D Suba Chandran
Most of the immediate reaction to the just concluded J&K Assembly
election has been on its nature and the outcome. True, the verdict is
fractured. But what caused it? Is the divided mandate a manifestation of
a deeper issue that we have to focus more, than on who will form the
government and who support it? What is the Big Picture that is evolving
and what it means for the future stability of the State and its people?
Shujaat Bukhari titled his column as the “Fractured Mandate” and The
Hindu editorial called it as a “Fragmented Verdict”. National newspapers
referred the election results in the following phrases: “Jammu goes the
saffron way”; “From a small fry, BJP emerges as major player in state”;
and “No easy Options for PDP, BJP”. All these reflect perhaps a reality
or a new beginning. The larger question is, what does this portend for
J&K and how did this development emerge? Since an eventful year is
coming to an end, it will be useful to do a retrospect and make a
forecast on why it had happened and what it means.
Statistically, the BJP has swept the Jammu region, with an exception in
few constituencies especially in Poonch district. From Bani, Basholi and
Kathua to Chhamb, Akhnoor and Nowshera, the BJP has swept the region.
However, further west, the story is different in Rajouri, Poonch,
Mendhar and Surankote. PDP has captured Rajouri and Poonch, while
Mendhar and Surankote have been won by the NC and Congress.
Similarly, there has been a sweep in Bhaderwah-Ramban-Kishtwar belt by
the BJP. However, north of Ramban, across the Banihal, it is a different
story in Kashmir Valley. The PDP has regained its support base in
Kashmir Valley; in fact, had it not been for the boycott call and less
polling in Sringar during the last elections, the PDP would have won
more seats in 2008 itself.
Across the mighty Zoji La, there is yet another story in Kargil and Leh.
The constituencies of Zanskar, Kargil, Leh and Nubra won by candidates
who are independent or belonging to the Congress also tell a story.
Besides the bad performance of National Conference and Congress, which
was expected, rejection of the Panthers Party and the emergence of
Lone’s JKPC in north Kashmir, what do the recent elections signify?
Do the recent elections and its fractured mandate reflect a clear
regional divide and a communal fault line in J&K? If the answer is
an unfortunate yes, than the first big challenge for any party that
forms the government is to address this divide. Why has the BJP that has
swept the rest of Jammu region failed in Poonch and Rajouri? Why has
PDP that has been the most successful in Valley, failed to repeat its
performance outside it, except for few constituencies across the Pir
Panjal? Any why has Ladakh neither preferred the BJP nor the PDP? This
divide on regional and communal basis, perhaps is the biggest threat to
the future of J&K.
The civil societies within J&K will have to ponder the larger
implications of the election results, than narrowly focussing on whether
PDP will align with BJP, or form the government with support from
Congress and NC. The primary issue facing the political parties in
J&K is not their ideology, or whether it helps or prevent from
forming the next government. The big picture is how to address the
looming threat, which has ended up in producing a hung verdict.
Non-addressal of the real cause, and looking at only managing its
manifestation will only produce political instability and future hung
assemblies. When did a party command a simple majority in J&K? Why
has the State produced a series of hung assemblies in the last three
elections? The answers remain elsewhere; the hung assembly is only a
manifestation of a deeper problem, and just should not be seen as a
Saffron Wave, or Modi sweep, or PDP resurgence.
Second major issue facing the new government in J&K and relatively another new one in New Delhi, is to break the political cycle between the State and Union governments. The issue is not whether the government in J&K is a coalition partner of the government in New Delhi; it is rather, how the two governments work in tandem in breaking the cycle of non-movement in crucial issues. Successful elections in J&K, formation of government, promise of movement between New Delhi and J&K, some movements and slogans on cross-LoC CBMs, stalemate, slow performance (if not non-performance) of the government within J&K, disappointment, and the breakdown – has been the general pattern in the last fifteen years.
How to break the above cycle, and pursue a straight path? If the civil societies within J&K will have to come together to address the imbalance question within J&K, the civil societies in J&K and the rest of India will have to come together and discuss how to break the set pattern. Unfortunately, not only the political parties, even the civil societies on both sides of the Lakhanpur border post have invented myths that suit their narrative and does not understand the other.
Second major issue facing the new government in J&K and relatively another new one in New Delhi, is to break the political cycle between the State and Union governments. The issue is not whether the government in J&K is a coalition partner of the government in New Delhi; it is rather, how the two governments work in tandem in breaking the cycle of non-movement in crucial issues. Successful elections in J&K, formation of government, promise of movement between New Delhi and J&K, some movements and slogans on cross-LoC CBMs, stalemate, slow performance (if not non-performance) of the government within J&K, disappointment, and the breakdown – has been the general pattern in the last fifteen years.
How to break the above cycle, and pursue a straight path? If the civil societies within J&K will have to come together to address the imbalance question within J&K, the civil societies in J&K and the rest of India will have to come together and discuss how to break the set pattern. Unfortunately, not only the political parties, even the civil societies on both sides of the Lakhanpur border post have invented myths that suit their narrative and does not understand the other.
Rest of India blissfully thinks that a successful election in J&K
means the rejection of separatism and terrorism. Peace is measured in
terms of absence of violence and the number of people killed or not
killed in a day. On the other hand, J&K, especially the Valley is
angry about anything and everything and points finger at New Delhi on
every ills, with less or no introspection. Both the societies have
created an artificial screen with inward looking script, reinforced by
their own media perpetuating the monologue about each other. For the
agencies and political parties, such a difference and screen fits their
primary narrative and prevent them from breaking the cycle.
Else, there will be more Standing Committees, Working Groups and
Interlocutors, running in a cyclical path. Perhaps, this is where the
media, think tanks, research institutes and Universities could come in,
and even join hands in preparing a framework, that would break the above
cycle. Unfortunately, the above institutions – be it in J&K or in
New Delhi, have been critiquing whatever is happening, without
succeeding in providing an alternative. And the civil societies within
J&K and across Lakhanpur post get carried away by daily developments
and miss the big picture.
Let us sincerely hope, researchers and columnists do not have to write a
similar commentary next December on our ability to break the cycle.
There have been multiple false starts. Hope the new year and new
governments in J&K and New Delhi achieve a sustainable breakthrough.
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