28 Feb 2018

Grenfell Tower combustible cladding was never tested

Richard Tyler 

The cladding used in the refurbishment of Grenfell Tower was never subject to legally required fire safety tests.
According to the London Times, no record of independent testing of the cladding/insulation system has been found by three separate investigations into the Grenfell fire, including the government’s own expert panel on fire safety, the Metropolitan Police and the Hackitt Review into building regulations.
The potential risk extends to 299 other high-rise buildings in England that use similar cladding and insulation, including at least nine hospitals, 160 social housing blocks, 31 student residences, 13 public buildings and 95 private residential blocks.
The Times quotes a source with knowledge of the investigations saying, “The question has to be asked is how on earth did this material come to be installed on all of those buildings. Somehow or other, those materials have got on to 300 buildings without any tests being done or test results being produced.”
The refurbishment of Grenfell Tower, in which 71 lost their lives in the June 2017 fire, was signed off by building control managers at the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea council in 2016. However, if the report by the Times is correct, the cladding system never underwent mandatory safety testing.
An illustration of the cladding on the Grenfell Tower
An article in Fire Engineering magazine, published for nearly 140 years to “provide training, education and management information for fire and emergency services personnel worldwide,” concludes that a major factor in the spread of the fire at Grenfell Tower was the large size of the air-gap between the external cladding and the insulation layer attached to the building façade.
According to the author, Vyto Babrauskas, a fire safety science expert and US delegate to the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO) in the late 1990s and early 2000s—working to develop international standards for façade testing—the rapid spread of the fire at Grenfell was due to the “Schlyter effect.” This occurs in a fire when two panels on a building façade are separated by a small gap though which air can flow. As Babrauskas writes, “some materials may show limited burning and no significant flame spread when ignited as a single panel but yet show severe burning when a second panel is used.”
The effect was first demonstrated as long ago as 1939 by Ragnar Schylter, then head fire safety researcher at the Swedish National Testing and Research Institute. Babrauskas notes that although this effect is known to some fire scientists, it is “not generally well known in the fire safety area.”
“The best way to stop air flow is not have a gap in the first place. But if a gap has to exist for some moisture engineering purpose, then it is essential that it be less than 25mm or one inch and be fully fire stopped along the bottom and the sides by materials that cannot fail in the heat of the fire. If these precepts are not understood or are ignored, a bad situation can quickly be made much worse.”
Schylter had found that an air-gap of 25mm (1 inch) provided the optimum spacing to promote upward flame spread in a cavity. At 50mm (2 inches), the gap at Grenfell Tower was twice this width.
In the late 19th century, the first high-rise buildings had façades made of concrete, stone, brick, steel or glass. There was no need of a test for combustibility since these materials are inherently non-combustible. The situation changed 30 or 40 years ago with the introduction of “exterior insulation and finish systems (EIFS).” These are generally cheaper and often employ combustible materials with only a thin protective aluminium skin, which can soon melt in a fire. Non-combustible insulation alternatives, such as mineral wool, are available, but cost more.
The existing fire testing regimes for such cladding systems are generally inadequate, according to Babrauskas. In the case of Grenfell Tower, he comments that “even a novice fire safety functionary should have questioned a 150-mm (six-inch) layer of plastic foam,” used as insulation, adding that although it ostensibly carries the “best flame spread rating in the UK testing methodology” the “UK system for flame spread classification does not do an acceptable job of classifying foam materials.”
Research carried out earlier by Canada’s National Research Council (NRC) into the Schylter effect indicated that “the most minimal levels of combustibility would suffice to create a disaster when a cavity is created in a wall, especially one twice the width of the maximum 25-mm gap found acceptable by the NRC researchers.”
A tall façade using a combination of combustible materials, such as plastic and insulation foam, together with an air gap is, in Babrauskas’ view, “a design that trifles with the public safety.”
After the Grenfell Tower fire this is incontestable. For the sake of saving a few thousand pounds, an inherently unsafe form of cladding was used on a building without a proper fire warning or sprinkler system, and with inadequate escape routes.
Culpability extends from those responsible for proposing such cladding, to the local authority for signing off on its use, and the building contractors for fitting such dangerous materials. The lack of a rigorous testing regime, despite known contributing hazards such as the Schylter effect, points to a criminal conspiracy at the heart of what are supposedly called “building standards.” These exist primarily not for the protection of the public, but to enable the use of the lowest cost materials and hence the greatest profits for the construction giants and property speculators.

The Debut of Counter-Drone Technologies

Vijay Sakhuja



During his speech at the Munich Security Conference in February 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu "brandished" a piece of debris from an Iranian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) brought down by the Israeli military after it entered Israel’s airspace. Apparently, the Iranian UAV was a copy of the US’ 'Sentinel' that had been captured by Iran while on a reconnaissance mission in December 2011. By 2014, Iran had successfully reverse engineered the UAV and put it to operational use.
Earlier, ten fixed-wing drones strapped with small rockets were either destroyed or crash-landed by Russian forces while these were attempting to descend over air and naval bases in Syria. In the past, Russia has successfully destroyed Bayraktar drone from Turkey, the Israeli Heron, and US' RQ-21A Blackjack.
Drones appear to be the platform of choice among the warring parties in Syria, Iraq and Yemen. These machines possess significant operational and stealth attributes and can carry a variety of payloads such as explosives and air-dispersed IEDs; and the non-lethal devices include high-definition cameras and miniaturised electronic sensor suites. They fly less than 400 feet above the ground at speeds of up to 90 knots, resulting in operational flexibility. Significantly, they can be launched and recovered from different terrains, thus offering enormous stealth and surprise. It is not unexpected then that drones are the platforms of choice among a large number of militaries; some have chosen to develop these at home, and in the absence of technological capability, others have preferred import substitution option.
Although drones have recorded several successes in various crisis situations, at least three counter-droning techniques are being developed: (a) hard-kill shooting by anti-aircraft guns, missiles, air-burst ammunition and lasers; (b) non-kinetic ways involving cyber-attacks or electronic jamming; and (c) physical barriers that act as traps against drones.
Counter-drone technologies are gaining prominence among militaries due to increased 'security breach incidences' and the fear of small and weaponised drone swarms being put to use as tools of warfare. This is best understood by the fact that the anti-drone market is expected to grow from US$ 342.6 million in 2016 to US$ 1,571.3 million by 2023, at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 25.9 per cent between 2017 and 2023.
A number of players are engaged in the development of counter-UAVs (c-UAV). For instance, a c-UAV system developed by the French Airbus Defence and Space Inc. uses a variety of early warning devices and systems such as radars, infrared cameras, and direction finders including ultramodern data fusion and signals analysis. It can detect an incoming drone between 5-10 km and determine the potential threat. The embedded systems also help prescribe to the operator the type of electronic counter-measures that can be put to use, thus lowering collateral damage.
Drone Defence in the UK is developing Drone Defenders that employ “acoustic, optical, and infrared sensors for real-time detection and identification.” This is a composite system that can detect, classify, and prosecute unknown UAVs. It uses the man-portable Dynopis E1000MP to jam the UAV's controls or Net Gun X1 c-UAV system to capture the aircraft. Perhaps the most important feature is its flexibility of deployment from both a fixed location and mobile unit.
The US’ Multi-Azimuth Defense Fast Intercept Round Engagement System (MAD-FIRES) developed by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is for military use and is a counter to attacks by unmanned platforms such as small planes, fast attack craft, and other platforms that pose “perennial, evolving, and potentially lethal threat to ships and other maritime vessels.” It also serves as a close-in weapon system (CIWS) and can augment onboard ship defence to target with precision and engage a "swarm of diverse targets comes from a range of directions."
The US has fielded at least 11 counter-drone technologies; one of these is the ‘Ghostbuster looking gun’ which uses radio frequencies to disrupt enemy drones instead of kinetic ammunition. Likewise, the Liteye’s AUDS non-lethal electronic attack radio-frequency jammer system is paired with an Orbital gun that can fire precision-guided or air-burst ammunition to provide a hard-kill option was deployed in the US Central Command’s area of operation. The system has proved effective and has successfully downed "more than 500 drones with electronic attack."
Israel is also known to have excelled in counter-drone technologies and at least two companies have entered the market. Elbit System has produced ReDrone, a counter-drone product that specialises in hacking and diverting drones; and the Israel Aerospace Industries manufactures Drone Guard, a drone detection and disruption system that has been available since 2016.
It is true that drones are a military nightmare, and as more drones enter the market and deluge the skies, counter-droning will gain currency and emerge as an important tool of tactical warfare. The possibility of drones themselves serving as weapons in the form of anti-drone platforms is not a stretch of the imagination. This could be by hijacking and taking control of unidentified drones and marshalling them to collide with other drones or even crashing them by using non-kinetic ways.

27 Feb 2018

Reorienting Saudi Foreign Policy: From Islam to the Arab Identity

Pieter-Jan Dockx


Since the rise of Saudi Arabia’s new de-facto ruler, Mohammed bin Salman (MbS), there have been subtle yet important changes in the Kingdom’s foreign policy. The traditional Salafist discourse has partly made space for increased references to 'Arabness'. Although support for Syrian opposition groups during the Syrian war was legitimised based on religion, MbS has framed the current Saudi intervention in Yemen as an Arab matter. When Ali Abdullah Saleh, the assassinated Iran-aligned Yemeni president had called for talks with Saudi Arabia, Riyadh welcomed him “back to the Arab fold.” 

Based on this Arab discourse, the Kingdom has also begun engaging Shia Arabs rather than only Sunnis. This is most visible in Riyadh’s Iraq policy. In 2017, former Shia hardliner Moqtada al-Sadr visited the Kingdom; Riyadh invited Ammar al-Hakim, another former hardliner; And Saudi Arabia's King Salman received Iraq's Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, who is part of the Iran-aligned Shia Islamist Da’wa party.

This use of the Arab identity discourse is a noticeable break with Saudi Arabia's recent past. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, Saudi Arabia has attempted to isolate Iran by embarking on a Sunni Islamist foreign policy, thus intensifying the latent Shia-Sunni divide in the region. Based on this discourse, the Kingdom has supported various Sunni, and especially Salafist, allies in places like Yemen, Syria and Iraq. However, an Arab component is not entirely new to Riyadh’s foreign policy. 

In the 1950s and 1960s, Egypt’s former president Gamal Abdel Nasser (then seen as the leader of the Arab world), supported by the erstwhile USSR, engulfed the region with his Pan-Arabism to roll back Western influence embodied by the Shah of Iran. Despite its fear of the anti-monarchist current that intended to unify the Arab world, the Kingdom partially appropriated the ideology. Especially after Egypt’s defeat in the Yom-Kippur War and the subsequent peace treaty with Israel, Saudi Arabia took up the mantle of Arab leadership. Even in the 1970s, Riyadh’s Arab leadership did not exactly mirror Nasser’s popular thinking. While Pan-Arabism had a distinct secular character, Islam always remained a secondary yet significant component of Saudi Arabia’s appropriation. To highlight this contrast, this article uses the notion of ‘Arabness’ rather than the loaded term, ‘Pan-Arabism.’

The current reintegration of the Arab identity in the Kingdom’s discourse will lead to a fusion of Arabness and Islam as opposed to the secularism Nasser espoused. This policy shift is borne foremost out of pragmatic considerations in the region. Saudi Arabia’s policy of supporting Sunni proxies has largely failed to contain Iran, which made engaging with actors outside of the Sunni world inevitable. The new discourse would also resonate with allies like Egypt. The country is the birthplace of Arab identity politics and is ruled by a secular establishment that is faced with a Salafist insurgency in the Sinai Peninsula. Surveys have also indicated that in many countries in the region, the most salient identity amongst the youth is not sectarian or national, but the Arab identity. This means the reintegration of Arabness in the Kingdom’s foreign policy has a lot more soft-power potential in the region than its conventional Islamist ideology.

Furthermore, the new identity narrative backed by non-sectarian engagement has the potential to replace the current Sunni-Shia schism in the region by an Arab-Persian division. This could redefine West Asian politics and swing the balance in favour of the Kingdom. As the pool of Arab allies in the region is broader than possible Sunni partners, a shift to an Arab-Persian paradigm would allow the Kingdom to isolate Iran further, limit potential proxies for Tehran and simultaneously increase its influence in the Arab world. 

For this new narrative to be effective against Iran’s—who sees no merit in an Arab-Persian schism—sectarian status quo in the region, it needs reciprocation from local actors. Iraqi Shia figures like Sadr, Hakim and Abadi have, for various reasons, embarked on a nationalist discourse based on a sense of Arab unity and antagonism towards Iranian meddling. Thus, they have every incentive to cooperate with a Saudi Arabia that legitimises their discourse and can act as a counterweight against Iranian influence in the country. Before he was killed, Yemen's former president Saleh, a Zaidi Shiite, too called for an alliance with Saudi Arabia, which too could have led to a cross-sectarian Arab alliance. While the new Saudi approach is taking root in Iraq and possibly in Yemen, a lot will depend on future local political conditions in the Arab world.

To sum up, Saudi Arabia is increasingly framing its regional policy with a discourse hinged on 'Arabness' as opposed to one hinged on Islam. This shift, combined with Riyadh's recent engagement with Shia actors in the region, could redefine the fault lines of conflict in West Asia. However, the success of this envisioned paradigm shift will depend on the capacity of Iranian resistance and local political conditions.

26 Feb 2018

Mobility for Breeders in Africa (MoBreed) Masters and PhD Scholarship for African Students 2018

Application Deadline: 30th March, 2018.

Eligible Countries: African countries

About the Award: MoBreed (Mobility for Breeders in Africa) is an initiative of five public universities from three African regions and one university in Europe to advance knowledge on useful crops of Africa and increase scholars’ capacity
in addressing food security. Partners include the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin and Ebonyi State University in Nigeria (West Africa), the Jimma University of Ethiopia (Eastern Africa), the University of Namibia and the
University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa (Southern Africa) and Montpellier SupAgro in France.


Target Group: 
Target Group 1: This category includes students from all partner universities as follows:
  • University of Abomey-Calavi; Benin
  • University of Kwazulu-Natal; South Africa
  • University of Namibia; Namibia
  • Jimma University; Ethiopia
  • Ebonyi State University; Nigeria
Target Group 2: Students from all other eligible African countries for the Intra-Africa Mobility Scheme.

Type: Masters, PhD, Job

Eligibility:  To be eligible for a scholarship (i.e. financial support to third parties), master students as well as doctoral candidates referred to as ‘’students’’ must comply with the below criteria at the time of the application for a scholarship:
  • be a national and resident in any of the eligible countries covered by the Intra-Africa Mobility programme of the EACEA
  • be registered/admitted in or having obtained a HEI degree (or equivalent) from
    • one of the HEIs included in the MoBreed consortium (Target group 1)
    • a HEI not included in the Mobreed consortium but established in an eligible country (Target group 2)
      and
  • have sufficient knowledge of the language of the courses in the host countries.
  • Students can only benefit from one scholarship under the Intra-Africa or IntraACP academic mobility scheme (regardless the type of mobility or the funding project).
  • Students having benefited from scholarship(s) under the previous intra-ACP Academic Mobility Scheme cannot receive scholarship under the Intra-Africa academic mobility.
Number of Awards: Currently, 31 MSc scholarships and 10 Academic / Administrative staff exchange are available.

Value of Award: The scholarship includes subsistence and settling-in allowances, participation costs, contribution to research costs, insurance and travel in line with Agreement with EACEA. It will cover:
  • roundtrip flight ticket and visa costs (using a preferred travel agent and calculated against direct linear distance);
  • direct participation costs such as tuition fees, registration fees and service fees where applicable;
  • comprehensive travel insurance (Health, Accident and Travel)
  • a monthly subsistence allowance for the mobility period.
Female PhD scholarship holders will receive additional allowances according to the Intra-Africa Mobility Scheme. Female PhD scholars moving for more than two academic years with their children to the host country will receive an allocation for childcare on a per capita basis. In case of breaks for family reasons, mechanisms allowing women to pursue their mobility experience will be discussed. All students to consider the cropping season and orphan crops of host university (country) of their choice in writing proposals and completion of courses.

Duration of Program: 
  • For MSc students: maximum twelve-months credits or degree seeking mobility.
  • For academic staff: maximum two-months staff exchange mobility available for partner universities only.
How to Apply: Applicants should submit completed application and all supporting documents by email to lydia.sognon@gmail.com with copy to mobreed.uac@gmail.com by 30 March, 2018. They should indicate in the
subject line (if submitting by email) or super scribe the envelope (if submitting by post) ‘Application for MoBreed MSc/Staff exchange programme’. Incomplete applications will be rejected.


Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: MoBreed is funded by the Intra-Africa Program of the Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA) of the European
Commission.

Microsoft Research Dissertation Grant for Doctoral Students 2018

Application Deadline: 30th March 2018

Eligible Groups: Women, African-Americans/Blacks, Latinos, American Indians/Alaskan Natives, Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, and/or people with disabilities.

To Be Taken At (Country): U.S. and Canada

About the Award: Microsoft recognizes the value of diversity in computing. The Microsoft Research Dissertation Grant aims to increase the pipeline of diverse talent receiving advanced degrees in computing-related fields by providing a research funding opportunity for doctoral students from groups underrepresented in computing (women, African-Americans/Blacks, Latinos, American Indians/Alaskan Natives, Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, and/or people with disabilities).

Type: Grants

Eligibility: 
  • PhD students must be enrolled at a university in the United States or Canada and doing dissertation work that relates to computing topics in which Microsoft Research has expertise (click on Research Areas at the top of the page for a full list).
  • PhD students must be in their fourth year or beyond in a PhD program when they apply for this grant. The student must continue to be enrolled at the university in the autumn of 2018. Funding is for use only during their time in the PhD program; it cannot be used for support in a role past graduation, such as a postdoc or faculty position. The applicant will need to confirm their PhD program starting month and year, as well as their expected graduation month and year.
  • Payment of the grant, as described above, will be made directly to the grant recipient’s university and dispersed according to the university’s policies.
  • Applicants must attest that they self-identify with at least one group underrepresented in computing. This includes: women, African-American/Black, Latino, American Indian/Alaskan Native, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and/or people with disabilities.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 
  • The 2018 Microsoft Research Dissertation Grant recipients will receive funding up to 25,000 USD for academic year 2018–19 to help them complete research as part of their doctoral thesis work.
  • Microsoft will arrange and pay for travel and accommodations to grant recipients to attend a two-day Microsoft Research workshop in Redmond, Washington, in the autumn of 2018.
    • The workshop will provide grant recipients an opportunity to present their research, meet individually with Microsoft researchers in their research area and receive career coaching from Microsoft researchers.
How to Apply: You must be enrolled in your fourth year or beyond of PhD studies and self-identify with a group underrepresented in computing.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Mastercard

African Development Bank (AfDB) The Africa of my Dreams Writing Contest 2018

Application Deadline: 26th March 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Winners get a free trip to South Korea to attend AfDB Group‘s Annual Meetings.

About the Award: What does the Africa of your dreams look like? What hopes and dreams do you have? How do you envision the future?
As an African organization serving Africans, the African Development Bank’s dream is to build today a better future for Africa tomorrow. Our goal is to unlock the potential of Africa’s youth. We envision a continent that is dynamic, prosperous and led by the visionary leadership of its largest demographic asset – the youth. 
The Bank recognizes the energy, creativity and innovative thinking that many of our youth bring to the table.
Ahead of our Annual Meetings, that will be held on the theme “Accelerating Africa’s Industrialization”, in Busan, Korea, in May 2018, we have launched a writing competition for young Africans aged 20-29.
All you have to do is write an article (no longer than 1,000 words) on the Africa of your dreams, based on any of the following sub-themes.
  • Smart Cities and Urban Development
  • The Internet of Things
  • Agriculture as a Business
  • 4th Industrial Revolution
  • ICTs and the video game industry
  • Inclusive and sustainable industrial development
  • Integrating Africa through Entertainment
  • Blockchain and cryptocurrency
  • The future of entrepreneurship
  • Health innovation
Type: Contest

Eligibility: Participants must meet ALL of the below requirements:
  • Must be 20 years of age, and legally allowed to travel internationally.
  • Must hold a valid passport, or be able to obtain one prior to attending the Annual Meetings.
  • Must be a citizen of one of the 54 African countries.
  • Must not be older than 29 years old as of May 31, 2018 to enter the Contest;
  • Entries must be submitted in English or French (the African Development Bank’s official languages).
o  Young Media Practitioners: Must submit an unpublished piece no longer than 1,000 words, related to the contest’s theme.
 Young Contestants: Must submit an essay, article or creative writing piece, no longer than 1,000 words, related to the contest’s theme.
In addition to their submitted pieces, participants will be required to submit a proof of identity – passport, birth certificate or national icard.

Value and Number of Awards: Four winners will receive an all-expense paid trip to attend the Korea event. Winners in each category will also take home a laptop computer, and runners-up will get tablets.

How to Apply: Apply Here

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: African Development Bank (AfDB)

University of Bologna Study Grants for International Students 2018/2019 – Italy

Application Deadline:
  • 30th March 2018
  • 30th April 2018

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: International

To be taken at (country): Italy

Type: Grants, Masters

Eligibility: Application is open exclusively to candidates who are in possession of all the following requirements:
  1. the qualifications for admission to the chosen First, Single or Second Cycle degree programme were obtained in an institution outside of the Italian education system, after at least two years of attendance. If the qualification for admission is a one year title, the prior qualification will be considered too. Qualifications issued by institutions of the Republic of San Marino do not satisfy this condition. Applicants’ citizenship is not considered;
  2. they fulfil the access requirements foreseen for the chosen degree programme or will fulfill such requirements at the time of registration;
  3. they are not students at the University of Bologna of First, Single or Second Cycle degree programmes.
  4. they have not already benefited from the study grant Unibo Action 2 or from the Unibo Action 1 waiver.
  5. they are not 30 years or older on the deadline of this call.
You will also need to sit one of the following tests by the application deadline:
– SAT (if you are interested in registering in a First or Single Cycle Degree Programme)
– GRE (if you are interested in registering in a Second Cycle Degree Programme)


Number of Awardees: 48 scholarships: 8 for First Cycle and Single Cycle degree programmes and 40 for  Second Cycle degree programmes

Value of Scholarship: 11.059 €

How to Apply: 
  1. SAT and GRE test are aptitude and skills assessment tests. The tests can be sat in authorised centres in various countries around the world; they are held in English. You must enrol for the tests on the websites of the organisations managing the tests.
  2. Applications must be submitted by 30 March 2018 (Second Cycle Programmes) or 30 April 2018 (First or Single Cycle Programmes), exclusively by Student Online.
  3. It is important to go through the 2018/19 Call for Applications (GRE) or 2018/19 Call for Applications (SAT) and visit the official website (link found below) for detailed information on how to apply for this scholarship.
  4. The codes needed to send test scores to the University of Bologna are: for SAT 6993; for GRE 7850.
Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: University of Bologna

Thomson Reuters Foundation Trafficking in Women and Children Reporting Lab for African Journalists 2018

Application Deadline: 14th March, 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Kenya

About the Award: How can we use our spheres of influence and new action-oriented partnerships more effectively to center stage the issue of trafficking in women and children?
The Lab will bring together about 30 high-ranking participants from governments, media, business, academia, and civil society. Together we will work on approaches to increase awareness on and prevent trafficking in women and children with the specific focus on the African context.
Outcomes of the Lab are expected at different levels: individual, organizational (for the institution or companies represented) and at the systemic level by contributing to international discussions and commitments as well as fostering social change in the domestic contexts of the participants.

Type: Training/Short Courses

Eligibility: The Foundation seeks to ensure a balanced and diverse group taking into account the following criteria to ensure the most fruitful outcome of the Lab:
  • Demographic background: geography, gender, age
  • Public sector, media, civil society organizations, academia and private sector
  • Experts and change agents in the field of trafficking in persons (TIP)
  • Different viewpoints and experiences on the topic of TIP
We look for participants who:
  • Have a strong personal motivation to combat TIP or strong professional experience in combating TIP
  • Are strongly motivated to transform existing paradigms, who aspire to achieve better results and feel a pressure to action change
  • Are open to different and new ways of thinking
  • Are interested in developing personally to facilitate sensitive and conflictual situations
  • Can make change happen, have organizational leverage or convening power
  • Are fluent in English
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: All costs for the coaching, the meetings including facilitation and meals during the meetings are covered. Participants are expected to be responsible for their travel costs. A limited number of scholarships are available for flight and/or accommodation for the face-to-face meetings.

Duration of Program: The Lab process will take place between April and December 2018. It is essential that participants ensure their availability at the two face-to face modules:
  • Module 1: Nairobi, Kenya: 25th to 28th June, 2018
  • Module 2: London, United Kingdom: 10th to 13th November, 2018
In addition they will be expected to engage in some ongoing activities between the meetings to develop and implement transformative actions.
The second Lab meeting is followed by the Trust conference (www.trustconference.com), which is the world’s leading global conference to end modern slavery and put the rule of law behind human rights. It may be used as a leverage for joint activities.

How to Apply: Send your CV and a short motivation letter (1 page) outlining:
a.    Why are you interested in the Lab?
b.    How does your profile fit the Lab’s aims?
c.    Which challenges do you face to bring change to your sector?
to leadership-academy@giz.de Deadline: 14 March, 2018


APPLY

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Thomson Reuters Foundation, Global Leadership Academy, GIZ Sector Programme on Gender Equality and Women’s Rights

IWMF Elizabeth Neuffer Fellowship for Female Journalists (Funded to MIT, Boston USA) 2018

Application Deadline: 6th March 2018

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): Center for International Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, Massachusetts

About the Award: The Elizabeth Neuffer Fellowship provides academic and professional opportunities to advance the reporting skills of women journalists who focus on human rights and social justice.
The Neuffer Fellowship is designed for affiliated or freelance women journalists with at least three years of professional experience in journalism working in print, broadcast, or digital media.
The Fellow will complete research and coursework at MIT’s Center for International Studies and journalism internships at The Boston Globe and The New York Times.
The flexible structure of the program will provide the fellow with opportunities to pursue academic research and hone her reporting skills.
Past fellows have taken advantage of opportunities to publish work under their byline through various media outlets.

Type: Fellowship (Career)

Eligibility: 
  • The Elizabeth Neuffer Fellowship is open to women journalists worldwide whose work focuses on human rights and social justice issues.
  • Journalists working in print, broadcast and/or Internet-based media, including freelancers, are eligible to apply.
  • Applicants must have a minimum of three years professional experience working full-time in news media. Internships do not count toward professional experience.
  • All nationalities are welcome to apply but non-native English speakers must have excellent written and verbal English skills in order to fully participate in and benefit from the program.
Selection: The fellow will be selected by a committee made up of family and friends of Elizabeth Neuffer and IWMF Advisory Council members. Consideration of candidates will be based on their complete applications, the caliber and promise of their reporting on human rights and social justice issues, and their personal statements explaining how the fellowship would be a transformative experience for their careers. Finalists for the fellowship may be interviewed by the IWMF and the Fellowship selection committee.

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Fellowship: 
  • A fixed monthly stipend will be provided to cover housing, meals, and ground transportation during the fellowship.
  • Round-trip economy airfare will be purchased from the fellow’s place of residence to Washington, D.C., and from Washington, D.C., to the fellowship city.
  • The fellow will receive health insurance during the program.
  • The fellowship does not include a salary.
  • For fellows residing outside of the United States, the fellowship also covers the costs of applying for and obtaining a U.S. visa.
  • The fellow will be fully responsible for any additional incidental expenses and other costs.
During this fellowship, the selected journalist will have the chance to complete research and coursework at MIT’s Center for International Studies and participate in internships with media outlets including The Boston Globe and The New York Times. The flexible structure of the program allows Fellows to pursue academic research and hone reporting skills. Past Fellows have taken advantage of opportunities to publish work under their bylines through various media outlets. Fellows have explored a wide range of under-reported issues including gender-based violence, indigenous rights, and religious intolerance.

Duration of Fellowship: Seven months

How to Apply: Submit a complete online application form with the following information:
  • Current resume or CV
  • Statement of Interest with Fellowship Goals
  • Two work samples (links preferred)
  • Two letters of recommendation
Visit Fellowship Webpage for details

Award Provider:  The Boston Globe, New York Times,

Important Notes: Family members are welcome to accompany the fellow. However, the IWMF will not be responsible for any arrangements or expenses related to the travel and residence of family members, including support of visa applications.

Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award (USD$30,000 Prize) 2018

Application Deadline: 31st March 2018

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Washington, D.C, USA

About the Award: Robert F. Kennedy believed that each individual holds the power to invoke change, that a single voice has the ability to declare an iniquity, and that each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope.
In the spirit of Robert F. Kennedy’s ideals, the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award was established in 1984 to honor these courageous and innovative individuals striving for social justice throughaout the world.
Ideally, the nominee should be associated with, or lead, a non-governmental organization which is a major contributor to a social movement working to achieve social change, and should be working for social change within their country of origin.

Type: Award

Eligibility: Persons and organizations working non-violently to promote and protect human rights of any race, creed, religion, nationality, gender, or sexual orientation are eligible for the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award. Nominees must not be part of a government institution or have an official role within a political party, although the nominee can be affiliated with a political party. Additionally, nominees must not be self-nominated and nominees must not be nominated for the purposes of a lifetime achievement award or a posthumous award.

Procedures for Nomination: Anyone can nominate for the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights seeks nominations from a wide spectrum of individuals likely to know of appropriate candidates. While the Human Rights Award Judges may not nominate candidates for the Award, they may re-nominate candidates who were nominated but not selected in the previous year. There is no limit to the number of nominations an individual can make. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights will request and collect nominations and assemble supporting materials for presentation to the Judges. Those nominations that clearly do not fall within the established criteria will not be presented to the Judges.

Selection Process: A panel of independent Judges, all experts in the field of human rights, selects the recipient. Judges serve three-year terms that may be renewed at the discretion of the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Board of Directors. The current Judging Panel includes: Dr. Claudio Grossman, Dean Emeritus of Washington College of Law, American University; Ms. Maria Otero, Former U.S. Undersecretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy and Human Rights; Dr. William F. Schulz, President, Unitarian Universalist Service Committee; and Malika Saada Saar, Senior Counsel on Civil and Human Rights at Google. Nominees that are not selected as recipients remain confidential. There is no public identification of finalists or an honor roll of selected nominees.

Selection Criteria:

Value of Award: A one-time total cash prize of U.S. $30,000 will be given to the nominee selected to receive the Award. While it is preferable that one nominee is given the Award, if more than one recipient is selected in a year, the cash prize will be divided equally among the recipients.

How to Apply: CLICK HERE TO SUBMIT A NOMINATION

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights

AREF Excell African Health Researcher Excellence and Leadership Programme 2018

Application Deadline: 15th March 2018.

Eligible Countries: African countries

About the Award: The aim of the Excell programme is to enhance research capacity in global health – by African scientists in Africa for Africa. Through this 2-year programme, AREF will work closely with four to six research institutions from Sub-Saharan Africa, selected competitively.

Type: Research

Eligibility: 
  1. This call is open to legally established universities and internationally-recognised research institutions based in Sub-Saharan Africa. Applications should be submitted to AREF from the institutions by an authorised institutional Academic/Researcher-development lead who, as Lead Applicant will be responsible for developing and implementing the Excell programme within their institution.
  2. Your application will need to be sponsored by the institution’s leadership: a named official with responsibility for research capacity development, such as the pro-vice chancellor for research or the research institution’s director. He/She must personally engage in local sponsorship and governance of the Excell programme.
  3. AREF will accept applications from an entity within a university, such as a faculty, institute or centre, provided that the application is authorised by the institutional leadership (sponsor). Only ONE application will be accepted from each university or research institution. Joint applications such as between a university (-ies) and independent institutions are welcome, if one institution takes the lead and is responsible for ensuring sound governance and implementation.
  4. If your institutional application is successful, AREF will select and offer to enrol three or four of your researchers (nominees) to participate in the programme.  Selection of individual participants for the programme will be based on AREF’s assessment of the relative potential for both the individual and institution to benefit, and on ensuring disciplinary, gender and regional balance in the Excell programme overall
Nominating participants: Each organisation will select three or four nominees to participate in the programme, through an internal transparent, competitive process.  Institutions are encouraged to use the AREF-provided nominee application form and call flier, and to adapt them for their internal competition.  Institutions are strongly encouraged to start the process of selecting nominees early to ensure timely submission of their application.

To qualify as a participant, your nominees must meet the following eligibility criteria:
  • A national of Sub-Saharan African state
  • Employed in an eligible institution in a post with a significant and specific research role
  • Must have 2-6 full years of active postdoctoral research experience. Clinicians without a PhD who have a research Masters and 4-7 years of active research experience will also be considered
  • Declaration that they have not participated in an equivalent programme to Excell, or in separate training events that cover two of the five learning themes
  • AREF is keen to recruit talented researchers from a broad range of disciplines, including laboratory, clinical, behavioural, social, public health, economic, health systems, and environmental and mathematical sciences. Their research must be directed towards achieving better health outcomes in Africa.
Number of Awards: 20

Value of Award: AREF will enable 20 individual researchers (nominees) from our participating research institutions to realise their potential – build strong research careers, empower excellent teams, win funding and collaborate internationally.

Duration of Program: 2 years

How to Apply: Before starting your application, please read through all the information supplied.
  • Download the application packages (Links in the Program Webpage below)
  • Submit your form and supporting documents to AREF (aref@mrf.mrc.ac.uk), copying in jajallow@mrc.gm (AREF Senior Administrative Assistant) by 4pm of 15 March 2018.
Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: AREF

The OXFAM Scandal Got Worse When They Tried to Do Things Right

Patrick Cockburn

The news agenda is dominated by melodramatic scandals that act as simplified versions of reality in which roles are allocated to accusers, victims, perpetrators and those condemned for failing to prevent wrong-doing. A few scandals are rooted in reality, such as those focused on Harvey Weinstein or Jimmy Saville, but others are becoming ever more exaggerated or phoney.
The media knows a good story when it sees one, regardless of whether it is true or false. It is interesting how the same characteristics crop in each scandal, however different they might at first appear: the most dubious sources of information are treated as credible; these sources gain the status of “victims” whom it is forbidden to criticise; the accusations against the person or institution under attack are vague, multiple and toxic; the trivial or shaky nature of the original crime is forgotten as the scandal is spiced up with claims of a cover-up, something which can never be wholly disproved even by the most thorough going disclosure.
There is a high degree of hypocrisy in the media pretence that it is duty-bound to report the most unlikely and obviously partisan allegations. In fact, it loves these stories of gladiatorial combat between angels and devils, though the scenario has often been concocted for partisan political purposes. The aim of any PR or propaganda person is to create stories that they know the press will be unable to leave alone. Fabricating a scandal is not difficult: an example of this is Hillary Clinton, who was cumulatively damaged by a series of fake scandals: the Whitewater real estate scandal in the 1990s from which she made no money; her use of a private email account that revealed no secrets; and the absurd attempt to hold her responsible for the murder of the US ambassador in Benghazi in 2012. As with most fake scandals, the aim was to slide away from any substantive charges but create a general belief among voters that she was slippery and evasive.
In Britain most scandals have a sexual element, but allegations of a cover-up are now so prevalent that anybody is vulnerable, however innocent. Even the most bizarre accusations are taken seriously. Take two recent cases: in 2015, the Church of England announced that George Bell, one of the most distinguished Anglican bishops of the twentieth century, famous for his principled criticism of the carpet bombing of German cities in the Second World War, was denounced by his own church for sexually abusing a child some 63 years previously. Having died in 1958, he could not defend himself and the accusation came from a single woman, “Carol”, while nobody else had complained about his behaviour. Yet without any real evidence being produced, the church decided to say it believed her, paid compensation and denigrated one of its most highly regarded members.
An independent inquiry was established by Justin Welby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, which found that the original report was shoddy and ill-informed. This should have elicited an apology from Archbishop to the memory of Bishop Bell since there was no evidence that he had done anything wrong. But Welby was evidently more frightened of being accused of a “cover-up” in defending Bell and did no such thing.
Instead, the Archbishop agreed that Bell has great achievements to his name – such as looking after Jewish children in flight from the Holocaust and helping German Christians resist Hitler – but it turned out that a single unsupported allegation made 50 years after the event outweighed this. “We realise that a significant cloud is left over his name,” said the Archbishop, adding that Bell had been accused of great wickedness.
There are echoes here of the psychology and behaviour that fuelled the great witch craze in Europe of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, during which anybody who did not support the most crazed allegations of the witch-finders feared the accusation that they themselves were complicit with the witches.
The same point is made by the story of another pretended scandal even more bizarre than that of Bishop Bell. This time the accuser, called “Nick”, claimed that he had been the victim of a VIP paedophile ring operating from the Carlton Club and an apartment block called Dolphin Square in London. Members of the supposed ring included Edward Heath and Leon Britain, the former Home Secretary, along with Field Marshall Lord Bramall. The ring, according to Nick, had murdered three boys, one of whom was knifed by an MP. The Metropolitan Police opened an investigation which found these allegations “credible and true”, despite a complete lack of evidence other than from Nick himself. The police even held a press conference in 2015 outside Heath’s old home in Salisbury appealing for his victims to come forward.
Why should such obvious nonsense receive such publicity? In part, because the press and public alike enjoy stories in which members of the establishment are unmasked as child molesters. But such is the merciless nature of modern scandal generation that few dare defend those who should be very defensible such as Bishop Bell, Edward Heath or Oxfam.
Those accused in such cases are in a particularly vulnerable position because it is difficult to disprove a fantasy, particularly if the accusation is lurid and disgusting. Those targeted know that even the most convincing denial will simply give the story legs and further damage their reputations.
The Oxfam “sex scandal” is the product of much the same script that has produced fake or exaggerated scandals in the past. The media has been lapping it up because it has all the elements of the classic British scandal, including the claim that high moral issue is involved.
There is a strong defence for Oxfam which is that the offences of which a small number of their staff accused are relatively trivial and have, as far as I can tell, not increased the sum of human misery in Haiti or anywhere else. Prostitution in the island is the result of the terrible poverty, not the availability of aid workers as clients. Most of the media revelations about Oxfam’s failings in Haiti come in any case from the aid agency’s own report, but critics have used this copiously as a stick to beat Oxfam, then turn round and accuse it of a “cover-up”, though most of the contents of the report were published by the BBC in 2011.
The hypocrisy is breathtaking: had Oxfam not reacted so quickly to allegation of bad behaviour by its staff in Haiti, there would have been no report and probably no scandal. Instead, it sent an expert investigation team, identified those responsible for misbehaviour and dismissed them. It did all this in the middle of a cholera epidemic which was to kill 7,500 and which Oxfam was trying to stem. Had it not done so, and had there been no report, it would not be in such trouble now.
Senior Oxfam figures tried briefly to defend themselves on the rational grounds that they had done little wrong and much right, but such a defence is not acceptable when the public mood is one of undiluted self-righteousness. They rightly concluded that they were much better off firing off volleys of apologies and showing extreme contrition for their over-exaggerated failings. One day the Oxfam scandal, along with those that denigrated Hillary Clinton, Edward Heath and Bishop Bell, will be recognised as the fake that it is.

Haiti And The Contradiction Of Rich People’s Charity

Nick Pemberton

Oxfam, one of the biggest charities in Britain, has been exposed for hiring prostitutes, losing millions of dollars and practicing an overall secrecy that leaves the public with more questions than answers about the good they are doing in less industrialized nations. I am always weary of the nationalist isolationist right, and it is mostly because they aren’t isolationists. Donald Trump spewed the rhetoric of an isolationist but he hasn’t exactly been one. He may not believe in the ultimate goodness of NATO. He is right to have a critique but he almost stumbles on this one accidentally. He doesn’t believe that anyone would want, or should want to help other people. Hence he strips protections, promotes pipelines and lifts taxes for the rich, all in the name of freedom for those the most greedy and heartless. Anyone else, namely the poor, needs to make like the Donald and embrace criminal self-interest. It is the language he speaks and it is the actions he expects from everyone else, including many of the failed American and Western institutions. Liberals on the other hand are increasingly embracing these failed institutions precisely because Trump does not.
Donald in practice is not an isolationist though. He doesn’t believe in friends but he does believe in enemies. An isolationist wouldn’t be flirting with nuking North Korea. An isolationist wouldn’t talk about “stealing the oil” from Iraq. This past week the U.S. said they won’t give any money to Iraq’s reconstruction. His critique of trade deals is not that that they are disastrous for the environment or that they lower working conditions (especially for countries with less protections for their workers). Rather he says that America is getting ripped off. This mirrors his sentiment that the American white working class is being left behind because of liberal diversity at home.
Charities like Oxfam recognize that Donald is wrong and that countries like Haiti are suffering more than ones like the United States or Britain. They though still assume that they (the West) are part of the solution rather than the reason for the problem itself. This is not to say I am against wealth distribution per se. As our financial system collapsed, it was Wall St. who was bailed out. That money should have gone to poor people. The argument against welfare, reparations, and more recently a universal basic income, is that it is a handout that doesn’t allow people to grow on their own. Nonsense. Half the country is living paycheck to paycheck. How on earth is anybody supposed to “grow” or achieve “freedom” in such a state.
The problem though for Oxfam and others is that there is so often no such thing as a free lunch. What the Oxfam scandal shows is that these organizations are about power as much as anything else. Because of the weight of currency in poorer nations a person traveling there is almost always much richer than they were back home. There comes along with this a savior complex that believes that the laws, language and customs of the country you are “saving” are not for you. And a mentality that there are few laws at all for you because of your privileged status. There is also the cruel reality that these nations are so often in so much trouble that they have little power to say no to someone who wishes to help, no matter how many strings are attached.
In my experience in Ghana last year foreigners were always doing more harm than good. Fellow study abroad students hired prostitutes. One filmed and shared online a woman’s birth that he was supposed to be assisting on. One tried to steal a car but failed to get out of the driveway because it was a stick shift. Clubs featured rich old fat white men in the corner with their young black prostitutes.
Foreign aid on its own is not a bad idea. It is necessary. But why is it necessary? It is because the wars fought in the name of democracy are about making money. The threat of war is always present for those poorer countries who don’t cooperate with unfair trade deals between countries. I remember my professor in Ghana talking about Ghana basically giving away oil to the United States right now in exchange for peaceful relations. Who could deny this after the statement Trump openly said about Iraq? Dick Cheney’s organization Halliburton is another recent example. So when rich countries do give aid it is a public gesture that attempts to shield what they are doing with the other hand. And when aid is given, often to countries held hostage, it comes with strings attached.
There is also something inherent in these charity organizations that is anti-democratic. Having outsiders come in who don’t understand the community is a problem, especially when they bring cholera with them. We would be better off giving skilled people from these communities incentives to stay at home. There is a large brain drain from poorer countries that is hardly addressed by sending some foreigners back. On the other hand dying people in war zones like Yemen and Syria surely wouldn’t want to hear an argument about their doctors being too “privileged” to help. The broader issue of course is that the West gives with one hand and takes much more with the other. If charity from the rich worked there would no longer be rich people.
Some people make a profit off of of these misadventures but even for those that don’t there is a lack of faith in the countries we interfere in. We don’t believe that countries like Haiti have the right or the wisdom to figure things out for their own people. Instead we choose to trust our own military-industrial complex who overthrow leaders because they are disobedient to the U.S., with no regard of their popularity among the people they represent.
Until it is evident across the board that richer countries do more good than harm through their presence in poorer countries it may be best not to not interfere at all. As the saying goes, if you don’t have anything nice to say… It is not surprising that organizations like Oxfam, who operate on the assumption that they are above the people they are helping turned out to abuse the people in disadvantaged communities. Let’s not forget that the rationale for most colonialism and imperialist is social reform. In reality colonialism and imperialism operate as for profit ventures that seek to control and exploit poorer people. Should we buy into “reforming” charity work in Haiti and other places? Not with the actors involved.
The best ways to help poorer countries would be to establish fair trade that did not rely on force. It would be to to not have a military presence in these countries. It would mean polluting less, as our mass consumption in the West has led to chaotic environmental conditions elsewhere. It would mean providing financial incentives for doctors and other high-skilled workers from disadvantaged countries to work where they were born. It would mean to stop expanding our global corporations into these countries, as we take away from local means to make a living when we do this. It would mean accepting far more immigrants and refugees. It would mean not to starve people through sanctions. It would mean ridding the world of nuclear weapons. It wouldmean creating partnerships rather than relationships of dependence. And above all, it would mean distancing ourselves from the assumption that the poor can be saved by their oppressors.
Until all of these things happen power seeking charities will continue to have their role for better or worse. Arrogance and abuse by charities are not surprising given the differences in power they depend on. Still, to abandon the poor because of mistakes by the rich is unfair. The question though is what can we do to help besides charity? How can we move beyond relationships of dependence where abuse is inevitable? Are we even interested in this question? For the contradiction behind all charity is that the moment it works it is no longer needed.
Haiti is the most depressing example of this paradox. 9 billion dollars and 10,000 charities headed to Haiti after their earthquake. The relationships between actors are still the same. There are those who suffer and those who save.