Aparupa Bhattacherjee
Research Officer, SEARP, IPCS
The nationwide census that was carried out from March
to May 2014 in Myanmar was an essential step in the
country’s preparation for the 2015 general elections.
The previous census was held 31 years ago in 1983,
under the military junta government. Thus, a new
census was essential. However, the census-conducting
process and the subsequent results may lead to the
already volatile social situation in Myanmar flaring up.
The census process has therefore led to severe criticism
of the government both from within and outside the
country.
Why is Myanmar’s 2014 census controversial? Why is
the process aggravating existing tensions in the
country’s society?
The Ethno-linguistic Mosaic of Myanmar's Society
The Myanmarese society is divided into several ethnic
and linguistic groups. Some ethnic groups belong to
specific regions – such as the Shan community of the
Shan province, the Kachin community of Kachin
province, and the Karen community of Karen province, to
name a few. These people are therefore referred to as
taingyinthar (literally sons of the geographical division)
in the Burmese language. These groups are further
divided into several other sub-groups. Sub-divisions
exist on the basis of clans, villages, languages, religious
groups, and other criteria. As a result, there are several
individuals who identify themselves with more than one
identity. For instance, an ethnic Kachin can also be a
’Maru’ or ’Rawang’ choosing their church groups.
Furthermore, internal migration and inter-ethnic
marriages have resulted in the blending of several ethnic
identities. Such a mix has led to the formation of
perceived identities. An ethnic a Karen by birth might
not identify himself/herself as Karen but with the
identity that the person has gained through marriage/
residence in a region for a long time – generating a
perceived identity. Children born of alliance between
people from two different ethnic groups might identify
themselves with both the ethnic groups, and or to the
region they have settled in.
The Census Fuel to the Ethnic Fire
The 2014 census has either failed to recognise the
complexity of the ethno-linguistic fabric of the
Myanmarese society or has tried to oversimplify it. The
census form allows a person to choose only one ethnic
identity. This has invited confusion and anger among
the citizenry due to the aforementioned reasons. This
issue will have political implications, given how many
supporters of ethnic political parties might choose their
sub-groups instead of their overarching ethnic identity in
the forms. This will affect the strength of the ethnicity-
based political parties.
Furthermore, the 2014 census form, like the one in 1983,
identifies 135 taingyinthar ethnic groups; and each
group is further divided into different categories.
However, different ethnic groups with no connections
have carelessly been clubbed together under one ethnic
group. For example, several groups in Shan provinces –
such as the Palaung, Lahu and Intha – are listed as
sub-groups of the Shan ethnic group; but they are
neither similar to the Shan group not to each other.
This carelessness has agitated the ethnic groups.
Additionally, the ongoing conflict in Kachin and Shan
provinces has disallowed the census from being
conducted in the whole of the former, and parts of the
latter. The conflict between the Kachin Independence
Army and the Tatmadaw has resulted in some residents
migrating to China and some having to shift to
Internally Displaced People’s (IDP) camps. This hence
fuels fears that that the census will be unfair. This has
also been inferred as ploy by the government that
comprises mainly of ethnic Barmars to misrepresent
percentage of the minorities. This will also lead to the
over-representation of the Barmars who are already the
majority 60 per cent (according to the previous census)
and the under-representation of those ethnic groups
whose members have either migrated to neighbouring
countries or settled in the IDP camps.
Several non-ethnic groups in Myanmar, such as the
Panthay Muslims, Gurkhas, people of Indian origin, and
those others who have lived in the country for centuries
and are in large numbers, did not find a mention in the
form. They had to register themselves either in the
‘others’ category or according to the country of their
origin – thus angering these groups. The situation is
the same for the Rohingyas. Earlier, in March,
Naypyidaw announced the prohibition on using the term
‘Rohingya’ and made them register as ‘Bengalis’ in the
census form. This action not only denied the Rohingyas
their identity but also ratified the Buddhist radicals’
demand that the term Rohingya should not be included
in the census form.
Ominous Implications
The census result that is scheduled to be declared in
early 2015 might lead to the further violence. According
to the previous census, there were only four per cent
Muslims in Myanmar, and any increase in this
percentage may lead to escalation of violence by
Buddhist radicals. Moreover, the result may also
highlight the gradual process of the ethnic cleansing of
the Rohingya people. A national census is essential for
the comprehensive development of every country.
However, in Myanmar, it appears to be ringing the
warning bells.
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