Salma Malik
Operation Zarb-e-Azb, launched against militants in North Waziristan by the Pakistani military on 15 June is now entering the second phase of clearing and reclaiming lost spaces. A few days ago, Miranshah, an important city, was 80% reclaimed and for the first time since the launch of the operation, the press corps was allowed a guided tour of the place. The Operation was on the cards for a very long time and a recent interview of the previous military spokesperson in which he hinted an intentional delay by the previous military chief, has added to the list of controversies as to why this decision took so long to be set into motion.
The public sentiment was unanimously against the militants and terrorists and heavily in favour of a Sri Lanka type operation that brought down the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Eelam, without realising the pros and cons of the problem.
Simultaneously, a faction comprising the clergy,
their supporters and empathisers as well as
political parties pitched dialogue with the angry
and disgruntled brethren as a means to appease
and bring them back in the mainstream.
Though the collateral part couldn’t more be
accurate, since the 1980s Afghan war, Pakistan has undergone a drastic transformation, which has affected the entire socio-political, economic and cultural fabric of the society. The decision-makers of the Cold War days, judging the geopolitical developments, made critical but misinformed decisions which served well in short term but proved disastrous in the long term. Resultantly, two generations have paid a heavy price for the militancy and terrorism that haunts their daily lives. Therefore, the argument that this is not our war is as far from the truth as the US’ initial claims of innocence over state failure in Afghanistan.
The elected leadership initially favoured and opted
for an almost unconditional dialogue with the
Tehrik–i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) operating in the
concerned area alone, against stiff public uproar
and opposition from political parties and concerned
quarters. In one sense, the offer and opening a
channel for dialogue was a good tactical measure;
but it had two severe consequences: the military
lost precious time and the militants gained
advantage and crossed over to safer areas across
border or any other place of choice, with their men
and firepower. The militants, as they gained time,
took the inaction and a general lack of consensus
in the political ranks as a sign of weakness and
inflicted heavy damages which included the mass
killing of 26 captured security personnel, and
mounted attacks on Karachi Airport.
Any harboured illusions have since been laid to
rest and since mid-June, the Pakistani armed
forces are engaged in the military operation. With
30,000 troops committed to clear militant
sanctuaries, strongholds and hideouts from the two
main areas of Miranshah and Mirali, the task at
hand has been enormous. The timing was bad,
given that summer could not be more unsuitable
for the troops, compounded by the beginning of the
Islamic month of Ramzan within a fortnight of the
operation.
The herculean task of evacuation and safe passage
to the local population, whose numbers according
to the available data was around 500,000 but by
now the authorities have a registered a figure
around 833, 274 people. Furthermore, Pakistani
authorities, after repeated requests, managed to
secure the Hamid Karzai government in Kabul’s
cooperation in sealing the border – especially in
Nuristan and Kunar provinces, and also disallow
sanctuaries to fleeing militants on Afghan soil; but
this arrangement now appears in jeopardy after a
fatal strike from the Afghan side on a Pakistani
military patrol, claiming several lives.
The resolve with which the military is dealing this
decisive blow is evident to all, but not without
skeptics and criticism. The prime criticism is that
the military strike occurred too late in the day,
allowing an easy and timely escape to the main
culprits. Yet, the zero tolerance policy towards the
TTP and its local or foreign affiliates is what was
long needed. In the absence of an embedded
media, the only narrative available is the military’s.
In response, the military provided a guided tour of
the 80% cleared town of Miranshah to the media.
Will the military operation be sufficient in flushing
out the militants and the larger issue of terrorism?
Definitely not. This is just one aspect of the larger
nationwide effort, which needs to tackle militant
strongholds and nurseries in other parts of the
country; check the inflow of money and support
these actors receive from all quarters; maintain a
zero tolerance approach, and strengthen
governance, law and order as well as judicial
protocols in handling such issues. This won’t be
easy, given how despite a public demand for stiffer
security measures, the Protection of Pakistan
ordinance (POPO) has met with enormous
criticism. To date, the authorities remain indecisive
over the placement of the National Counter-
terrorism Authority.
At the moment, the greater challenge is the
assistance and finally rehabilitation and
resettlement of the Internally Displaced Persons,
supplemented by developing infrastructure and
self-sustaining institutional mechanisms for the
affected population. It is high time the government breaks old great game buffer myths, abolish the British made FCR, and accord full provincial status to the seven agencies. The success of the Operation will carry positive dividends for both Pakistan and Afghanistan. There is a need to stand united for a sustained, stable and peaceful future that can help assure prosperity and better regional relations.
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