. This could affect anywhere from 15,000 to 19,000 workers. At the end of August, Apple announced plans to cut 100 jobs in their Online Services group, citing a “shift in priorities”.

In mid-September, IT hardware company Cisco announced it was laying off 5,600 workers, or roughly 7 percent of its workforce, while Microsoft reported letting go of 650 employees in their Xbox division. Most recently, IBM announced plans to close an entire research and development division in China, resulting in 1,000 additional layoffs for 2024.

Amazon has made two major announcements recently. The first one was regarding a mandatory return to office for five-days-a-week scheduling starting January 2025 for all corporate workers.

The next day, it announced the letting go of an undisclosed number of managers in order to “strengthen the culture of the company,” the new CEO of the company Andy Jassy declared. The exact amount is yet to be known, but the reported objective is to increase the ratio of employees to managers by at least 15 percent by the end of the first quarter of 2025.

Tech workers took to social media and other forums to express their anger over these various announcements. 

On the anonymous employee social platform Blind, one worker at Meta said, “Companies are doing sneaky layoffs now. Meta is regularly doing little layoffs at an individual organization level so that they don’t have to make public announcements.

“They’ve turned up underperformance quotas and are terminating people in the name of performance. Google said it will also continuously keep doing small layoffs wherever they see an opportunity. Amazon is forcing some people to quit by forcing five day work from the office and reducing flexibility.”

This forced return-to-office policy comes amid an ongoing and very active COVID-19 pandemic surge. In the US, the summer wave has been particularly virulent, with numbers reaching up to 1.5 million cases a day in August. Updated vaccines availability are still very limited, and mitigation protocols have long been dropped, if not prohibited, as demonstrated by the recent wave of states passing, or attempting to pass, anti-mask legislation. 

Forcing workers to return to an office full time will create the conditions for additional waves of infection, therefore increasing the risk of the development of new variants. The ruling class is openly embracing the policy of “forever Covid” and the mass disabling of the working class, as another tool to subjugate workers to the imperialist interests manifesting themselves in the escalation of war in the Middle East and Ukraine.

Hundreds of thousands have lost their jobs in the tech sector since 2022 as part of a ruling class counteroffensive against demands for higher wages by workers. This was the outcome of a conscious ruling class policy led by the Biden administration and the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates in order to drive up unemployment and drive down wages.

This year began with Google’s mass layoffs of over 12,000 workers, as part of an industry-wide cost-cutting frenzy, aimed at bolstering stock prices and appeasing Wall Street. Despite posting record profits, Google, like Apple, Dell, and IBM, made a calculated decision to prioritize profit margins over the livelihoods of its workers.

The layoffs in tech and other sectors have been driven not by financial necessity, but by the unrelenting pressure from hedge funds, investment firms and billionaires to drive up corporate valuations through “restructuring” measures, i.e., the destruction of jobs.

Whether in times of crisis or growth, it is the working class that shoulders the cost while the wealthy continue to accumulate obscene levels of wealth.

The working class, in particular, has been a central target of the ruling class attacks on jobs, especially among auto workers who have seen thousands of jobs slashed in the United States, Europe, Asia and internationally.

Just this year alone, the automotive company Stellantis announced it would slash over 2,500 workers at its Stellantis Warren Truck plant in Michigan, along with plans to cut over 25,000 jobs in Italy. The rest of the Big Three are also carrying out a massive attack on jobs as they prepare to transition the auto industry to electric vehicles and impose the cost of the transition on the working class. 

The ruling class, aided by their media outlets, are quick to promote “upskilling” as one solution to this crisis. Workers are encouraged to constantly retrain and adapt to new technologies in order to remain “relevant” in an increasingly ruthless job market.

The focus on upskilling shifts the blame for layoffs onto workers, suggesting that their obsolescence is due to an individual failure to keep up with technological advances, rather than the inherent logic of capitalism.

Highly educated and skilled workers are increasingly treated as disposable, while the wealth generated by the labor of the working class as a whole is concentrated in the hands of a shrinking elite. The wealth of tech billionaires like Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos and Tim Cook soared even during the pandemic, while millions of workers faced job losses, pay cuts and evictions.

The tech industry, once seen as a career offering higher paying jobs for higher skills, is now undergoing the same process of consolidation, cost-cutting, and financialization that has ravaged other industries for decades, especially with the new advances in artificial intelligence. This trend is driven by the same underlying processes that have shaped the global economy under capitalism: the drive to maximize profits, often at the expense of long-term growth, stability and workers’ rights.

The layoffs in the tech sector is the result of this dynamic. Technology is advancing, but instead of benefiting the working class, it is being weaponized to destroy jobs and deepen inequality.

A recent report by ZipRecruiter found that every industry, from retail to manufacturing has now seen massive cuts to wages. The biggest was in retail where average posted pay decreased by 55.9 percent, while manufacturing was down by 17.3 percent. 

Another report by the Wall Street Journal titled “Bosses Are Finding Ways to Pay Workers Less” noted that companies are seeking to reduce labor costs by moving from the US to parts of the world where labor costs are cheaper, like Mexico or Eastern Europe. In the US, the WSJ report noted, companies are moving software jobs from cities like San Francisco and Chicago to lower cost cities in what industry experts are citing as “geographic arbitrage.”

The mass layoffs in the tech sector and the attacks on jobs and wages in other industries by the ruling class must be met with a counteroffensive of the working class to assert its right to a job. The working class, including technology workers, must recognize that their interests are irreconcilably opposed to those of the corporate elite.

Instead of the advances of technology, including in artificial intelligence and automation, being used against workers and enriching a tiny handful of billionaires, the gains of technological progress must be used to reduce the burden of labor, shorten the workweek and improve the standard of living for the vast majority of working people.

JVP/NPP leader elected as new president of Sri Lanka

Saman Gunadasa & Deepal Jayasekera


The election of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake as Sri Lanka’s new executive president, announced yesterday, is a reflection of the profound economic, social and political crisis impacting the country since its debt default in 2022 and the subsequent mass uprising that forced former President Gotabhaya Rajapakse to flee the island and resign.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake waves outside election commission office after winning the Sri Lankan presidential election in Colombo, Sri Lanka, September 22, 2024 [AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena]

The magnitude of the political shift is indicated by the fact that the JVP and its electoral front, the National People’s Power (NPP), has never before held the presidency and has only ever been a junior partner in government. In the 2019 presidential election, Dissanayake won just 3 percent of the vote as compared to 42 percent in the election on Saturday.

The fact that counting had to go to second preferences to decide the result underscores the disintegration of the Colombo political establishment in recent years under huge economic and political pressures. The two parties that have ruled Sri Lanka since formal independence in 1948—the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)—no longer exist in their past form.

The previous president, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was anti-democratically installed by parliament to replace Rajapakse, heads the rump UNP which split in 2020 with the breakaway forming the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). Wickremesinghe received just 17 percent of vote on Saturday, while SJB candidate and leader Sajith Premadasa gained 33 percent.

Wickremesinghe, who has been instrumental in imposing savage austerity measures demanded by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has been ruling with the support of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP)—the major component of a split in the SLFP. The SLPP vote on Saturday was divided—some supporting Wickremesinghe while others backed its candidate Namal Rajapakse who received just 2.6 percent of the vote.

The dramatic increase in the vote for the JVP/NPP is a product of two inter-related processes—the seething hostility and anger of broad layers of the population over the economic and social crisis that continues to worsen on the one hand; and significant support for the JVP/NPP in sections of the ruling class as the means for preventing any revival of the 2022 uprising from taking a revolutionary road.

The JVP and Dissanayake were able to exploit the mass opposition to the political establishment long dominated by figures and families such as Wickremesinghe, the Rajapakses and Premadasas, by posturing as a radical alternative and making false promises to alleviate the suffering of the masses. Its election rhetoric denounced the greed and corruption of previous governments in order to cover up the root cause of the plight facing millions in the global crisis of capitalism.

While often referred to as “Marxist” or “leftist” in the media, the JVP has long ago jettisoned its socialistic pretensions and rhetoric. Formed in 1966 on the basis of an admixture of Maoism, Castroism and Sinhala populism, the JVP led two disastrous uprisings of rural Sinhala youth that resulted in the slaughter of tens of thousands. It has since abandoned its weapons for seats in parliament and a place in the political establishment, but undoubtedly retains a certain radical aura.

Dissanayake’s promises to rebuild the economy and uplift the living conditions of the masses through the elimination of corruption and privileges for the ruling elites are based on a lie. The JVP/NPP has insisted that it will impose the IMF’s austerity agenda in return for a $US3 billion bailout that will mean a fire-sale of state-owned enterprises, the destruction of half a million public sector jobs, deep inroads into essential services, such as health and education, and continuing inflation as prices subsidies are eliminated.

Dissanayake has declared that he will renegotiate the terms of the loan, but the IMF has already made abundantly clear that there is no room for alterations. In fact, the IMF mission will return to Colombo in the next fortnight. Last month, mission head Peter Breuer bluntly declared that “Sri Lanka’s knife-edged recovery [is] at a critical juncture” and “timely implementation of all program commitments are critical… [to] put the economy on a firm footing.”

While promising social improvement to working people, the JVP has been reassuring the ruling class that it will act in their interests. Addressing a meeting of industrialists and businessmen convened by the NPP’s Business Forum on September 4, Dissanayake pledged the full protection of the profit interests of local and foreign investors under his government and assured them that an NPP/JVP government would not repudiate the IMF program.

In another sign that the JVP has the support of sections of the ruling class, outgoing President Wickremesinghe was quick to congratulate Dissanayake, declaring he was “confident” the politician, whom he referred to as “my president,” would “steer Sri Lanka on a path of continued growth and stability.” While Wickremesinghe warned during the campaign that an NPP-led government would crash the economy, his ringing endorsement of Dissanayake is an acknowledgment that a JVP government will quickly abandon any election pledges that conflict with the demands of international finance capital.

At the same time, having long ago abandoned its “anti-imperialist” demagogy, the JVP/NPP will continue the integration of the island into the US-led confrontation and war drive against China. Dissanayake has met with US ambassador Julie Chung several times, including in the midst of the 2022 uprising when she made a point of visiting the JVP offices. Obviously reassured that US interests would be supported, she declared that the JVP was “a significant party” that resonated with the public.

In another sign of the JVP’s foreign policy alignment, Dissanayake was also congratulated by right-wing Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who emphasised Sri Lanka’s strategic significance and declared that he looked forward to strengthening cooperation with the island. In the lead-up to the election, Dissanayake visited India, a key strategic partner in the US war drive against China, to reassure New Delhi that the JVP was on board.

In his address to the nation on Sunday evening, Dissanayake appealed for national unity in a bid to obscure the JVP’s pro-business and pro-imperialist orientation and to delegitimise any opposition to its pro-capitalist policies. “Everyone—those who voted and didn’t vote for me—we have a responsibility to take this country forward,” he declared.

Significantly, the island’s Tamil and Muslim minorities do not regard the JVP/NPP with anything but deep suspicion and outright hostility. The JVP is steeped in Sinhala chauvinism and was a trenchant supporter of the devastating 26-year communal war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). It defended the military’s war crimes, including the slaughter of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians in the final months of the war in 2009. Dissanayake received only 10 percent of the vote or less in the Tamil-majority North and East of the island.

Moreover, the widespread support for the JVP/NPP in other areas of the island will quickly evaporate as masses of working people realise that Dissanayake’s promises were a pack of lies when living conditions worsen. The Socialist Equality Party has warned that the JVP/NPP, like Wickremesinghe, will resort to police-state measures to suppress the inevitable renewal of strikes and protests. The NPP has been building collectives of retired military and police officers in preparation for repressive moves under its government.

Workers and youth should recall that in the late 1980s the JVP backed its reactionary nationalist campaign against the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord with the assassination of hundreds of political opponents, trade unionists and workers. It opposed the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord on the basis of denouncing “Indian imperialism,” which it has now dropped. However, Dissanayake will not hesitate to resort to anti-Tamil chauvinism, which is deeply embedded in the JVP’s political DNA, to divide and derail any mass movement against his government’s policies.

As he prepares to take office, Dissanayake indicated that he would dissolve parliament shortly and hold parliamentary elections as he wanted a government with a “mandate.” Currently, the JVP/NPP holds just three seats in the 225-seat parliament and Dissanayake clearly wants an early election to strengthen his position prior to ruthlessly implementing the IMF austerity agenda.

The election of Dissanayake demonstrates that the island is in a state of immense political flux. None of the issues that were raised in the 2022 uprising have been resolved, nor can they be resolved under a JVP-led government. Indeed the popular anger has welled up time and again in strikes and protests against the IMF austerity policies. The key role of the JVP and its trade unions in limiting and suppressing the opposition is undoubtedly one reason why the ruling class has turned to Dissanayake.

21 Sept 2024

German government readies further war package for Ukraine

Johannes Stern


According to media reports, the German government is preparing another massive arms package for Ukraine, worth 1.4 billion euros. Der Spiegel writes this includes 50 individual items, including “an ammunition package for the Gepard anti-aircraft tank, a further 20 Marder infantry fighting vehicles, numerous reconnaissance and attack drones, as well as extensive spare parts packages for weapons systems already delivered”.

German self-propelled howitzer Panzerhaubitze 2000 ("tank howitzer 2000") [AP Photo/Michael Sohn]

The news magazine quoted from an internal document stating that the weapons “will mostly be implemented this year and brought to bear on the battlefield.”

The draft emphasises how aggressively and feverishly the imperialist powers are working to avert a collapse of the Ukrainian armed forces at the front. The “significant increase in the combat strength of the Russian armed forces” makes further arms deliveries indispensable, Der Spiegel continues, quoting from the paper. Unlike Ukraine, the Russian army is able “to overcompensate for its personnel and material losses”.

Berlin is pursuing the insane goal of turning the tide on the battlefield. The Ukrainian armed forces need drones that are resistant to Russian jamming systems as soon as possible along with more spare parts, “otherwise there is a risk of ‘high failure rates’ in the weapons systems supplied by Germany, such as the Panzerhaubitze 2000 self-propelled howitzer or the Leopard main battle tanks,” according to Der Spiegel. The defence ministry hopes “that the existing repair workshops in Ukraine’s neighbouring countries can be adequately equipped at least until the end of the year”.

The new weapons package is directly linked to the imperialist powers’ plans to attack targets in the Russian heartland with missiles and cruise missiles. The Ukrainian special forces would have to “be further strengthened so that they can “destroy Russian air defences at vulnerable points” and “attack strategically important targets behind enemy lines”, continues Der Spiegel’s quote from the internal submission.

Last week, the German government had already made clear its support for the US and British plans to allow Kiev the use of NATO missiles to launch direct attacks against Russia. Among others, Defence Minister Boris Pistorius had claimed that the use of long-range NATO weapons against targets on Russian territory was covered by international law.

The latest plans underscore the central role played by Berlin in the current escalation, which increases the risk of a nuclear escalation of the war in Ukraine. Last week, the German government massively expanded its arms deliveries to Ukraine. The following new items can be seen on the official list of military support provided:

  • 22 Leopard 1 battle tanks
  • 22 Mine Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicles (MRAP)
  • 5 multipurpose Bandvagn 206 (BV206) tracked vehicles
  • 1 All Terrain Warthog Tracked Carrier (lead vehicle)
  • 3 Gepard anti-aircraft tanks
  • 2 TRML-4D air surveillance radars
  • 61,000 rounds of 155 mm artillery ammunition
  • 30 VECTOR reconnaissance drones with spare parts
  • 20 RQ-35 HEIDRUN reconnaissance drones
  • 20 surface drones
  • 6 Hornet XR drones
  • BIBER armoured bridge layer with spare parts
  • 1 DACHS armoured engineer vehicle with spare parts
  • 6 WISENT 1 mine-clearing tanks with spare parts
  • Material for explosive ordnance disposal
  • 16 ground surveillance radars
  • 2 AMPS self-defence systems for helicopters
  • 3 border patrol vehicles
  • 112 motor vehicles (lorries, minibuses, off-road vehicles)
  • 8 Zetros tankers
  • 10 MG3 machine guns
  • 1 million rounds of small arms ammunition

Berlin has already spent more than €20 billion arming Ukraine for war. According to the German government, the funds for the “strengthening initiative” will amount to around €7.1 billion in 2024 alone. In addition, there are commitment authorisations for the following years amounting to around €6 billion. In addition, around €5 billion were spent on military support for Ukraine in 2023 and around €1.6 billion in 2022, with a further €2.9 billion in commitment appropriations.

The military budget is being continually increased in order to finance these enormous war funds. In his speech in the Bundestag (parliament) last Wednesday at the first reading of the 2025 budget, Pistorius stated: “We are doing everything we can to strengthen our defence capabilities and to continue to support Ukraine […].” However, he added, “[…] in order to continue our support as energetically as possible, we will need more funds […] in the future.”

Pistorius emphasised that the 2025 defence budget of over €75 billion (53.25 billion in the regular budget and around 22 billion from the €100 billion “special fund”) would be the highest in the history of the Federal Republic. This year, for the first time in over 30 years, Germany is spending two percent of its gross domestic product on defence.

But all this is not enough. In the face of “crises and conflicts, ladies and gentlemen, it is also clear: that will not be enough,” Pistorius called out to the parliamentary deputies. “We will have to spend more money in the future, that is, more than the 2 percent.” There was “no way around it.” Things that have been overlooked in recent years were being “caught up on at top speed now.”

Pistorius boasted that the government had “already been able to initiate 42 major procurement proposals together with parliament before the summer break”. Among other things, 105 Leopard 2 A8 battle tanks, two more class 126 frigates, Patriot air defence systems, Skyranger communication satellites and various ammunition had been ordered.

He also said that he was “working closely with the Ministry of Economic Affairs and our partners in industry to strengthen our security and defence industry and make it more resilient”. He added that big business and industry had to be “set up in such a way that they can quickly increase their production and delivery capacities in an emergency and adapt them to demand”. Here, too, he said, “speed is of the essence”.

In other words, Berlin is concerned with building a war economy and militarising society as a whole in order to make Germany “fit for war” again (in Pistorius’ words) after two catastrophic world wars in the 20th century. “A rapid and comprehensive growth and sustainability capability in an emergency are of fundamental importance,” emphasised Pistorius. His proposal for the new military conscription would create “the urgently needed basis for this”.

20 Sept 2024

Israel’s war of annihilation against Palestinians puts King Abdullah’s regime in Jordan on a knife edge

Jean Shaoul


Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s goal of erasing Hamas, with the full backing of US imperialism and its European allies, is the prelude to a far broader, regional war against Iran and its allies in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen that puts Jordan firmly in the line of fire. It is destabilising King Abdullah’s autocratic rule that has little or no popular legitimacy.

Jordan was carved out of the former Syrian province of the Ottoman empire by British imperialism in the aftermath of World War I as a frontline state to defend Britain’s strategic interests in the oil-rich region. It would be ruled by the Hashemite family from the Hejaz in what is now Saudi Arabia. Always unviable, the Hashemite monarchy was from the very beginning dependent on aid from first Britain and since 1957 from the United States. Washington currently provides about $1.5 billion a year in economic and military aid, an amount equal to almost half the state budget.

Marine Corps Gen. Joseph Dunford Jr., chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, meets with King Abdullah II at his palace in Jordan, March 9, 2017. [Photo by Dept. of Defense photo by Dominique A. Pineiro / CC BY 2.0]

Abdullah, who inherited the throne from his father 25 years ago, rules as an absolute monarch. He has maintained his corrupt and venal rule—amassing untold riches at the expense of the Jordanian people—by pitting the local Arab population, or “East Bankers”, against Palestinian refugees. Driven out or fleeing Israel’s wars of 1948 and 1967, Palestinians make up just over half of the country’s nearly 11 million population. While a few have become exceedingly rich, the vast majority are brutally exploited and largely deprived of political rights. Palestinians who left the occupied territories after 1988 when Jordan relinquished claim to the West Bank do not qualify for Jordanian citizenship.

Parliamentary elections earlier this month were fraudulent, with just 32 percent of the 5.1 million eligible voters turning up to cast their vote. Playing no role in determining the government, the parliament serves only as a talking shop and cover for Abdullah, who appoints and dismisses prime ministers at will to deflect criticism away from his corrupt rule that depends on censorship, surveillance and a system of military patronage drawn largely from the East Bankers. To criticise him in casual conversation is to court arrest amid a powerful security apparatus that works closely with Israeli and western intelligence services and the United Arab Emirates.

Nevertheless, the elections were held under new rules whereby 41 out of the 138-seat parliament, which has long been dominated by tribal and pro-government factions, could be contested by political parties. And they saw support for Palestinian Hamas surge, with the Islamic Action Front (IAF), the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood to which Hamas is affiliated, winning 31 seats. Though led by upper-class Jordanians from East Bank families, the championing of Palestinian issues means that much of the IAF’s rank-and-file consists of Jordanians of Palestinian origin in refugee camps.

While it is the largest vote for the bourgeois clerical group since 1989, when the Muslim Brotherhood gained 22 out of 80 seats in parliament, the parliament remains largely in the hands of tribal and pro-government members.

The vote highlights the importance of the Palestinian issue in Jordanian political life. Israel’s war on Gaza and now daily attacks on the West Bank have aroused popular anger, while Washington’s full-throated support for Israel has fueled anti-American sentiment. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has carried out scores of drone strikes, helicopter gunship attacks and airstrikes targeting heavily populated towns and cities, as well as refugee camps in Jenin, Tulkarem, and Nablus, that have, according to the UN, killed more than 650 Palestinians, including 115 children and injured at least 5,500—as well as arresting over 10,300 since the start of the Gaza war.

On August 27, the IDF sent hundreds of ground soldiers, drones, warplanes, and bulldozers into the cities of Tulkarm and Jenin, as well as the Al Fara refugee camp near Tubas, in the largest military operation in the West Bank since 2002. Israel’s Foreign Minister Israel Katz described it as an operation designed “to thwart Islamic-Iranian terror infrastructure that was set up there.” Officials in Jenin reported that even before the latest attack the IDF had bulldozed over 70 percent of Jenin’s streets, destroyed 20 kilometres miles of water and sewage infrastructure, and cut off water to 80 percent of the city.

The IDF attacks have been accompanied by daily assaults by fascistic settlers on the Palestinians, their homes and farms. Last month, settler violence in the northeast of the West Bank caused the largest wave of forcible transfers of Palestinian communities since the start of the war on Gaza as they drove out 119 Palestinians in three communities, erected new settler outposts and blocked access to water.

Fears are rife that Israel intends to carry out a “Nakba 2.0,” driving the nearly three million Palestinians out of the West Bank and transforming Jordan into a Palestinian state as members of Netanyahu’s far-right cabinet openly call for pushing the Palestinians into the country, a move that Jordanian Foreign Minister Safadi said would be treated as a “declaration of war.”

Last July, just before Netanyahu’s address to Congress in Washington, the Knesset passed a resolution outlawing a future Palestinian state. It declared: “The Israeli Knesset opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state on any piece of land west of the Jordan River. The existence of a Palestinian state in the heart of Israel will pose an existential threat to the State of Israel and its citizens, will further extend the Israel-Palestinian Arab conflict and be a source of destabilisation for the entire region.”

For Jordanians, the words “any piece of land west of the Jordan River” mean that the only place Israel will tolerate a Palestinian state will be in Jordan. It prompted Abdullah to warn that the region will “not accept having [its] future held hostage to the policies of the extremist Israeli government” and that Israel’s attacks on the occupied West Bank constitute a direct threat to Jordan’s security that could spark a wider regional conflict. The Jordanian parliament unanimously endorsed a motion to review its 1994 treaty with Israel that expressly forbids any such expulsion, stating, “within their control, involuntary movements of persons in such a way as to adversely prejudice the security of either Party should not be permitted.”

In another provocative move, Katz repeated his call—echoed by other ministers as well as the prime minister—to build a wall along the border with Jordan, Israel’s longest at 482 kilometres (300 miles), to prevent “gun smuggling”. Israel claims that the weapons have fueled a surge in violence in the predominantly Arab towns and cities in Israel and have been used against soldiers and civilians in the West Bank. Israeli daily Maariv claimed in August that over 40,000 people had breached the border with Jordan into the West Bank in recent months.

Also under threat is Jordan’s control of the al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East Jerusalem, the third holiest Muslim site, although access is under the control of Israeli security forces. Last month, Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir sparked outrage when he said that he would build a synagogue on the compound—the site of the Jewish temple destroyed 2000 years ago—a deliberate challenge to Abdullah’s custodianship of the holy sites in Jerusalem.

Ben-Gvir has staged numerous provocations prompting sometimes violent reactions from Palestinians. He told Army Radio that Jews should be allowed to pray in the compound, claiming that the “current policy allows Jews to pray at this site.” He has also threatened to collapse Netanyahu’s coalition if he agrees any ceasefire in the Gaza war.

Earlier this month, a Jordanian truck driver killed three Israelis at the Allenby Bridge on the border between Jordan and Israel, near the city of Jericho, before Israeli soldiers shot him dead. The authorities on both sides have closed the crossing.

Abdullah, while making ritual statements opposing Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, has played the most open role in repressing popular opposition to Israel. Following the government’s extension of the range and definition of a cybercrime to include “spreading fake news”, “provoking strife”, “threatening societal peace” and “contempt for religions,” the authorities have arrested scores of people taking part in pro-Palestinian demonstrations, according to Human Rights Watch.

Along with several other Arab states, Jordan has kept Israel’s economy functioning during the war, providing a land corridor through the Kingdom to help Israel circumvent the Houthi attacks on Israeli-linked shipping in the Red Sea.

After an Israeli airstrike killed two Iranian generals and others in Damascus in April, Jordan came to Israel’s defence when Tehran launched a widely trailed counterattack on Israel. The Jordanian Air Force shot down dozens of Iranian drones headed for Israel and Abdullah allowed Israeli fighter jets to enter Jordan’s airspace and intercept Iranian missiles. Last month, the authorities took to the airwaves to deny that Israeli warplanes would be allowed to use its airspace to foil an expected attack by Iran after Israel’s assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July, an announcement that was dismissed with contempt. Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi flew to Tehran to urge the Iranian regime to avoid Jordanian airspace in any retaliation against Israel.

Amman, Jordan’s capital, is set to host NATO’s first Middle East liaison office, as the prospect of a US-backed war between Israel and Iran and its allies mounts. The move suggest that NATO is seeking to organise its allies in the region more directly as indicated by the coordinated regional response, including by Jordan and Saudi Arabia, to Iran’s missiles last April.

Discontent is mounting, exacerbating Abdullah’s problems in keeping the lid on his restive and angry subjects. Official unemployment—likely much higher in reality—is 21 percent, well above its pre-COVID-19 rate of 15.1 percent between 2012 and 2019, with youth (46 percent) and women (31 percent) the worst affected. Wages for those in work—and many in the informal economy earn far less—are no more than $3,000 a year. Poverty and inflation, especially the price of (mostly imported) food, are soaring. Many families are only kept afloat thanks to remittances from Jordanians working in the Gulf.

Jordan, like all the Arab regimes, has made a pact with the devil: to provide support for Israel and US imperialism—including in their moves towards war against Iran, as part of American preparations for war with China—in return for Washington’s commitment to back their “security” in the event of a new mass movement to unseat them.

New studies show growing risk of chronic neurological diseases associated with Long COVID

Benjamin Mateus


As the US enters the autumn, more than one million Americans continue to be infected with COVID-19 every day, with nearly every state registering high to very high rates of transmission. While transmission has declined slightly in recent weeks, it remains at the highest level for any September of the pandemic.

Modeling these trends, which are based on wastewater data collected by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the PMC COVID-19 Forecasting Model predicts that a trough in infections will arrive in early November before climbing again during the winter holiday season. However, the lull in this scenario will remain a blistering 850,000 infections per day. Indeed, this 9th wave of infections has produced the highest rate of transmission for this time of year, underscoring that the virus that causes COVID is not seasonal and the ongoing pandemic has not set into a predictable pattern that could be described as “endemic.”

Graph showing daily new infections in the US based on wastewater modeling. [Photo by Dr. Mike Hoerger]

The latest PMC forecast notes:

The year-over-year comparisons suggest that we are experiencing the highest-level of transmission all-time during this time of year. The surge is both high and wide, meaning sustained high levels of transmission... Schools and businesses that lack multilayered mitigation (vaccines, masking, excellent indoor air quality, better-than-CDC isolation guidance, testing) should expect illness and absences. 

The authors warned about possible complacency upon entering the slow decline in transmission, noting:

Barring significant retroactive corrections, all evidence suggests that the 9th wave has peaked. However, remember that 50-60 percent of transmission often occurs on the back end of a wave, which is why ongoing mitigation remains important. Expect more than one million new infections per day for almost another month and most of the remaining year.

The fact that these warnings emanate not from the nation’s public health agency, but a collaborative organization based at Tulane University in New Orleans, Louisiana—started early in 2020 with the mission of helping reduce COVID transmission—underscores the utter bankruptcy of the CDC and federal and state governments to address the ongoing pandemic. 

Fomenting complacency on the one hand, and obscuring the epidemiological landscape through willful omission of relevant clinical data on the other, has been the CDC’s primary strategy in ensuring the “forever COVID” policy is normalized and becomes the approach to any present or future threats from communicable diseases. Indeed, the 9th wave of this pandemic is passing without an iota of concern or trepidation on the part of any leading health officials.

A recent post by BNO News noted the complete collapse of pandemic surveillance, stating, “[only] 33 percent of hospitals in the US submitted COVID data this week, down from 91 percent in early May. This means actual case numbers and hospitalizations are substantially higher than reported.”

Partial data would indicate that this year more than 360,000 people have been hospitalized for COVID, while over 41,000 have officially died. This is the fifth week in a row with more than 1,000 new COVID deaths in the US. At the current pace it is possible that more than 60,000 people, mainly the eldest and most vulnerable, may officially lose their life to COVID, while more accurate estimates of excess deaths will be far higher. 

Compounding this criminal negligence, research into Long COVID is finding disturbing links between the manifestation of chronic debility and the development of chronic neurological diseases. As a recent report in Bloomberg explained,

More than four years after the pandemic began, researchers are recognizing the profound impacts Covid can have on brain health, as millions of survivors suffer from persistent issues such as brain fog, depression and cognitive slowing, all of which hinder their ability to work and otherwise function. Scientists now worry that these symptoms may be early indicators of a coming surge in dementia and other mental conditions, prolonging the pandemic’s societal, economic and health burden. [Emphasis added]

While imaging studies conducted early during the COVID pandemic from the brains of COVID patients, even those with mild symptoms, had demonstrated injury consistent with accelerated aging, more recent investigations indicate that the cognitive deficits appear to persist.

In particular, elderly patients who have suffered from severe disease and were hospitalized have shown significant cognitive declines compared to their uninfected spouses, in a follow-up study conducted three years post-infection.

The UK-based study recently published in The Lancet: Psychiatry found at the 2-to 3-year point, a group of elderly COVID survivors had seen their cognitive scores decline significantly across all measured domains, with an average deficit equal to a 10 point drop in their intelligence quotient (IQ). One in nine had severe cognitive deficits equivalent to a 30-point drop in their IQ. A quarter of the study patients had to leave their occupations after having COVID due to poor health associated with cognitive deficits.

Prevalence of severe psychiatric, cognitive, and fatigue outcomes at 2–3 years as a function of recovery at 6 months, based on three predefined clusters of recovery (one per column). [Photo by Taquet, MaximeLone, Nazir et al. / CC BY 4.0]

Paul Harrison, one of the co-authors, stated, “The findings show that problems affecting attention and memory, as well as fatigue, depression, and anxiety, continue to afflict some people even three years after COVID-19 infection, especially those who had not recovered well by six months.”

It is important to note that these changes were not attributable to aging.

Harrison added, “These results apply only to people who needed acute hospital admission when they had COVID-19. We suspect, but do not know, whether similar kinds of problems might affect the much larger number of people who did not get hospitalized.”

People with known neurological diseases like Alzheimer’s have shown an acceleration of their memory loss after COVID. Healthy elderly adults face an increased risk of developing new onset dementia after their infections. Even younger people with what is called mild illness may face memory issues and brain fog that worsen during mental exertion or stress which has considerable impact on their ability to work and socialize.

Another study published in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) earlier this year found that among nearly 113,000 people who completed an online cognitive assessment, those who had recovered from COVID before four weeks had similar small deficits in their global cognition as those whose symptoms persisted beyond 12 weeks as compared to those who were never infected. Those with persistent symptoms or who were hospitalized demonstrated larger deficits.

While researchers and investigators attempt to elucidate the underlying mechanism for COVID’s terrifying pathogenesis, these studies and findings corroborate the ongoing dangers posed by the pandemic. Furthermore, it provides concrete evidence of the utterly criminal character of the “forever COVID” policy that threatens every living person on the planet. Current estimates place the impact of Long COVID at 410 million, or five percent of the planet’s inhabitants.

Massive explosion at Russian arms depot leaves unanswered questions

Andre Damon


A sprawling, highly fortified Russian arms depot located north of Moscow exploded in a giant fireball Wednesday night, against the backdrop of an escalating media and political campaign demanding that Ukraine be allowed to strike Russia with NATO weapons.

Explosions at the Toropets missile depot [Photo: Telegram ButusovPlus]

The explosion marked one of the largest strikes on a Russian arms depot since the start of the war. The arsenal in Toropets, located 300 miles north of Ukraine and 230 miles west of Moscow, reportedly housed long-range missiles and glide bombs.

The massive blast registered on earthquake monitors, and NASA’s Fire Information for Resource Management System showed the entire arsenal on fire.

West of Moscow and north of Vitsebsk, Bealrus, is Toropets, marked in orange. [Photo: www.openstreetmap.org]

The Washington Post reported that an official from Ukraine’s security service, the SBU, took credit for the attack, declaring the arms depot was “literally wiped off the face of the Earth,” and that the operation involved “more than 100 drones.”

Meanwhile, the Tver regional government said in a Telegram post that “a fire started as a result of drone debris falling while air defense forces were repelling an attack.”

Neither the Ukrainian explanation of a major coordinated drone strike nor the Russian explanation of drone fragments lighting a fire aligns with previous Russian statements about the arsenal’s defensive capabilities.

In 2018, when the site was renovated, the Russian Ministry of Defense declared the site met the “highest international standards” and could defend against weapons from missiles and “even a small nuclear attack.”

How a hardened facility built to withstand a strike by a nuclear weapon could have been completely destroyed by drones carrying, at most, a few dozen kilograms of explosives each, has not been explained.

Moreover, the town is significantly closer to Latvia, a NATO member, than it is to Ukraine, leading to speculation—as yet without evidence—that the strike could have been launched from Latvia.

The attack takes place against the backdrop of an escalating campaign by the US media and political establishment to allow Ukraine to carry out long-range strikes against Russia using NATO weapons.

Unlike Ukraine’s kamikaze drones, the UK’s Storm Shadow missile carries a payload of nearly 1,000 pounds and is capable of penetrating hardened targets.

Last week, the Guardian reported that “British government sources indicated that a decision had already been made to allow Ukraine to use Storm Shadow cruise missiles on targets inside Russia.”

While an announcement about the move was expected last week at a meeting between US President Joe Biden and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, no announcement was made at the time.

Instead, US and UK media outlets began raising the suggestion that the US could simply authorize the strikes in secret, without making any such announcement. As the Economist wrote at the time, “There is unlikely to be a public announcement. A decision may be quietly communicated to Kyiv, to downplay its significance and to keep it secret. It may not be until targets in Russia are struck with Western missiles that a change will be confirmed.”

Last week, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared, “If this decision is made, it will mean nothing less than the direct participation of NATO countries, the US and European countries, in the conflict in Ukraine.” He added, “Their direct participation, of course, significantly changes the very essence, the very nature of the conflict.”

Former Russian President Dimitri Medvedev added that “formal prerequisites” exist for turning Kiev into a “giant gray melted spot,” in a threat to retaliate against attacks on Russia using nuclear weapons.

Regardless of these warnings and threats by Russian officials, the NATO military alliance is openly advocating such strikes.

Over the weekend, Admiral Rob Bauer, the chair of the NATO Military Committee, argued that NATO had the legal right to facilitate strikes against the Russian mainland. “Every nation that is attacked has the right to defend itself. And that right doesn’t stop at the border of your own nation,” Bauer said.

He continued, “You want to weaken the enemy that attacks you in order to not only fight the arrows that come your way, but also attack the archer that is, as we see, very often operating from Russia proper into Ukraine.”

He added, “So militarily, there’s a good reason to do that, to weaken the enemy, to weaken its logistic lines, fuel, ammunition that comes to the front. That is what you want to stop.”

On Tuesday, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg added his name to calls for strikes on Russia in an interview with the Times of London. “There have been many red lines declared by him before, and he has not escalated, meaning also involving NATO allies directly in the conflict,” Stoltenberg said. “He has not done so because he realizes that NATO is the strongest military alliance in the world.”

In a separate series of remarks to the British media, Stoltenberg declared, “We have a full-scale war in Europe launched by Moscow. There are no risk-free options in the war. But I continue to believe that the biggest risk for us will be if President Putin wins in Ukraine.”

On Thursday, UN officials announced that Ukrainian President Zelensky would address the United Nations Security Council on Tuesday. Zelensky will also meet next week with US President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris at the White House to discuss a purported “victory plan” for the war against Russia.

Zelensky’s visit comes amid a series of military setbacks for the Ukrainian military in Russia’s continued offensive in the Donbas. Against the backdrop of a potential collapse of the Ukrainian military, the US-aligned media and political establishment are agitating for an escalation of US involvement in the war as a means to turn the tide.

An op-ed published Wednesday in Politico concluded, “the Ukrainians are ceding ground in the eastern Donbas region and fighting off massive drone and missile attacks on their largest cities. They need a morale and momentum shift. Lowering the restrictions on missile use could help.”

Draghi report reveals deep crisis of European capitalism

Nick Beams


A report on European Union (EU) competitiveness released last week highlights the existential crisis of the organisation and the impossibility of overcoming it within the framework of the capitalist nation-state system. The report was prepared for the European Commission (EC) by the former head of the European Central Bank and previous Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi.

Mario Draghi, former head of the European Central Bank and former Italian prime minister [AP Photo/Josh Reynolds for MIT Golub Center for Finance and Policy]

These conclusions were not drawn by Draghi—he advanced proposals aimed at trying to overcome the crisis of the EU—but they emerge clearly from the report.

And Draghi himself is more than aware of what is at stake. In comments introducing the report, he said of his recommendations: “Do this, or its slow agony.” And to underscore the point he continued: “This is an existential challenge.”

The report, which was commissioned last autumn by EC president Ursula von der Leyen, arose out of the recognition that as a result of slowing growth, extending back decades and virtual stagnation in recent years, the EU is falling ever further behind the US and China in its economic development.

It is not possible to detail here all the areas where Europe is falling behind; they extend across the economy. Draghi began with the claim that Europe, with a single market of 440 million consumers, 23 million companies and 17 percent of global GDP, has the foundations in place to be a highly competitive economy. But the report shows this is not taking place.

He noted that growth in the EU has been slowing because of weakening productivity growth, “calling into question Europe’s ability to meet its ambitions.”

EU economic growth “has been persistently slower than in the US over the past two decades, while China has been rapidly catching up” with the gap between the level of GDP at 2015 prices widening from slightly more than 15 percent in 2002 to 30 percent in 2023.

Other figures cited recently by the London-based Telegraph economics correspondent Ambrose Evans-Pritchard showed that in 1990 the EU, then comprising 12 states, accounted for 26.5 percent of global GDP. Today the EU of 27 states accounts for just 16.1 percent.

In a comment piece in the Economist magazine, Draghi commented that in the past, slowing growth “could be seen as an inconvenience but not a calamity. No more. Europe’s population is set to decline, and it will have to lead more on productivity to grow. If the EU were to maintain its average productivity growth since 2015, it would only be enough to keep GDP constant until around 2050.”

The key problem is that the conditions which led to EU growth, even at a slowing rate, are disappearing.

The report stated that the post-Cold War situation, involving an expansion of world trade supporting EU growth, is now “fading.” And the “the multilateral trading order is in deep crisis and the era of rapid world trade growth looks to have passed.”

With the “normalisation” of relations with Russia after the liquidation of the USSR in 1991, Europe was able to meet its demands for energy. “But this source of relatively cheap energy has now disappeared at huge cost to Europe.”

The result is that while energy prices have fallen somewhat from their peak in 2022, following the start of the Ukraine war—provoked by the US and the other NATO powers—EU companies still face electricity prices that are 2-3 times higher than in the US and natural gas prices 4-5 times higher.

The first requirement for a transformation in the EU is the “need to accelerate innovation and find new growth engines.” Here Draghi points to the development of advanced technologies, in particular the use of artificial intelligence, to drive future growth. But in this critical area the position of Europe is declining.

Only four of the world’s top 50 tech companies are European and from 2013 to 2023, the EU’s share of global tech revenues fell from 22 percent to 18 percent while that of the US rose from 30 percent to 38 percent.

The report noted that one of the key reasons for the rising productivity gap between the US and the EU from the mid 1990 was “Europe’s failure to capitalise on the first digital revolution led by the internet.” And with a new digital revolution underway, Europe “currently looks to set to fall further behind.”

“The largest European cloud operator accounts for just 2 percent of the EU market. Quantum computing is poised to be the next major innovation, but five of the top ten tech companies in terms of quantum investment are based in the US and four in China. None are based in the EU.”

While certain innovations have been developed in autonomous robotics and AI services “innovative digital companies are generally failing to scale up in Europe and attract finance, reflected in a huge gap in later stage financing between the EU and the US. In fact, there is no EU company with a market capitalisation of over €100 billion that has been set up from scratch in the last fifty years, while in the US all six companies with a valuation above €1 trillion have been created over this period.”

The development of the EU and the establishment of a common currency, the euro, in 1999, was an attempt by the European ruling classes to create a more viable framework for economic development and try to overcome the problems arising from the outmoded division of the continent into rival nation-states.

But the unification of Europe on a capitalist basis was always a utopia, because each of the European ruling classes remains grounded in the nation-state system under conditions where the conflicts between them have been intensifying, not lessening.

This has meant that attempts to develop a cohesive industrial policy have been hindered. The Single Market has been adversely impacted by the ability of countries “with the most fiscal space [the reference here is to Germany] and a lack of coordination among financing instruments.”

“While the EU collectively spends a large amount on financing its industrial goals, financing instruments are split along national lines and between members states and the EU. This fragmentation hampers scale, preventing the creation of large capital pools in particular for investments in breakthrough innovations.”

The report laid emphasis on Europe becoming a leader in decarbonisation and green technology. But earlier advantages it may have enjoyed are now being eroded. It noted that since 2020, patent innovation has slowed. From 2015 to 2019, the EU represented 65 percent of venture capital development from hydrogen and fuel cells, but this declined to just 10 percent from 2020 to 2022.

In his foreword to the report, Draghi wrote that the global decarbonisation drive is a “growth opportunity” for European industry but it is not guaranteed.

“Chinese competition is becoming acute in industries like green tech and electric vehicles, driven by a powerful combination of massive industrial policy and subsidies, control of raw materials and the ability to produce at a continent-wide scale.”

The EU is facing a dilemma. On the one hand China may offer the cheapest route to achieving decarbonisation targets, while on the other “China’s state-sponsored competition represents a threat to our productive clean tech and automotive industries.”

As the global struggle to acquire access to critical minerals needed to develop green technology intensifies, decarbonisation is directly linked to military spending and capacity, along with access to the most advanced computer chips.

Europe needs a “foreign economic policy” under conditions where “physical security threats are rising and we must prepare. The EU is collectively the world’s second largest military spender, but this is not reflected in the strength of our defence industry capacity.”

It is “too fragmented, hindering its ability to produce at scale, and it suffers from a lack of standardisation and interoperability of equipment, weakening Europe’s ability to act as a cohesive power.”

In the body of the report, Draghi wrote that dependencies on others for crucial raw materials are becoming increasingly vulnerable, threatening supply chains. At the same time, aggregate defence spending is one third of that of the US and the European defence industry is suffering from decades of underinvestment and depleted stocks.

“To achieve genuine strategic independence and increase its global geopolitical influence, Europe needs a plan to manage these dependencies and strengthen defence investment.”

In order to meet its objectives in technology, decarbonisation and military capacity, Draghi calculated that the EU will need to lift investment by €800 billion, that is, to almost 5 percent of GDP per year. By comparison, the boost provided by the Marshall Plan in the period 1948-51 was between 1 and 2 percent of GDP for recipient countries.

This would require a massive restructuring of the financial system including all EU debt. Acknowledging that joint borrowing was a “very sensitive” issue, Draghi said it would be “instrumental to reach the EU’s objectives.”

Those sensitivities were immediately revealed. The managing director of the Eurasia Group consultancy firm, Mutjaba Rahman, told the Financial Times that the “political realities in Paris and Berlin mean his recommendations have zero chance of being implemented.”

The reaction from Berlin confirmed that assessment. German Finance Minister Christian Lindner wrote on X/Twitter that joint EU borrowing would not solve structural problems. Companies did not lack subsidies but were “tied down by bureaucracy and a planned economy.”

His Dutch counterpart Eelco Heinen said he totally agreed that Europe had to grow but that required reform and “more money is not always the solution.”

As she received the report von der Leyen avoided endorsing the issue of more debt.

But Draghi has insisted the EU faces an existential crisis if this kind of back and forth continues. “We should abandon the illusion that only procrastination can preserve consensus. In fact, procrastination has only produced slower growth, and it has certainly achieved no more consensus.”

Draghi did not spell out in detail the consequences of a continuation of the present path. But be provided some indications, alluding to the dangers to “welfare” and Europe’s supposed “social model.” That is, further, deeper attacks on the social position of the European working class.

But his plan does not provide a way forward. Rather, it is an expression of the deep crisis of European capitalism in a situation where the conditions which made possible some limited advancement for the working class have been shattered by vast changes in the very foundations of the global capitalist economy.