Patrick Martin
The new Republican chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
Senator Richard Burr of North Carolina, sent a letter last week to the
White House demanding the Obama administration return all copies of the
full report on CIA torture whose executive summary was made public last
month.
The letter to Obama asked that “all copies of the full and final
report in the possession of the executive branch be returned
immediately,” according to several press reports. The request is
unprecedented in relations between the legislative and executive branch,
where historically it is usually the legislature seeking more
information and the executive branch declining to provide it.
In this case, the legislative branch is seeking to recall (and likely
suppress) copies of a report which the new majority in the Senate
regards as too critical of the CIA and too revealing of the methods
employed by the intelligence agency in its brutal interrogations of
prisoners at secret “black site” facilities in Europe and Asia, as well
as at Guantanamo Bay.
The Senate Intelligence Committee produced a 6,900-page report on the
CIA torture program, which still remains completely secret. The
512-page executive summary was released last month, albeit with
extensive redactions, along with dissenting opinions by the Republican
minority on the panel and by the CIA itself.
While official Washington and the corporate-controlled media have
largely shelved the report, after an initial flurry of publicity, the
executive summary has become a best seller with the American public.
When a small publisher brought out the executive summary as a paperback
book December 31, the entire 50,000-copy press run was sold out the
first day, making a second press run necessary to meet the demand.
Senator Burr did not give any public explanation for seeking the
return of copies of the full report, but press accounts suggested that
he was seeking to put the document out of reach of requests under the
Freedom of Information Act, which applies to the executive branch but
not to Congress.
The White House, the CIA, the FBI and other executive branch agencies
have occasionally been forced to divulge documents under court order
following FOIA lawsuits filed by news organizations or civil liberties
groups.
Restricting the number of copies circulating in Washington would also
make it less likely that the document would be leaked to the press.
Burr has defended the brutal practices employed by CIA interrogators,
including waterboarding, sadistic beatings, sodomizing prisoners
through “rectal rehydration”, and lengthy sleep deprivation. He has also
denounced the Intelligence Committee report’s conclusion that CIA
officials lied to both Congress and the White House about the torture
program and its results.
The Republican senator has adamantly opposed any investigation into
CIA crimes since he joined the Intelligence Committee. He was once
quoted saying that he opposed any public hearings of any kind on the
activities of the US intelligence apparatus, on grounds of “national
security.”
In his letter to Obama, Burr said that he considered the report “to
be highly classified and a committee sensitive document,” and insisted
that it “should not be entered into any executive branch system of
records.”
Burr also indicated he would return to the CIA an internal CIA
document, dubbed the “Panetta review.” This document was a 1,000-page
internal review of the torture program prepared for Leon Panetta, then
the director of the CIA, in 2010. According to those who have read it,
the Panetta review contradicts the public posture of the CIA that the
torture program was consistent with international law and effective in
gaining intelligence on future terrorist attacks.
Senate committee staff came across the Panetta review in the course
of the examination of more than 6 million pages of CIA material on the
torture program. The agency had intended to withhold this document from
the committee, even though the panel is supposed to exercise legislative
oversight over the operations of the intelligence agencies, and the
Panetta review was clearly relevant to the committee investigation.
The Panetta review became the occasion for further CIA crimes, as the
agency assigned a group of five agents to find out how the Senate
committee staff had gained access to the document. These agents
conducted surveillance of the Senate panel’s computer system, including
email exchanges. Senator Dianne Feinstein, then the committee’s
chairman, denounced this surveillance as illegal and unconstitutional in
a speech last March on the floor of the Senate.
CIA Director John Brennan initially denied the spying on the Senate
committee had taken place but was later forced to admit it and issue an
apology to the committee. The whole matter was then swept under the rug,
with a CIA review panel deciding earlier this month that no charges
would be brought against any of the five agents.
Now the new Republican chairman of the committee plans to return the Panetta review to the CIA, burying the issue for good.
Several Democratic members of the Intelligence Committee publicly
opposed Burr’s actions. Feinstein issued a statement January 20 saying,
“I strongly disagree that the administration should relinquish copies of
the full committee study, which contains far more detailed records than
the public executive summary.”
Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon said returning the document would “aid
defenders of torture who are seeking to cover up the facts and rewrite
the historical record.”
However, these Democrats all accepted the countless redactions
demanded by the CIA in the executive summary, with the support of the
White House, and have rubber-stamped Obama’s decision that neither the
CIA torturers nor the White House and Justice Department officials who
approved the torture program would be prosecuted.
Feinstein, Wyden & Co. agreed from the very beginning to focus
the investigation solely on the CIA itself, and leave out President
Bush, Vice President Cheney, and other top officials who ordered and
sanctioned torture and created the spurious legal rationales for it.
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