Thabo Seseane
On Sunday, two victims were found shot to death in Langlaagte,
Johannesburg, following a spate of attacks on foreign shop-owners in
Gauteng beginning January 19.
According to the South African Police Services (SAPS), a group of
people looted a foreign-owned spaza (tuck-shop, or candy store) in
Langlaagte and set another building alight. Shots were then fired,
resulting in the death of the two South Africans. The SAPS, who
reportedly found one person on the road and another at Zamimpilo, a
squatter camp near Langlaagte, are investigating a case of arson and
murder.
The looting and violence are in response to the shooting death of
14-year-old Siphiwe Mahori in Snake Park, Soweto. The teen is alleged to
have been part of a group who set upon a shop kept by Somali national
Senosi Yusuf. Mahori died when Yusuf allegedly opened fire on the group.
Dan Mokwena, a 74-year-old Malawian shopkeeper, was attacked and killed as he slept in his shop on January 21. The Star
reports that on the same day, a 19-year-old was shot in Naledi, Soweto,
and declared dead on arrival at hospital. The youth, Nhlanhla Monareng,
was a bystander when police fired into a crowd gathered at a
Pakistani-owned shop.
A baby was trampled to death when a crowd fled from a shop they had
just looted in Kagiso. The group rammed into a young woman who was
carrying the baby. “In that commotion, the baby fell and was trampled by
the fleeing mob,” said SAPS’s Lt.-Gen. Solomon Makgale.
Another bystander, 61-year-old Hendrick Manye, died when a foreign
spaza-owner fired at a crowd stoning the shopkeeper’s premises in
Swaneville, west of Johannesburg, on January 22. According to SABC News,
African National Congress (ANC) veteran Winnie Madikizela-Mandela said
on a visit to Manye’s relatives that it did not make sense for South
Africans to attack shops owned by foreign nationals, whom they accused
of taking away jobs.
Deputy Minister in the Presidency Buti Manamela said the looting
cannot be justified. Manamela, national secretary of the Young Communist
League, the youth wing of the Stalinist South African Communist Party
(SACP), said young people claimed they looted foreign-owned shops to
protect the economy of townships like Soweto. “We should stand up and
say, not in our name,” he blustered. “Crime is crime. You cannot justify
it.”
Such statements are worthless. Manamela and Madikizela-Mandela have
still stuck to the script of the ruling tripartite alliance (the ANC,
SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions) by insisting at
every turn that the violence is merely criminal and not xenophobic. This
is, in turn, an attempt to cover up the scandalous response of the
ruling party to a previous outbreak of xenophobia.
Beginning in settlements like Diepsloot, north of Johannesburg,
residents launched an orgy of looting, raping and killing directed
against foreign traders in 2008. Many of them—in some cases refugees
from war and repression seeking sanctuary in South Africa—lost their
homes and livelihoods to the mobs. The government blamed criminal
elements for the violence.
But in addition to declassed and desperate elements, there is a petty
bourgeois element of South African spaza owners who benefit from
anti-immigrant violence. South African traders have had difficulty in
competing against foreign nationals, who live frugally, pool their
resources, buy in bulk, and are thus able to offer township residents
lower prices for staples and other necessaries. Foreign shopkeepers
thereby save customers the expense of catching a taxi to a mall or
centrally located discounter. They are also known to offer goods on
credit to regular customers.
All this is anathema to local black shopkeepers. It also goes against
the ANC government’s policy of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), which
explicitly excludes foreign nationals and is limited only to South
African blacks, preferably members of the ruling party.
BEE is an anti-poor, bourgeois nationalist policy. With its
extensions, affirmative action and preferential procurement, it relies
on the wealthy middle classes and the most backward working-class
elements to turn South African workers against their foreign
compatriots. In this way, the ruling class seeks to build support for an
economic policy that produces nothing but a thin layer of wealthy
blacks whose existence depends on the redoubled exploitation of black
workers.
With the breakdown of the global capitalist system since 2008, the
government is under pressure to stem the tide of immigration into South
Africa, which has the third highest number of asylum seekers, after the
United States and Germany. According to Clementine Salami, Southern
Africa Regional Representative of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees, asylum seekers in South Africa come mostly from Zimbabwe,
the Democratic Republic of Congo and Ethiopia.
The Supreme Court of Appeal ruled last September that there is no law
preventing refugees and asylum seekers from getting licences to operate
South African spazas. Judge Mohammed Navsa, in delivering the verdict,
chided the SAPS and the government, warning them to “guard against
unwittingly fuelling xenophobia.”
There is nothing unwitting about the anti-immigrant intentions of the
ANC government and those organs of the state it controls. The Supreme
Court of Appeal judgment concerned Operation Hard Stick, an SAPS
initiative which saw 600 spazas closed in Limpopo province, including
licenced ones.
“The appellants asserted that the police often extort bribes and do
not act against South African owned businesses, who are similarly not
licence-compliant,” according to the Supreme Court ruling.
In the current xenophobic outbreak, various media outlets published
photos of SAPS members loitering outside spazas in the process of being
looted. The SAPS says it is investigating those officers.
Anti-immigrant looting and violence have since spread to Diepsloot
and Alexandra, north of Johannesburg. Television news broadcaster eNCA
reports that Gauteng police said a spaza in Alexandra was torched in the
early hours of January 26. By then, 178 suspects (including children
later released) had been arrested, 83 had appeared in the Protea
Magistrates’ Court, and 95 were to appear in court on the same day.
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